The pre-monsoon season of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/republicans-and-royalists-on-nepal-s-streets">street upheaval</a> is upon us, and as public frustration builds up there is pressure once more on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-government-changes-again">Nepal’s revolving political leadership</a> to switch partners.
There has hardly been a day in the past month when Kathmandu’s main intersections have not been blocked by royal rallies, teacher’s marches, doctors’ demos, sit-ins by victims of cooperatives scams, and even the ruling UML last week staged its own show of youth force.
In the middle of all this is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/oli-s-oscillations">Prime Minister K P Oli</a>, who assures us that all is well. He is sounding more and more like Emperor Nero.
The street demonstrations by various professions are about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-s-corruption-carousel">corruption</a>, bad governance, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/job-insecurity-in-security-forces">job insecurity</a>, and unsustainable wages, but the general public finds resonance in the anger.
Teachers had been on warpath for a month, demanding that Parliament pass the School Education Bill for salaries and benefits on par with<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/nepals-uncivil-servants"> civil servants </a>and other reforms. &nbsp;
As it stands, Education Minister Bidhya Bhattarai of the UML had resigned last week following disagreements with Oli over meeting teachers’ demands. Earlier, Binda Pandey and Ushakiran Timalsina were suspended for daring to challenge Oli for taking a tycoon’s donation of real estate for the party office.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/class-act?%2F">Class Act</a>, Shristi Karki
However, on Wednesday, the teachers called off their protest after negotiating a nine-point deal with the government, warning that they would resume demonstrations if the agreements were not implemented.
The Nepal Medical Association has shut down non-essential medical services in solidarity with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/grass-is-greener-overseas-for-nepals-doctors">resident doctors</a> in private hospitals who are demanding stipends on par with government facilities.
For months, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of cooperatives and loan sharks </a>have come to Kathmandu from all over the country to demand <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/justice-delayed-justice-denied-byrx8a1c">justice and compensation</a>. The government has formed multiple committees, signed many agreements, passed an ordinance to return their money, but relevant laws have languished.&nbsp;
All agitating groups have been given the runaround by successive governments led by the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/new-year-revolutions">three main parties</a>. Indeed, Oli, the NC’s Sher Bahadur Dueba, and Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Centre have &nbsp;reached multi-point agreements with teachers, doctors, and victims of fraud to address their grievances. But they were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/cop27-empty-promises-and-funding-failures">empty promises</a>.
And now that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/14-years-after-conflict-no-closure-in-nepal">the Maoists </a>are in the opposition, Dahal is using the street protests to drive a wedge in the ruling coalition. In fact, the only issue uniting all three parties so far is their objection to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-ghost-of-monarchy-returns-to-haunt-nepal">reinstate a Hindu monarchy</a> — although sections of the NC seem to be fence-sitting. &nbsp;
In Baluwatar, Oli issues directives to his ministers to hold marathon meetings with protesting groups even while some coalition partners in the NC question his handling of the demonstrations.
Haggling between the NC and UML on the appointment of the new Rastra Bank governor and appointments to the Constitutional Commission have widened the fissures within the coalition.
Various factions of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/republicans-and-royalists-on-nepal-s-streets">pro-monarchy groups</a> have also been holding different street rallies, including for the release of the royalist <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-party-reincarnating-hindu-monarchy">Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP)</a> leaders who were arrested following<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/a-tale-of-two-deaths"> the violent pro-monarchy protest in Tinkune last month</a>.
Nepal Police have released some detained RPP leaders but former journalist and party senior vice-president Rabindra Mishra remains in police custody, as does Durga Prasai, the business tycoon whom <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tell-me-what-the-common-man-is-thinking">ex-king Gyanendra</a> had appointed to lead the Tinkune rally.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-deja-vu-on-black-friday">Nepal’s déjà vu on Black Friday</a>, Sonia Awale
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-politics">Nepalis across the political spectrum</a> have condemned the continued detention and police treatment of Mishra, calling him a prisoner of conscience.
At another demonstration in Balkhu last week, the RPP criticised the government for not allowing peaceful march at the city centre.
“A <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/stemming-asia-s-democratic-decay">democratic state </a>must give citizens the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-has-press-freedom-but-no-freedom-after-press">right to assemble and express their opinions</a>, and to create public spaces where they can practice those views,” says Taranath Dahal of Freedom Forum.&nbsp;
Added Dahal: “Open platforms were established in Nepal for its citizens to be able to voice their opposition even during <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17889">authoritarian systems</a>. But in an established republic where <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/no-freedom-after-expression">freedom of expression</a> is considered a fundamental right, we see an erosion of the public space.”
Shristi Karki

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The Juggler

<figure><img width="1000" height="720" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/637209a29c7e80680e0b5553jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Devi Sunar and her adopted daughter Maina in front of the picture of Devi’s late daughter Maina who was only 14 when she was tortured and killed by the Royal Nepal Army. Photo: GULIGO JIA.</figcaption></figure>These days, every other day seems like an anniversary of one of the more famous crimes committed during the insurgency years. Today marks 18 years since 14-year-old Maina Sunar was <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/02/17/remembering-maina/">detained and murdered by the Royal Nepal Army</a> in Panchkhal of Kavre District.At the peak of the Maoist War, Maina’s case became a symbol of the human rights violations perpetrated by both sides in the decade-long conflict. Nearly two decades later, her mother Devi is <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2013/02/16/still-waiting/">still fighting for justice</a> for the extrajudicial killing of her daughter.Unable to access official channels, Devi has written an open letter asking Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to uphold rule of law and respect the Court’s decision.'My daughter would have been 33 this year. I had many dreams for her, as I am sure you do too about your son. Everything was robbed from me and my family. Although I won’t be able to bring my daughter back, and nothing could repair that loss, I want to see those responsible brought to justice,' the letter reads.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-unpunished-war-crimes/">Nepal's unpunished war crimes</a>, Sabita AdhikariShe continues: 'This will give a sense of security and hope, not only to me and my family, but also to hundreds of victims who suffered from similar losses during the armed conflict.'On 17 February 2004, an army patrol looking for Devi detained Maina and her brother for interrogation as a suspected Maoist. Soon after, she disappeared, never to return. Her brother was however sent back. For three years, Sunar’s family kept looking for Maina, having known that she was taken by the soldiers. <img width="400" height="406" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/637209a49c7e80680e0b5554jpeg.jpg" alt="">It was later revealed that Maina was <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/313/FromtheNepaliPress/12418#.Yg5Dse5Bz0s">electrocuted to death</a> on the same night as retribution for her mother Devi’s vocal criticism of the Army’s involvement in the murder of her niece, Reena Rasaili, accused of being a Maoist supporter.Under pressure from international rights groups, the Army set up a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=9966#.Yg5DxO5Bz0s">court of inquiry</a> to investigate the incident and the accused Colonel Bobby Khatri, Captain Sunil Prasad Adhikari and Amit Pun were sentenced to six months imprisonment, fined Rs50,000 and faced a ban on future promotions.But Devi did not think the punishment was commensurate with the crime and filed a case in the civil court. During this time, with help from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) and the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOHCHR), Maina’s body was exhumed from Panchkhal barracks.On 16 April 2017, after a thirteen-year-long legal battle, the District Court Kavre found three army officers guilty of murdering Maina but they have not been arrested or punished.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/still-missing-but-not-forgotten/">Still looking for dad missing in Nepa</a>l, Anita BhetwalIn her letter, Devi has questioned the existence of two commissions set up to investigate war crimes, the Disappearance Commission and the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/conflict-victims-fear-TRC-only-serves-interests-of-state,2042">Truth and Reconciliation Commission</a> that have little to show in the way of delivering transitional justice.In fact, successive governments made up of former enemies the state has used the commissions to do their bidding and cover up their war crimes. Moreover, the Supreme Court’s order to amend the Transitional Justice Act mechanism is yet to be implemented.'Dear Prime Minister, I have promised my daughter that unless I bring those perpetrators to justice, I won’t rest. The remains of my daughter are still in the Teaching Hospital, and I am not able to perform her last rituals pending the implementation of the court’s decision,' concludes the letter. 'I am waiting to see your commitment to protecting victims instead of perpetrators and respecting court orders to ensure the rule of law in the country.'Read more: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16781#.Yg5HPu5Bz0s">Open Wounds</a>, Mallika Aryal

