<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111124/636cd1dc9c7e80680e08f8dcjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2560" height="1440"/><figcaption>Photo: UPASANA KHADKA</figcaption></figure>At the close of 2020, the Department of Foreign Employment (DOFE) conducted a  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/labour-recruiter-netted-in-sting-raid/">sting operation</a> on a recruiting agency that was fleecing workers. The raid of its staff was made possible by migrant workers who turned to the public system for help, and it responded efficiently in their favour.This was not a one-off operation, but the eleventh one in December. It sent a strong message to the industry that every vulnerable migrant that is being cheated could be a potential whistleblower.There was nothing exceptional about the way the recruitment agency was operating—similar transactions, potentially of higher amounts, are a norm. Interestingly, there are also a few exceptions at the other extreme: agencies that practice ethical recruitment.One such agency is International Manpower (IMR), a recruiter that does not charge migrants any fees. As one of the largest recruiters in Nepal engaged with over a dozen employers in Malaysia and now diversifying to the Gulf, it has sent over 6,000 workers without charging them any fees.But it is an uphill battle, says Y B Rai from IMR. “We have been around for 17 years but have been practicing ethical recruitment only since 2016. For a couple of years, we adopted a hybrid model before we transitioned to ethical recruitment,” says Rai, adding that there is a steep learning curve.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jki4KlFImHo&amp;feature=youtu.beTo be sure, the path IMR has chosen is fraught with challenges. Employers who want to source ethically, audit closely before partnering with agents and run a thorough check on their background and operation module.In the past four years of operation, IMR has often turned down employers unwilling to pay service fees, even though it comes at a cost of foregoing easy money. The act of turning down business opportunities comes as a surprise to many employers who are used to getting kickbacks for job quotas.And migrants are in disbelief when IMR staff counsel them on not paying a single rupee for the jobs, because migrants when seeking jobs, tend to associate recruitment costs positively with 'job quality'.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111124/636cd1df9c7e80680e08f8ddjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1298" height="1236"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>At Kathmandu airport last week, Kishori Mahara (pictured left) was headed to the UAE through IMR’s support. He said that till the last moment he still could not believe that he had not paid any fees for his job. He had paid agents in the past for jobs in Qatar and Saudi Arabia.IMR staff admit that they are an anomaly in the industry, and they have to forego easy and profitable offers. “To be able to hand over this business to our children with pride is a dream,” says Pranay Rai of IMR, who says the long-term economic gain of building a clean reputation is more important.The experience with both IMR and Manaslu (the agency raided in December) underscores important learning points. Employers are best placed to influence recruiter behaviour, but a big share of employers hiring Nepalis would prefer sourcing Nepali workers through recruiters like Manaslu rather than those with ethical standards.The Ethics Practitioners Association of Nepal (EPAN), an umbrella organisation of recruiters committed to ethical recruitment, has not been able to attract a single employer. Job offers by HR departments of employers are often allocated based on kickbacks received. Employer HR visits to Kathmandu for interviews are often sponsored by recruiters who go overboard to lock in future demand and pass on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-theory-and-practice-of-zero-cost-migration/">the costs</a> to the worker.This unhealthy competition extends beyond borders to thousands of recruiters from the Subcontinent. The extent of unethical practices in the migrant labour industry was exposed <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-workers-stuck-in-no-mans-land/">during Covid-19</a> pandemic.The <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-malaysia-gloves-idUSKBN29208C">Malaysian Government</a> has been raiding its glove companies and exposing incidences of human rights abuse after the companies came to the global spotlight amid soaring profits during the pandemic. But pressure from third countries is still a rarity, while labour law enforcement in destination countries remains lax.There are a number of examples of pressure from third countries that have led to improved working conditions, but it is also a reminder that obtaining a secure working environments is a tall order. Unless recruiters are seen as part of a larger transnational ecosystem involving multiple profit-motivated players engaged in unethical practices, Nepalis will have to continue to be content with the existing provisions.Raids like <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tABYP0wlToQ&amp;feature=emb_logo" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the sting operation last month</a>, are necessary but not sufficient for systemic changes. Embassies that have the proximity advantage with the destination country players need to be further strengthened. Labour agreements that could form the basis for influencing how migrants are treated abroad need to be implemented.Ethical recruiters like IMR and members of EPAN have received no support from the government. As DOFE ramps up raids and suspends operations of fraudulent agents, it should also emphasise the good examples.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110111124/636cd1e29c7e80680e08f8dejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2560" height="1440"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>EPAN and IMR’s experience shows that pivoting to the ethical track requires additional resources and could entail short-term financial losses. Policies that make the system rewarding for ethical agents should be a government priority, and international organisations like the ILO (International Labour Organisation) and IOM (International Organisation for Migration) that have expertise in this area and the global reach need to be leveraged.The ILO, for instance, has piloted a project promoting ethical recruitment of Nepali workers in Jordanian garment factories.With vested interest groups, political interference, regulatory loopholes and profits at the cost of the needy, it is difficult to picture professionalism and ethical beheaviour. But crossborder intermediation services will remain in demand given the attraction for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-year-of-migrant-workers/">overseas jobs</a>, since 90% of recruitment is driven by recruiters.Perhaps the disproportionate focus on just the recruitment costs in Nepal’s migration governance is because it is often the root to subsequent vulnerabilities faced by migrants, and there is some semblance of control as the transaction takes place within Nepal’s jurisdiction. But salaries, associated benefits, and how they are treated all affect the wellbeing of a migrant worker.Sting operations are good examples to help curb fraudulent activities, particularly as the shrinkage in job opportunities due to Covid-19 heightens the risks of unethical practices. Lack of employment opportunities has spurred unhealthier competition among recruiters and more desperate migrants. But a government reward system that recognises and supports pioneer recruiters opting the ethical route is also needed.The migrants at the airport last week said they learnt about IMR through word of mouth and Facebook. They were lucky to land these jobs without paying fees because all overseas vacancies in Nepal are posted as ‘no cost’ in the public domain.The good players in the industry need to be publicly recognised, provided training opportunities and other incentives that will help them attract both employers and migrants. Only then can they distinguish themselves from the lot, build credibility and lead the way.Upasana Khadka writes this column Labour Mobility every month in Nepali Times analysing trends affecting Nepal’s workers abroad.