'She would have been 33 this year'

<figure><img width="1000" height="716" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/6372049d9c7e80680e0b286fjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Image from a series by Chinese photographer Guligo Jia’s exhibition of ‘reunions’ of people with family members they lost in the war projected in the wall behind them. Here, Suman Adhikari is photographed with an old photograph of his father Muktinath Adhikari, himself and his brother. Photo: GULIGO JIA </figcaption></figure>My father Muktinath Adhikari was a science and math teacher at the Panini Sanskrit Secondary School in Duradanda in Lamjung district. I had just got into Grade 8 when my mother became ill.We had to take her to hospital in Kathmandu, carrying her in a doko. My father was so dedicated to his school that he did not come with us. It was not because he did not love her.<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=12522#.YeVp1S8RqLc" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D12522%23.YeVp1S8RqLc&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806496000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0lOkM1Nl9In27odcK2tW9V">Both my brothers</a> were studying with me in Kathmandu at the time. One was in college and the other was preparing for his SLC exam. I had gone home to Lamjung for winter holidays with one of them.  <figure><img width="200" height="207" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/6372049f9c7e80680e0b2870jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>My mother had to go through two operations, and I pushed back my return to Kathmandu till 18 January 2002. My sister had also come home for the Maghe Sankranti festival. We were all home on 17 January when my grandfather and his brother came hurriedly to tell us that our father had been taken away by the Maoists.They said he was being taken for “interrogation”.He had been teaching his Grade 10 science class when a gun-wielding militia entered the room, tied a rope around his leg and led him off.We did not know what to do. On the one hand, we reasoned, our father had not done anything wrong, had not harmed anyone, so they would let him go. But we had also heard about Maoist executions and feared the worst.He had told his colleagues as was led away: “You see the situation. Whatever happens to me, manage the school well, do not damage the future of the students.” <figure><img width="1400" height="701" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/637204a19c7e80680e0b2871jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="2070" height="1576" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/637204a49c7e80680e0b2872jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>We had no news till evening. I followed my brother to look for our Dad. When we reached near the school, someone told us the news was not good, and there was no point looking for him. I had an inkling that something terrible had happened and that no one was telling us, and I returned home. My brother came back at 7PM, and told us that <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17894#.YeVpZS8RqLc" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D17894%23.YeVpZS8RqLc&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806496000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2N-_RLEZnLbI0cI4QoiUS2">our father had been killed</a>. They had taken him from the school, past our house, tied his neck to a tree with his muffler, and killed him. My family tried to shield my other brother from the news because he was preparing for his school exam. They did not allow him to even listen to the radio, but he found out anyway from my uncle who had gone to Kathmandu to fetch him. When he got home, the whole family went to the site of the crime. My mother, sister and I could not bear to look. I tried to force myself to at least catch a glimpse, but I could not. The photograph of my father’s <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16781#.YeVpYi8RqLc" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D16781%23.YeVpYi8RqLc&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806496000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0aH2JvgxXsXBuNl3GQVhXh">lifeless body still tied to a tree</a> was on the cover of Himal magazine (pictured right) that week. The editor took a big risk by printing that photograph in the midst of war. Later, the picture was picked up by many other newspapers and spread through social media.Even after 20 years, I get the chills if I see that cover photograph. I cannot describe what my family went through. Our father was the sole source of support for the family. Despite his meagre earnings as a school teacher, he used to help others in the village who were in need. But when it was his family that needed support, no one stepped forward to help.In fact, they tormented us by their silence. No one spoke out. They were too afraid that they would also be killed by the Maoists. Before the murder, my aunt had told my father that many other teachers had fled the village because of threats from the Maoists and he should not put himself in danger. My father had replied: “I have never stolen one paisa from anyone, I have never wished anyone any harm, if I leave the school what will become of the future of my students?” <figure><img width="640" height="867" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/637204a79c7e80680e0b2873jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>It later emerged that the Maoists had asked all teachers to donate 25% of their salary to the revolution. My father stood by his principle that donations should be voluntary, and besides he had to also take care of his family with his salary. He had told the Maoists he would consult the others and give his response, but they did not wait for his answer.We could not even remove the body, or observe funeral rites because of the fear of Maoists. My brothers conducted some rituals at home and returned to Kathmandu.I could not leave my mother alone during such a tragic period, and besides she was not well. I had to discontinue my education, but that was nothing compared to the trauma our family had to go through. We mustered the courage to lodge an FIR at the Lamjung District Police Office. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Commissions-of-convenience,1530" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Commissions-of-convenience,1530&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806496000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2a5uINM9W70AtKb3zZ1Rk0">There are two Commissions</a> to provide justice to the families of the victims of conflict like us, we even went to the National Human Rights Commission.But even after two decades, there has been no justice. The perpetrators were never caught. If this is the condition of such a high profile war crime, imagine what it is like for others who are not as well known. How will the conflict victims in remote parts of the country ever hope for truth and justice?https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OPK1y8MSMHc&amp;feature=emb_logoThe Commission on Enforced Disappearances and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission are more interested in letting war criminals off the hook than in providing justice. The commissioners are selected on the basis of party wheeling-dealing, and it looks like their sole intention is to protect the perpetrators. And we hear that they want a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-runs-out-of-excuses-to-address-war-crimes/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-runs-out-of-excuses-to-address-war-crimes/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806497000&amp;usg=AOvVaw12XhhNJcMJn9L4BGusBJzm">blanket amnesty for all war crimes</a> by both sides in the conflict. International norms say that whether a perpetrator of a crime is to be pardoned or not is solely at the discretion of the victim. Still, they address political rallies and blatantly boast that they killed 5,000 people and those who were responsible for conflict-era crimes are walking openly in broad daylight. My father, who had no connection at all to the Maoist insurgency, was killed by them. We lost our father. Nothing will bring him back. If his murderers are not caught there is a danger <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/history-on-replay/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/history-on-replay/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806497000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1SnZqMPw1s7CMEwi7T7g2L">there will be another conflict</a> like this, and there will be other orphans like us. That is why we are still fighting for justice. I just hope no one in Nepal in future has to bear the kind of physical and mental torture that we did as a family. Twenty years later, my father appears to me in my dreams sometimes. I am so happy to see him alive. But then I wake up, and weep. I wish my dream would never end. Translated from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/127861?fbclid=IwAR32w5E-Totbc63ZAnwgR13Lre3VnPxI8_Vt-uf4e8RFqC6ZncnVTwb6KXQ" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/127861?fbclid%3DIwAR32w5E-Totbc63ZAnwgR13Lre3VnPxI8_Vt-uf4e8RFqC6ZncnVTwb6KXQ&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806497000&amp;usg=AOvVaw2e4nzefESDuc7Xr6JVIQUS">Nepali original</a> in <a href="http://himalkhabar.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://himalkhabar.com/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1642512806497000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0eWk9SdO610RJSKCHi_R-5">himalkhabar.com</a>

Nepal’s unpunished war crimes

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1c5d9c7e80680e0af355jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1985" height="900"/><figcaption>Photo: RUBY KHAN/FACEBOOK</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s Constitution envisions a society where women are liberated from the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/history-of-female-immobility-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">bounds of tradition and patriarchy</a>. A society where all women are free to live dignified lives on their own terms, a society where violence and discrimination have no place.The Constitution envisioned a dream of a new Nepal, and laws have been enacted, policies formulated, commissions formed, to make this dream a reality and ensure security and justice for women.But <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/everyday-as-if-it-is-womens-day/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women’s rights</a> have been reduced to mere words, and the journey to justice for women who have been wronged stops at the threshold of their homes, never to reach the police or courts.Indeed, girls continue to be barred from attending school, wives are beaten to within an inch of their lives by husbands who are never punished, young women are burned alive because their families did not provide enough dowry. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/justice-eludes-many-rape-survivors/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Rapists go free to rape again</a>.That is why we marched for three weeks all the way from Nepalganj to Nepal’s capital. We are back here this week, at a sit-in to demand justice for the death of two women in Banke district which the local administration is refusing to prosecute.Why did we have to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/non-government-of-nepal/">walk all the way to Kathmandu</a>? Because we were given the runaround in Nepalganj, officials in Kathmandu assured us last month that they would look into the cases, and we returned. But nothing happened. So we are back.It is as if in Nepal justice is a luxury, a showpiece for those who can afford it.We women are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/perpetuating-patriarchy-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">still treated like sub-citizens</a>, limited to taking care of the home, hearth and children. Patriarchy dictates that women have no place in society, and have to silently suffer abuse and mistreatment even within their homes. Or be silenced when we speak out for justice.Not a day goes by without a news item of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/republic-of-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">a woman somewhere in Nepal being raped</a>, yet there are many more cases which never make it to the media. And even fewer where the perpetrators are caught, tried and punished.Physical, mental, or emotional violence against women is so commonplace in Nepali society that the public is desensitised. Nepali women themselves have been conditioned into believing that they must tolerate abuse, and accept it as their lot in life.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/corrosive-conduct/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Corrosive Conduct</a>, EditorialAnd even if women do seek justice, they are faced with countless <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/republic-of-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">societal and bureaucratic challenges</a> along the way. The process is familiar by now. It begins with blaming the victim, with accusations of lies and provocation. After that, if they manage to get through, police ask women to recount their traumatic experience again and again, they poke holes in their story while male policemen look on in amusement.Victims are “strongly advised” to stop trying to get justice because the men they are going against are “powerful” members of society. Indeed, the police and judges get phones from these high-up men to dismiss the cases.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/rape-rulings-in-nepal-follow-letter-not-spirit-of-the-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali justice mechanism</a>, with its complicated channels, has made it all but impossible for women victims to report abuse. They are now directed from the local government to provincial government, then to Kathmandu. If, by a stroke of luck, they do manage to get into Singha Darbar, they are referred right back to the local government.The chain of command is a vicious cycle which ensures that victims are so tangled in red tape that it becomes impossible to move the case on. The entire process is designed to hammer at a victim’s self-esteem and dignity until they finally give up.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/justice-delayed-justice-denied/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Impunity in Nepal</a> is now so entrenched that if a victim’s family does reach the police station to complain about an abuser, perpetrator have got there first to deflect it. The politics of justice is such that power and money prevail over the rule of law. The gap between the oppressor and oppressed has never been wider.All the while, women must think of their <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-one-nepali-mother-at-a-time/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">children, household responsibilities</a>, and families they have left behind in their journey for justice. Even while they are denied justice, women are judged by the media in the court of public opinion.This is why we are sitting on a street near Singha Darbar. We will speak up for oppressed Nepali women, armed with nothing but hope that one day there will be justice.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/using-numbers-to-fight-gender-based-violence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> Using numbers to fight gender-based violence</a>, Lisa Honan<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Interesting-Times/Ruby-in-the-rough,205">Ruby Khan</a> was married at 14, and witnessed gender discrimination and violence from a young age. Now 34, she is a gender rights activist and was general secretary of the Banke chapter of the National Womens’ Rights Forum.

Vow against VAW

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110151156/636d11939c7e80680e0a9892jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="978" height="648"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>In recent years, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">rape survivors and victims of sexual abuse in Nepal</a> have increasingly gone public with their experience and many are choosing to pursue legal action. But even when they file a complaint, it is rarely that they get justice because of loopholes in the system.Dipendra Chaudhary, 29, of Kailari was accused of raping an 11-year-old girl last year. After the girl’s family lodged a complaint against Chaudhary five days later, the police arrested him the next day.During interrogation, Chaudhary confessed to raping the minor, and based on this the court ordered him into judicial custody for further investigation. But a month later, the bench headed by Jayananda Paneru, the senior-most judge at the district court, acquitted him citing that there was not enough evidence in the charge sheet.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/rape-rulings-in-nepal-follow-letter-not-spirit-of-the-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Rape rulings in Nepal follow letter, not spirit of the law</a>, Sewa BhattaraiSix months later, Paneru heard another rape related case against Dharma Rokaya, in which he was  alleged to have raped a girl in Dhangadi. The bench again ruled in favour of the defendant citing insufficient evidence.On the same day, another bench headed by Khemraj Bhatta heard six Dhangadi rape cases. Of those that received a final verdict that day, the judges ruled that one of the cases did not have sufficient claim, acquitting Akash Chaudhary and his friend who were accused of raping a girl.Another judge Baburam Baniya’s courtroom also heard four rape-related cases on the very day. In one of the two cases that received the final verdict, the judge Baniya ruled insufficient evidence.Figures from the Kailali District Court show that more than half the rape cases that were closed between 16 July-5 September 2021 had verdicts in favour of the accused. All in all, 198 <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/republic-of-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">rape cases</a> were registered at the Kailali District Court last year alone, of which 120 were closed, and 60% (72 cases) acquitted the alleged perpetrators.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">#TheyToo</a>, Sewa BhattaraiCases related to rape are initiated and prosecuted by the government. Based on a police investigation, the public prosecutor’s office files a case in the district court on behalf of the victim. If the decision is not satisfactory, the prosecutor can appeal to the high court. According to Jagdish Shah, IT Officer at the High Court in Dipayal, the government has appealed the 72 cases from Kailali District Court.Bishwa Adhikari, Superintendent of Police in Kailali says there could be many reasons why the decisions are often given in favour of the defendant: “The delay in filing the cases makes it difficult to gather evidence, it also gives the other party more time to gather evidence in their favour.”Survivors of rape, already traumatised, are often forced by family members to keep quiet for fear of shame or reprisal. Even when they do press charges, there have been cases where the victim’s families have been pressured to step down. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-roots-of-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">A misogynistic society</a> that often blames the victims and questions the choice of clothes and lifestyle adds to the victims hesitating to report the crime on time or at all.But when complaints are lodged late, it becomes harder to trace the physical evidence, witnesses can change their statement and even the victims may be coerced to take back their case, making it difficult to ensure a fair trial.Lawyers and activists say that the police and public prosecutors should change how they handle rape cases. Most victims choose not to pursue cases because they do not know how to work the system, and often do not have the resources to fight the case. The perpetrators often come from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/justice-for-sale/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">politically, economically and socially stronger backgrounds</a>.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/justice-delayed-and-denied/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Justice delayed and denied</a>, Sewa BhattaraiIn some cases the police mediate and get the perpetrator and the victim’s family to come to a compensation agreement. The line of questioning by male officers is also often offensive, implying that victims were somehow responsible for the crime.“In many cases, the police refuse to register the cases which delays the process and in the meantime the evidence disappear or are destroyed,” says Chief Attorney for Far Western region Kulananda Upadhyay. “There are also lapses in the investigation and prosecution from the public prosecutor’s side. When the victim’s statement is recorded, the officials don’t do it verbatim and use their own language leading to discrepancies and in turn a weaker case at court.”Absence of proper medical examination, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-does-the-nepali-media-cover-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">gender insensitivity</a> while handling the cases and treating rape complains as any other case also results in accused walking free.Says advocate Renu Pradhan Shrestha, “No one wants to be raped but when people in the judiciary handle and discuss it as something normal, turn hostile towards the victims, the accused walk free.”Translated by Sahina Shrestha from <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/126345">the Nepali original</a> published on himalkhabar.com