Upasana Khadka

original

674x448

610x380

500x500

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

1250x600

1084x550

A few good agents

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636badfa9c7e80680e077fc5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="597" height="341"/><figcaption>Labour Migration Outflows has Plummeted in 2019/20 Source : Foreign Employment Information Management System (FEIMS)</figcaption></figure>Travel restrictions and the economic fallout of the global pandemic in countries that employ migrant workers have hit <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/caught-in-the-middle/migration-agency-exploitation,4003">labour recruiters</a> in Nepal hard.Although the plight of migrant workers gets a lot of media attention and recruitment agencies get blamed much of the time, the truth remains: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/zero-sum-game-in-zero-cost-migration/">Nepal’s labour migration industry</a> rests on the shoulders of these very recruiters.Labour recruiters have been responsible for 88-92% of Nepali workers mobilised annually since 2015. With their business plummeting because of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-kathmandu-airlift-begins/">COVID-19</a> (see chart), they have been putting pressure on the government to scrap rules that regulate the industry.Last week, the Cabinet waived the legal requirement for recruiters to have mobilised at least 100 workers annually in the last two years to be eligible for license renewal. While this number does not seem high, the placement patterns suggest otherwise.In 2018/19, over half the recruiters deployed less than 100 workers, and the numbers are even lower this year with the pandemic. According to Kumar Dahal, Director of Department of Foreign Employment, the licenses of 536 of the 854 registered recruiters would have been scrapped had the waiver not been given.Recruitment agencies have other demands, including use of escrow deposits of a minimum of Rs5 million in cash and Rs15 million in bank guarantees for companies mobilising up to 3,000 workers. The government dips into this deposit in case workers need compensation, either because of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/shared-stories-shattered-dreams/">fraudulent activities</a> that recruiters themselves or the foreign employers engage in.“They should at least let us use the cash deposit temporarily,” says Saroj Pokhrel, a labour recruiter. “The government would still have our bank guarantee to rely on in case of fraudulent activities.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636badfb9c7e80680e077fc6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="347" height="241"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Recruiters also want the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/why-has-zero-cost-migration-not-happened/">free-visa-free-ticket policy scrapped</a>, arguing that it affects their competitiveness in the international market. Instead, they want to be allowed to be charged a month’s salary as fee.Pokhrel says that being allowed to charge a month’s salary like the Philippines will give firms an incentive to look for higher paying jobs, and the government can increase its tax revenue. However, both the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/doubts-on-zero-cost-migration-deal-coming-into-force,2157">free-visa-free-ticket policy</a> or a cap on a month’s wage are moot because the actual cost paid by workers is significantly higher, the consequences of which is being borne by thousands of workers now.There is a need to go beyond principle-based discussions on zero-cost recruitment. The experience of Ethics Practitioners Association of Nepal (EPAN), an umbrella organisation of recruiters determined to carry out ethical recruitment that includes zero costs to workers, is telling.  In the last few years, the organisation has mobilised zero workers.Rajendra Khadka of EPAN explains: “We have not been able to attract a single ethical employer. We are gaining recognition internationally, but it is still difficult to earn the trust of employers engaged in ethical recruitment which are generally multinational companies and brands. Even workers themselves do not trust us, as they associate recruitment costs to the quality of jobs.