Justice eludes many rape survivors

<figure><img width="1815" height="1017" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111128/636cd2849c7e80680e08f914jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: KANAK MANI DIXIT/TWITTER</figcaption></figure>A mother who is on the 25th day of a hunger strike in Kathmandu <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Maoist-hungry-ghosts,3261">demanding justice</a> against the murderers of her son during the Maoist conflict is in critical condition, doctors and human rights activists say.
<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hunger-for-justice/">Ganga Maya Adhikari</a> started her latest hunger strike on 21 December 2020 on the 7th floor ward of the Trauma Centre, and has not taken any food or water since. She is receiving intravenous fluids, and her condition has deteriorated.
Her son, Krishna Adhikari was kidnapped, tortured and killed in June 2004 by the Maoists in Chitwan who accused him of being a spy. Those allegedly behind the murder have been set free by the courts.
“Ganga Maya is on strike because she has abandoned any hope for justice from this government, which has insulted her struggle,” said human rights activist Charan Prasai, who was among artists, lawyers, and rights activists at a sit-in outside the hospital on Thursday.
Doctors at the Trauma Centre said Ganga Maya’s health was deteriorating fast, and she needed intensive care because it was now a question of life-or-death.    
After the Comprehensive Peace Accord, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/ganga-mayas-endless-road-to-justice/">repeated attempts by Ganga Maya and her husband</a> Nanda Prasad to get justice failed, and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/The-deadline/sad-saga-of-adhikari-family,367">the couple came to Kathmandu</a> to protest when former Maoist ideologue <a href="http://nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/The-deadline/sad-saga-of-adhikari-family,367">Baburam Bhattarai</a> was prime minister in 2012.
<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/ganga-mayas-endless-road-to-justice/">Nanda Prasad died seven years ago</a> in Bir Hospital after a year-long fast, and his <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/dead-and-dying,3955">body is still in the morgue</a> at the Teaching Hospital since Ganga Maya has refused to cremate him until the guilty are punished.
Krishna Adhikari had just finished his SLC exam when a group of Maoists put him in a sack and dragged him behind a motorcycle in Chitwan. After the conflict, the couple lodged a complaint with Chitwan police, naming 13 people who they said were involved.
The 13 were charged, but the Chitwan District Court ordered their release on bail. A year later, the appellate court in Hetauda upheld the bail decision. The Supreme Court then ruled on an appeal by Ganga Maya in 2015 to put Chhabilal Poudel, the main accused, in judicial custody, but when he did not surrender the couple went on another hunger strike until he was re-arrested. 
But in 2019, the Chitwan District Court acquitted all the accused except one. Ganga Maya appealed again, but no further hearings have been held.
Doctors attending to Ganga Maya said she had told them that she had no reason to live anymore because she had no hope left for justice, her husband was dead, and her elder son had been jailed on trumped up charges.

Mother on 25th day of hunger strike

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181148/636be8b39c7e80680e087876jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1760" height="1054"/><figcaption>Representatives of the civil society staging demonstration at Maitighar Mandala, Kathmandu. Photo: NEPALI TIMES/ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>Amidst growing concerns over a shrinking civic space, Nepal’s civil society, especially rights-based organisations continue to play an integral role by complementing, consulting, or challenging the government vis-à-vis international law.Sustained efforts by non-government organizations (NGOs) over a decade, led to the ratification of the UN Protocol against Human Trafficking, to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children in June 2020.Their relentless work which generated local level evidence and data was as significant as political will in making this critical shift possible. The existing laws on human trafficking will be amended to punish trafficking to Nepal.Developments in international criminal law reveal a new pivot, where NGOs are increasingly becoming prominent on the international plane. International criminal trials warrant domestic support, especially from NGOs to create a conducive environment for investigations and institutionalisation of justice.A precedence was established by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the early nineties, when it worked with the broader civil society for local information, testimonies, and evidence. Its successor, the UN Court for International Residual Mechanisms for Criminal Tribunals, continues to engage with NGOs to forge lasting peace in the Balkans.The International Criminal Court (ICC) has institutionalised its relationship with NGOs with due acknowledgement of their capacity to assist or obstruct trials. NGOs can prompt investigations by submitting situation reports to ICC’s prosecutors. The ongoing investigations on crimes against humanity, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Myanmar stand as evidence of this.Investigators and prosecutors from foreign countries rely on NGOs for local knowledge, expertise, and access to key sources, to further such trials. State entities such as the police may face constrains to cooperate, given the politically-sensitive nature of such investigations.NGOs therefore become <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/GUEST-COLUMN/Transboundary-jurisdiction,27" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">critical in documenting, collecting, and verifying</a> information and evidence. In the ICC system, Coalition for the ICC, a group of NGOs from 150 States, have observer status in the annual Assembly of State Parties, the Court’s governing and oversight body.Nepali NGOs have the potential to emerge as salient actors in national and international criminal justice system. The closed case of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/The-gadfly/truth-and-reconciliation-with-justice,440" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Colonel Kumar Lama</a> who was indicted for torture before a court in the UK and eventually released on mistrial, provides important insights.The government refused to cooperate, which led to the legal teams in the UK to seek unofficial Nepali sources for evidence. Lawyers involved in the case questioned the integrity of evidence gathered by a local NGO which lacked expertise to document, catalogue, and preserve evidence according to UK’s standards. Similar outcomes could happen again, given the sluggishness of Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/12-years-later-justice-is-a-mirage/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">transitional justice mechanisms</a>.Investments in NGOs should be recalibrated to empower them to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/geneva-or-the-hague/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">bring the perpetrators to justice</a> while ensuring innocents are not wrongfully convicted on foreign territory. Trainings in domestic evidence law will be foundational while orienting NGOs in certified, user-friendly digital tools for documenting, collecting, and preserving evidence.Additionally, while international criminal tribunals do not have homogenous standards to provide evidence, making NGOs familiar with ICC’s distinct framework may prove effective in the long run. It is also imperative to fortify the institutional memory of NGOs to sustain this exercise. This can be attained by prioritising wholesome institutional learning over isolated, individual expertise.Nonetheless, NGOs should function well within their mandate and not strive to emulate or replace State functions. The primary objective of acquiring these competencies is to complement, and not challenge state functions of maintaining peace and rule of law.For instance, resource-strained police will benefit from timely and reliable access to information gathered according to domestic law. Should there be an international probe on past or future irregularities, a competent civil society will share the State’s burden in providing answers, while truth and reconciliation can endure through the work of NGOs at the community-level.Only when the State is unable or unwilling to discharge its duties, will NGOs exclusively serve as focal contacts for the international community in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/tortures-go-unprosecuted-in-nepal-despite-laws/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">holding the state accountable</a>.Access of the international community to local NGOs and vice-versa, has opened a new vista for both parties. This symbiotic relationship should be explored by Nepali NGOs to galvanize efforts in upholding law and justice.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-rome-statute-and-the-hague/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nischala Arjal</a> is a lawyer with specialisation in public international law.

Nepal’s rights groups must step up

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109191120/636befa54b0ad905ca02efbfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1760" height="1054"/><figcaption>Representatives of the civil society staging demonstration at Maitighar Mandala, Kathmandu. Photo: NEPALI TIMES/ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>Amidst growing concerns over a shrinking civic space, Nepal’s civil society, especially rights-based organisations continue to play an integral role by complementing, consulting, or challenging the government vis-à-vis international law.Sustained efforts by non-government organizations (NGOs) over a decade, led to the ratification of the UN Protocol against Human Trafficking, to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women and Children in June 2020.Their relentless work which generated local level evidence and data was as significant as political will in making this critical shift possible. The existing laws on human trafficking will be amended to punish trafficking to Nepal.Developments in international criminal law reveal a new pivot, where NGOs are increasingly becoming prominent on the international plane. International criminal trials warrant domestic support, especially from NGOs to create a conducive environment for investigations and institutionalisation of justice.A precedence was established by the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in the early nineties, when it worked with the broader civil society for local information, testimonies, and evidence. Its successor, the UN Court for International Residual Mechanisms for Criminal Tribunals, continues to engage with NGOs to forge lasting peace in the Balkans.The International Criminal Court (ICC) has institutionalised its relationship with NGOs with due acknowledgement of their capacity to assist or obstruct trials. NGOs can prompt investigations by submitting situation reports to ICC’s prosecutors. The ongoing investigations on crimes against humanity, in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, and Myanmar stand as evidence of this.Investigators and prosecutors from foreign countries rely on NGOs for local knowledge, expertise, and access to key sources, to further such trials. State entities such as the police may face constrains to cooperate, given the politically-sensitive nature of such investigations.NGOs therefore become <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/GUEST-COLUMN/Transboundary-jurisdiction,27" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">critical in documenting, collecting, and verifying</a> information and evidence. In the ICC system, Coalition for the ICC, a group of NGOs from 150 States, have observer status in the annual Assembly of State Parties, the Court’s governing and oversight body.Nepali NGOs have the potential to emerge as salient actors in national and international criminal justice system. The closed case of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/The-gadfly/truth-and-reconciliation-with-justice,440" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Colonel Kumar Lama</a> who was indicted for torture before a court in the UK and eventually released on mistrial, provides important insights.The government refused to cooperate, which led to the legal teams in the UK to seek unofficial Nepali sources for evidence. Lawyers involved in the case questioned the integrity of evidence gathered by a local NGO which lacked expertise to document, catalogue, and preserve evidence according to UK’s standards. Similar outcomes could happen again, given the sluggishness of Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/12-years-later-justice-is-a-mirage/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">transitional justice mechanisms</a>.Investments in NGOs should be recalibrated to empower them to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/geneva-or-the-hague/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">bring the perpetrators to justice</a> while ensuring innocents are not wrongfully convicted on foreign territory. Trainings in domestic evidence law will be foundational while orienting NGOs in certified, user-friendly digital tools for documenting, collecting, and preserving evidence.Additionally, while international criminal tribunals do not have homogenous standards to provide evidence, making NGOs familiar with ICC’s distinct framework may prove effective in the long run. It is also imperative to fortify the institutional memory of NGOs to sustain this exercise. This can be attained by prioritising wholesome institutional learning over isolated, individual expertise.Nonetheless, NGOs should function well within their mandate and not strive to emulate or replace State functions. The primary objective of acquiring these competencies is to complement, and not challenge state functions of maintaining peace and rule of law.For instance, resource-strained police will benefit from timely and reliable access to information gathered according to domestic law. Should there be an international probe on past or future irregularities, a competent civil society will share the State’s burden in providing answers, while truth and reconciliation can endure through the work of NGOs at the community-level.Only when the State is unable or unwilling to discharge its duties, will NGOs exclusively serve as focal contacts for the international community in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/tortures-go-unprosecuted-in-nepal-despite-laws/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">holding the state accountable</a>.Access of the international community to local NGOs and vice-versa, has opened a new vista for both parties. This symbiotic relationship should be explored by Nepali NGOs to galvanize efforts in upholding law and justice.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-rome-statute-and-the-hague/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nischala Arjal</a> is a lawyer with specialisation in public international law.

Nepal stalls on war crime probes

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171148/636bda899c7e80680e080274jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1438" height="1362"/>Nepal has been elected to a second term on the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC) in Geneva <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/does-nepal-deserve-2nd-term-at-unhrc/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/does-nepal-deserve-2nd-term-at-unhrc/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602730211285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG7iQJFhPO894iZt7803_apN_Kg2A">despite opposition from activists</a> who have accused the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) of dragging its feet on is out transitional justice, failure to address violence against women and Dalits and efforts to curtain freedom of expression.This time, Nepal was one of the candidates for four seats in the HRC together with Pakistan, China, Uzbekistan and Saudi Arabia from the Asia-Pacific region. But Saudi Arabia was not elected.The election with 150 out of 193 votes at the UN headquarters in New York gave Nepal a new term from 2021-23. Nepal’s Permanent Mission at the United Nations tweeted: ‘It is yet another opportunity for Nepal to contribute to the protection &amp; promotion of HR globally.’Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali also tweeted: ‘We are grateful to the friendly nations for their support. Thanks to the Nepali Missions in New York and Geneva for hard work.’<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171148/636bda8d9c7e80680e080275jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1222" height="420">However, many human rights group said Nepal <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/does-nepal-deserve-2nd-term-at-unhrc/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/does-nepal-deserve-2nd-term-at-unhrc/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602730211285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG7iQJFhPO894iZt7803_apN_Kg2A">did not deserve to be re-elected</a> because it had not fulfilled pledges it made in 2017, including implementation of the transitional justice process, make the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) more effective, and promoting rights to free expression.Not only are these promises unfulfilled, they say, but there has been a worrying rise in deaths in detention while not been enough effort has gone into investigating and prosecuting those responsible for violence against Dalits and women in Nepal.In April, Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-runs-out-of-excuses-to-address-war-crimes/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-runs-out-of-excuses-to-address-war-crimes/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602730211285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNET7gWIvKE-wTBN9H6Allms8cr6rg">Supreme Court </a>rejected a government appeal of the court’s 2015 decision that ordered amendments to the Transitional Justice Act because it allowed pardon for heinous crimes during the 1996-2006 Maoist conflict.The Commission on Truth and Reconciliation and the Commission on Enforced Disappearances have languished because of the lack of political will by both former adversaries who now make up the Nepali state to address them.Although Nepal has been praised for improvements in laws, including the Supreme Court decision this year on transitional justice, critics say it has lagged behind in implementation, allowing impunity to flourish.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109171148/636bda8f9c7e80680e080276jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1220" height="518">“Nepal suffers from a chronic problem of non-implementation of human rights protections. Laws get passed but go unenforced. Transitional justice processes and institutions continue to be subordinated to short-term political interests. Government after government, including the current one, fail to respect judicial decisions and even actively seek to compromise judicial independence,” Frederick Rawski, Asia-Pacific Regional Director at the <a href="https://www.icj.org/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.icj.org/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602730211285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNE2WYg-avFZqSeUR1mDqZx8VmLl7g">International Commission of Jurists</a> told this paper in September.Last month, Nepal had <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-again-pledges-progress-on-human-rights-if-elected-to-un-council/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-again-pledges-progress-on-human-rights-if-elected-to-un-council/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602730211285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH-j334FCDBdxCwgog1MyzyxSq7gw">renewed its pledge</a> to address human rights concerns and progress in transitional justice during a teleconference organised by Amnesty International and the International Society for Human Rights (ISHR).Nepal’s Permanent Representative to the UN in New York Amrit Bahadur Rai had said: “I would like to assure all that there will be no blanket amnesty in cases of severe human rights violations committed during the conflict period,” he said.Nepal had been elected for the first term in 2017 to the 47-member Commission, which has 13 members from the Asia-Pacific. At that time, Nepal had secured 166 votes, which has now come down to 150. In Tuesday’s election Pakistan secured the most votes (169), Uzbekistan got 164 to become a UNHRC member for the first time, and China 139. Saudi Arabia won only 90 votes.Fifteen countries were elected, with Russia from Eastern Europe, France and Uk from Western Europe, and Cuba from Latin America and the Caribbean region.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/does-nepal-deserve-2nd-term-at-unhrc/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/does-nepal-deserve-2nd-term-at-unhrc/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1602730211285000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG7iQJFhPO894iZt7803_apN_Kg2A">Does Nepal deserve a 2nd term at the UNHRC?</a>

Nepal elected to 2nd term at UNHRC

In the black and white photograph, General Wangdu smiles broadly in front of the dusty cactus garden in Kathmandu’s Annapurna Hotel. With an ill-fitting jacket and shaggy hair he looks benign enough, but this was the last leader of the Tibetan freedom fighters who led the resistance against the Chinese from their remote mountain hideouts in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/comings-and-goings-in-mustang">Mustang</a>. Five months later, Wangdu was dead. Snapped in March 1974, I had only recently arrived in Nepal. How did I meet this legendary fighter? Possibly with his devoted camp follower, Lynne Klapecki, and probably in the Om Restaurant near Freak Street which was the preferred <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/hippie-trail-nostalgia-in-kathmandu">hippie hang-out</a>. Om Lobsang and his brother Yeshe were <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/earthquake-brings-back-memories-of-camps-for-tibetan-refugees">refugees from East Tibet </a>whose cafe offered a friendly welcome and<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/momo-loco"> the best momos</a> - they became my in-laws after I married their eldest brother Tenzin, but that was a decade later.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_4573b34282b0f5395c007243d6bef12c7ba76bfd520419e994cdcea048d795a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2025052403054_4573b34282b0f5395c007243d6bef12c7ba76bfd520419e994cdcea048d795a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1583" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Photo: LISA CHOEGYAL</figcaption> </figure>  Wangdu’s English was enthusiastically rudimentary, but even riding around town with him on the back of an aging <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-new-motorbike-museum">motorbike</a>, he was a commanding presence. Always flanked by armed outriders, impressive scars marked his forearms and a pistol hung from the cord around his neck. A charismatic guerrilla leader, Wangdu was celebrated by his followers for his tough commitment and respected for his measured pragmatism. He seemed so young to have shouldered such a responsibility of command, leading hundreds of hardened <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/50-years-after-the%20raid-into-Tibet,1012#google_vignette">Khampa combatants </a>through what had been a particularly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/heavy-snowfall-over-nepal-himalaya">brutal winter in Mustang</a>, the last bastion to hold out against the Chinese invasion of their Tibetan homeland.&nbsp; The freedom fighters of Tibet, known as the Chushi-Gangdruk, had emerged to resist the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism">Chinese takeover</a> of Tibet during the 1950s. Estimated to be 80,000-strong at the time of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-or-who-after-the-dalai-lama">the Dalai Lama</a>’s final escape to India in 1959, the sheer number of Chinese deployed into Tibet eventually forced the Chushi-Gangdruk to retreat to Mustang, From this high Himalayan stronghold, they continued cross-border raids on the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) throughout the 1960s.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_8a4a935ba25ae79dc3a63bb5c14626927020e5ec098093c45ccb9a5982e009fd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="2025052403054_8a4a935ba25ae79dc3a63bb5c14626927020e5ec098093c45ccb9a5982e009fd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1114" height="676" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Guerrillas known as the Chushi-Gangdruk emerged to resist the Chinese annexation of Tibet during the 1950s. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>  Their Kathmandu base was a small discreet lodge in a back lane near Rani Pokhari. Sipping sweet tea from a blue mug with a chipped lid, I sat bemused in a corner of the Mustang Hotel room whilst Wangdu and his cohorts received a battered brown suitcase from their CIA connection, a tousle-haired American in a leather jacket. Heaved onto the dingy bedspread that covered the thin mattress, it was clicked open to reveal piles of neatly stacked dollar bills.&nbsp; I cannot think why Wangdu allowed me to witness this handover but I was clearly no threat, a newly arrived world traveller with no understanding of the stakes nor any Nepali or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/tibetan-music-in-nepals-sacred-valley">Tibetan language</a>. Despite armed guards in the corridor,Wangdu radiated confidence and bravado, and there was a practiced familiarity to the tense transaction. This deadly dance for many years had been funded by the Americans, tolerated by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-kingdom-within-a-republic">Mustang’s residents</a>, and permitted by King Mahendra and the Nepali authorities who it suited to turn a blind eye.&nbsp; But Mahendra died in 1972, and times were changing. Richard Nixon’s ping-pong diplomacy thawed the cold war and signalled a fresh entente with China. Nepal’s yet-to-be-crowned <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/if-birendra-was-alive-nepal-could-still-be-a-monarchy">King Birendra </a>was under pressure to curb the irritating incursions against the PLA launched from the Nepali territory of Mustang. Keen to appease his northern neighbour, on several occasions the King summoned Wangdu for peace talks but, despite increasingly overwhelming odds, Wangdu refused to surrender.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_a8efd5cfb92cd997bd7cb74296a936fef46e2f7428f9cd642b03f1ac4ea11ecb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="2025052403054_a8efd5cfb92cd997bd7cb74296a936fef46e2f7428f9cd642b03f1ac4ea11ecb" data-rendition-name="original" width="1055" height="885" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>General Wangdu flanked by two Tibetan resistance fighters in Mustang in the 1970s. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_75969125a745847a2ef82b6fe8b9106c0b21a116d85b8efdf5d2ee89a347bb31.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="2025052403054_75969125a745847a2ef82b6fe8b9106c0b21a116d85b8efdf5d2ee89a347bb31" data-rendition-name="original" width="1044" height="792" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>King Birendra with General Wangdu (right in dark glasses) taken in 1974 possibly in Mustang after one of their few attempts at negotiation. Photo courtesy: RAJRNDRA KUNWAR</figcaption> </figure>  While I naively rode pillion around Kathmandu in the spring sunshine, Wangdu was in the midst of what turned out to be his final round of negotiations with the Nepal government. Refusing to cease hostilities with the Chinese, Wangdu must have suspected the cost of his decision, making his cheerful smile in the photograph all the more poignant and brave. It was only much later that I appreciated the significance of the moment. Wangdu had been sent to replace the first resistance leader in Mustang, Baba Gen Yeshe, a much derided corrupt character who stole money meant for his troops and exploited fleeing refugees by seizing their treasures. Baba Gen Yeshe never forgave Wangdu,and sought revenge in May 1974 by betraying him and his commanders to the Nepal authorities. Renewed Chinese incursions from the north, active PLA collusion with the Nepali forces under the new King, and treachery from within the Chushi-Gangdrukranks combined to seal their fate.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_e0987a7c90d76431b0d7d5e6115ebfe3dbda7ab939e5941e079c18d722e884c0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="2025052403054_e0987a7c90d76431b0d7d5e6115ebfe3dbda7ab939e5941e079c18d722e884c0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1400" height="769" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>British television journalists George Patterson and Adrian Cowell embedded themselves with Khampa guerrillas and accompanied them from Tsum Valley on a cross border raid on a Chinese Army convoy in 1964. Photo: ESSAYS ON NEPAL / SAM COWAN</figcaption> </figure>  Mikel Dunham, renowned author of Buddha’s Warriors, writes: ‘It is possible that Wangdu was waiting for some cue from the Dalai Lama’s government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India. It is equally possible – during that last, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-human-cost-of-nepal-s-yarsa-gold-rush?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR31-Cqw8oyIwMPzf_35e4Skr0ululJvLf3_vDkzHn-AYG2h8uPw2rqqErg_aem_tGVn5coY1-jA7fze_xqhew">desolate winter </a>– that he made the decision to go out in glory rather than admit defeat. Over the last fifteen years, Wangdu had experienced Tibet’s organized resistance being squeezed and shoved around by every conceivable outside force.&nbsp; First they had been pushed out of their own country by the PLA; then they had been refused sanction while on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds?fbclid=IwAR0PpJ5zUEbwdug3g_U3ar6FUugngRY0S8Tl2v_7wqzrsHmXWcXsKjvL4t4">Indian soil</a>; then they were abandoned by the Americans because, apparently, Nixon wanted to make friends with Wangdu’s mortal enemies, the communists; then they had been betrayed by the vampiric Baba Gen Yeshe – a Tibetan and, even worse, a fellow Khampa; and now, finally Wangdu’s army was being evicted by the Nepalis. One thing was certain: Wangdu was a warrior. To imagine Wangdu simply giving up and settling down in the pacific squalor of a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/elderly-left-in-bhutan-refugee-camp">refugee camp </a>was unthinkable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_8fc1ffef4ae751628b90ae781b66e11e51e4fdde2787207c9042efbee345ce49.jpg" data-media-id="editor_20" data-image-id="2025052403054_8fc1ffef4ae751628b90ae781b66e11e51e4fdde2787207c9042efbee345ce49" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="746" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>The much derided Baba Gen Yeshe, the first Tibetan resistance leader in Mustang, who betrayed Wangdu for personal gain. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_b1d833cdb00d3ac4416b844d8730475cd88c238caaaf8da69889a584eea229a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_21" data-image-id="2025052403054_b1d833cdb00d3ac4416b844d8730475cd88c238caaaf8da69889a584eea229a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="656" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Aditya SJB Rana of the Royal Nepal Army whose team ambushed Wangdu and his cohorts at the top of Tinker Pass in Darchula, West Nepal. Photo courtesy: GAUTAM SJB RANA</figcaption> </figure>  By August 1974 the game was up. Wangdu and six of his exhausted party were killed on their horses by <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=7270">the Royal Nepal Army</a> on the brink of escape. The officer in charge, Aditya SJB Rana, cleverly predicted their route into India after they failed to silence a police radio in Yari. A carefully laid ambush trapped them near the summit of the Tinker Pass in Darchula,at 5,000 meters the highest military operation of its time. Wangdu’s body was helicoptered to Kathmandu, and a big show made of the royal Nepal victory.&nbsp; The Tibetan armed insurgency against China had reached its end.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250524030520_3ff9c6fc85a65bc9a2c3afe9736d9f5f9413de752e790a5d9dca0981ea94f9b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_23" data-image-id="20250524030520_3ff9c6fc85a65bc9a2c3afe9736d9f5f9413de752e790a5d9dca0981ea94f9b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> </figure>

The Last Days of the Khampa

Starting 17 September Turkish Airlines will fly daily to Seville, one of Spain’s major tourist draws. This is Turkish’s sixth destination in Spain after Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Malaga, and Bilbao. Seville is in the Andalusia region on Spain’s south coast with a rich Moor history. There are approximately 30,000 Nepalis living in Spain.&nbsp;

Turkish to Seville

The newly-formed Himalayan Art Council is set to launch Nepal’s National Art Protection Platform that seeks to preserve <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-history-of-heritage">Nepal’s unique cultural heritage </a>using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/artificial-censorship"> AI-powered tools</a>. The Council seeks to safeguard <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-art-going-places">Nepali art works</a> from neglect, theft and counterfeiting as well as preserve existing artwork and celebrate living masters by giving them a cultural space to continue the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/sacred-survival">sacred art traditions</a>. "We are introducing a new digital platform designed to preserve, verify and elevate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-new-generation-of-alternative-artists">Nepal’s art for generations to come,</a>” says a statement from the Council, adding that the digital platform will use AI told for authentication and blockchain to keep track of works of art. Artists can now be protected by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/ayo-ai?fbclid=IwAR1uwmTVq4gUB70ljfRezjzukD9ArWXPuMnUikopeQ8PoiZMjicToPSwhKE&amp;=1">AI tools</a> that detect forgeries, identify their work even when unsigned, and ensure they receive proper recognition and credit. The archives will be searchable with translated inscription and interactive guides. Says curator Meena Lama: “AI and blockchains are tools that give us the power to detect fakes and identify unsigned paintings and track every piece. With these tools we can restore trust, secure authorship and give artists the dignity they deserve.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53" data-rendition-name="original" width="1300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum."> <figcaption>Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  The Council is also holding an exhibition of Nepali cultural masterpieces with 50 historical <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Buzz-the-art,671">thangka and paubha </a>by past masters and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/between-the-sacred-and-everyday">contemporary works by current artists</a>. This curated collection is a living tribute to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/when-yaks-go-so-does-culture">Himalayan culture</a> with economic depictions of deities, mandala and sacred narratives. The exhibition at <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/a-portal-into-patan-s-past-and-present">Patan Museum</a> also provides an opportunity to meet painters and custodians of art and culture. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/golden-deities">Golden deities</a>, Sewa Bhattarai ‘The exhibition is only the first step in a long journey to ensure that Nepali art is no just seen but fully understood, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Narratives-of-Faith-and-Memory-Remembering-the-Lost-Sculptures-of-Kathmandu-exhibition,987">protected and remembered</a>,’ the Council says. Artist Kailash K Shrestha of Artudio has spent decades promoting thankha and paubha traditions because of their beauty and devotional meaning. But he also says artists are underpaid, exploited and ignored. He adds, “AI and blockchain are not just buzzwords, they are powerful tools that can protect Nepal’s artists from fraud, verify authenticity and build a permanent record of provenance.” Traditional Art Exhibition Till 17 May Patan Museum

Digital protection for Nepal’s art

<a href="https://www.instagram.com/prabalgurung/" target="_blank">Prabal Gurung</a> left Nepal for New York in 1999 to escape years of bullying, sexism and homophobia, and to pursue his dream of becoming a fashion designer. He <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KqN0VaoAI5w" target="_blank">realised his dream</a>, but did not escape discrimination and racism in the new world. Propelled by passion for fashion, Gurung overcame everything America threw at him. He has attained <a href="https://www.vanityfair.com/style/story/prabal-gurung-recalls-his-first-met-gala-when-zoe-saldana-was-at-his-side?srsltid=AfmBOooy-H0oGgxMit864FnW_Pmw8mUnV8rYrh-co-f6OyYK6m2ip5hP" target="_blank">fame and recognition</a> for his haute couture dress designs while remaining true to his Nepali roots, and is even more resolute in <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dSmNauyzACk" target="_blank">fighting prejudice</a> in all its forms. Prabal Gurung’s newly-released memoir <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Audible-Walk-Like-Girl-Memoir/dp/B0DG11HCDQ?fbclid=IwY2xjawKZfpxleHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHuZcIJO2OXyXcRm1oq1iG6wzeoF7VJFrQ7GXOFI0YxuZZ4id_CNvSZSZZIna_aem_pG_mOKG73RTnYvN8JaC4fA">Walk Like a Girl</a> is a saga of harrowing abuse in boarding schools in Nepal and India, only finding himself facing a different kind of bullying in the US. He prevails over it all to be where he is today: an award-winning American fashion designer with his own label. Walk Like a Girl was launched last week in New York at a time when everything Gurung fought for — tolerance, inclusion and diversity — are in retreat in his adopted country because of a president who has espoused a culture of bullying. The book is a searing, raw exposé of how cruel and abusive people can be even at a young age in school. On the other hand, it also shows that there are generous, compassionate and open-minded souls out there. In his book, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K4le_uWX7YE">Prabal Gurung</a> calls out those who tormented and tried to hold him back (some of their names have been altered). The moral of his story is: resist, never stop believing in yourself, do not let others define you, never lose sight of your dream, and help those who have been kept out. “Walk like a girl” was a slur used by bullies back in school in Nepal and India for Gurung’s effeminate ways. He fought back then, and he is still resisting by turning those words into something to be proud of.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250519170544_4ffc9c3f565dd2cfa754d10b224816897b82bb31ebaee91b6d79d469fc96f14e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250519170544_4ffc9c3f565dd2cfa754d10b224816897b82bb31ebaee91b6d79d469fc96f14e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1253" loading="lazy" alt="Prabal Gurung NT"> <figcaption>Prabal Gurung at home in Kathmandu in the 1990s.</figcaption> </figure>  “Living through it all was one thing, but writing about it is one of the hardest things I have done in my life,” admitted Gurung during the launch. “I broke down constantly during the six-year writing process.” He continues: “I did not want this to be a victim’s book. I did not want to burden my readers with my emotions. I wanted my struggle to be an inspiration for others facing what I faced. I am grateful to those who bullied me in school, they made me a stronger person ready to face the world.” Indeed, this book is a departure from his earlier one titled simply, Prabal Gurung (Abrams, 2019), which was a lush pictorial autobiography of his career in fashion. Walk Like a Girl is not a typical fashion book, it is an intimate tale of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16997">Gurung’s travails and triumphs</a>, and how he willed himself to succeed. Prabal pays a lavish tribute to his mother Durga Rana. We find out she is a descendant of the first wife of the eldest son of Jang Bahadur Rana who was banished to Palpa in the late 19th century. Prabal’s father served in the Singapore Police and that is where he was born before the family returned to Nepal when he was four. Gurung relates with brutal honesty about the violence his mother endured from his father. Durga raises three children as a single mother in Nepal, and Prabal credits her for his fierce determination to resist patriarchy and injustice, which in time manifests itself in his hyper-feminine and subversive dress designs. Writing the book has been a cathartic experience for Gurung, who says he is now relieved of the burdens of his past. It no longer haunts him, and he does not have to prove anything to anyone anymore. Walk Like a Girl has life lessons not just for the <a href="https://www.instagram.com/p/DJmOcSgxdWz/" target="_blank">fashion industry</a>, but for every other profession. How can my job serve a greater cause? Gurung tells us his work is <a href="https://asiasociety.org/blog/asia/why-designer-prabal-gurung-doesnt-want-just-stick-fashion" target="_blank">bigger than just making clothes</a>, it is about making the world a better place because it could do with a lot of improvement.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250519170544_d75296ad8bfdc00d88935f40d23543c6fea3d4d6a10e61a99d6cfc6127f2ee5b.png" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250519170544_d75296ad8bfdc00d88935f40d23543c6fea3d4d6a10e61a99d6cfc6127f2ee5b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1516" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Prabal Gurung"> </figure>  This story of chasing the American dream may sound familiar to many immigrants: knocking on doors for jobs, rejections, trying to survive from day to day on expensive rent, and dealing with subtle racism in white America. Gurung finds racism is rife, and he is often mockingly called ‘gaysian’. He writes: ‘There was a strong hypocrisy — this idea of independence felt like a marketting ruse … and for all the talk of feminism in America, these high society women were trapped by the patriarchy just like in Nepal and India.’ After a trek to the Khumbu region in 2013, Gurung is inspired to use the colours, palette and textures of Nepal for his collection exhibited on Manhattan’s 8th Avenue. A major buyer tells him bluntly: “Stick to making pretty dresses … if I need to see a collection like this, I could buy a copy of National Geographic.” The New York Times was equally dismissive: ‘The designer tries to draw connections between blistered techo-fabric used to construct it and the topography of his homeland, Nepal. But, at the moment, he has lost his map.’ One potential investor tells Gurung he cannot design for Americana because “you do not look American”. Gurung wants to use expletives, but restrains himself. After a fundraiser in New York for the Nepal earthquake in 2015, some belittled his effort, saying: “Here comes the saviour."&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/prabal-gurung-by-prabal-gurung">Prabal Gurung by Prabal Gurung</a>, Kunda Dixit The Gurkha DNA must be dominant in Prabal Gurung’s genes because he does not take such mistreatment lying down. When asked by a fashion publicist why he was designing clothes for fat people, he snaps back: “Because of people like you.” He joins the Black Lives Matter and #MeToo movements, launches the Shikshya Foundation charity in Nepal, and has powerful allies among celebrities who wear clothes he designed: Michelle Obama, Oprah Winfrey, Sara Jessica Parker, Kamala Harris, Deepika Padukone … it is a long list.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250519150556_48a5f4211991a23fa85b64bbd5377575ca7081d97309d7542035591dda5180fe.png" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250519150556_48a5f4211991a23fa85b64bbd5377575ca7081d97309d7542035591dda5180fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1114" height="1534" loading="lazy" alt="Being Prabal Gurung by design"> <figcaption>Nigerian novelist Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie wearing Atelier Prabal Gurung’s design for Met Gala 2025 in which the theme was ‘Superfine: Tailoring Black Style’. </figcaption> </figure>  “I don’t dress women to look beautiful, they already are,” Gurung says. “I try to bring out their innate strength and grace.” <a href="https://www.instagram.com/stories/highlights/17908766880140171/" target="_blank">Admirers</a> tell Gurung he makes it all look so easy, but he used to put up a strong facade to not show his own vulnerabilities in public. “I was closed because of my childhood experiences,” he says. “I was always on guard to defend myself because I never knew where the next punch would come from.” But in <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PPVepzPA210" target="_blank">Walk Like a Girl,</a> Gurung comes to terms with his vulnerability, and bares his soul. It has not been easy, it took sustained will power and support from his mother, sister Kumudini and a circle of close friends. “I made unbelonging my power,” he says. “Nepal is where I still have my heart and soul. Nepal grounds you. It is where people go to find themselves. But I escaped.” Recently appointed vice-chair of the <a href="https://cfda.com/about-cfda" target="_blank">Council of American Fashion Designers</a>, Gurung says: “I can’t believe I am here, it feels like it is happening to someone else. Writing this book, the healing has finally begun.” <h2>‘Everything is better in color’</h2> The Met Gala was two weeks later, and my table was an example of everything I’d been fighting for all these years as my guests represented everything I believed in: dynamic, powerful, influential women who were unapologetically original and unabashedly graceful. I was grateful to Anna for inviting me to host and dress a table that reflected my ethos—and for her guidance in doing so. I was also aware of the privilege as one of the first-­ever Asian fashion designers—not just from Nepal, but from the entire continent— to get the opportunity to do so. That fact was not lost on me. I reached out beyond the expected Hollywood celebrities and well-­known socialites to curate a table of exceptional women who inspired me. I invited Deepika Padukone and Alia Bhatt for their first-­ever Met Galas, as well as Michelle Yeoh, Mindy Kaling, Camila Cabello, Ashley Park, Denée Benton, KiKi Layne, Quannah Chasinghorse, and Grace Elizabeth. Together we checked many boxes: Asian, Black, Latinx, and Indigenous, each woman undeniably chic and powerful, a dazzling array of skin tones and experiences that proved my decades‑in‑the-­making hypothesis: everything is better in color. Excerpt from Walk Like a Girl Viking © 2025 by Prabal Gurung  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250519170520_6b91d560e9f072c37d16876901058c073a51ffa05e7ad1b9461d19e1c9c28215.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20250519170520_6b91d560e9f072c37d16876901058c073a51ffa05e7ad1b9461d19e1c9c28215" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Prabal Gurung book details NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250519170520_345240c21be400e2ce2ec629b52bd82bb53890e5bd86fe95b48340d84b5f1748.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250519170520_345240c21be400e2ce2ec629b52bd82bb53890e5bd86fe95b48340d84b5f1748" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Prabal Gurung book details NT"> </figure>  &nbsp;