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636badfd9c7e80680e077fc7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="316" height="207"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Recruiters are embroiled in fierce, unhealthy competition among themselves as they vie for the limited jobs in common destinations, with majority focusing on just a few countries. Even though they are legally allowed to supply workers to 110 countries, Nepali recruiters sent workers to just 28 countries last year, with the majority to just one or two countries (See Chart).For example, over 747 recruiters deployed workers to Qatar in 2018/19 and very few outside the Gulf and Malaysia. (See chart) This over-concentration in a few countries intensifies competition as recruiters tend to outbid one another while fetching job offers, and many even pay employers or foreign recruiters for job offers. Desperate Nepalis are willing to pay exorbitant fees, and this distorted arrangement works well for recruiters.The unhealthy competition among recruiters also transcends boundaries. There are, for example, over 1,200 recruiters in Bangladesh, 1,857 in Pakistan and 1,454 in India competing for similar jobs. Regionally, there are 4,346 recruiters audited and registered with Malaysia’s Foreign Workers Centralised Management System to undertake biomedical health examination of prospective migrants to Malaysia. The sheer numbers of recruiters competing for limited jobs indicates how competitive it is.With the pandemic, the contraction in jobs available globally may also be an impetus for fiercer competition which will lead to more workers having to bear recruitment costs. For Nepal to unilaterally declare a free-visa-free-ticket policy therefore may be a populist move, but it will mean under-the-table transactions between workers and recruiters will continue in an unmanaged way.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636badfe9c7e80680e077fc8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="280" height="239"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636badff9c7e80680e077fc9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="537" height="250"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Nepal may be pushing a rights-based approach to migration, and while this may be necessary, sticking to just principles may end up being counterproductive.When recruitment costs for workers from Bangladesh and Pakistan are three to four times that of Nepal, our attempts to unilaterally control costs will fall short. International frameworks like the Colombo Process to find a common voice among migrant sending countries do exist, but they have very little to show for.They have not done much to address the common plight of their workers during the pandemic, precisely when such international cooperation was needed the most. Either we need to admit that these loose platforms are not meant to create any tangible difference on the ground, or the Colombo Process needs to be revamped so it is more than just a forum to share experiences.Within Nepal as well, there is no carrot for good-performers and the ‘stick’ is always just for show because the same leaders governing recruiters are also colluding with them behind doors to allow the status quo to remain. As with everything else, as long as corrupt leaders meddle with this industry, there is very little incentive for any real change.Even a conservative estimate of recruitment costs of  $1,000 per worker means that in 2018/19, over Rs28 billion was floating around, a fraction of which can be earmarked to  influence policy decisions and even, who gets to stay a minister.It is just a matter of time before workers will be once more lining up for labour approvals. Nepal’s migrant recruitment industry shares commonalities with the lemon market for used cars, where the whole industry is viewed with suspicion and distrust, given difficulties distinguishing the good ones (peaches) from the frauds (lemons).Clamping down on recruiters is necessary given prevalent malpractices, but it is also important to acknowledge the contribution in matching workers at scale from every corner of Nepal for jobs abroad. The government would not have been able to manage this on its own. Other labour exporting countries <a href="https://scroll.in/article/967466/can-indias-international-labour-recruitment-agencies-bounce-back-from-coronavirus-induced-losses?fbclid=IwAR1kSsxC7aJ3A77fpIe5NbXXPRbNvQX_vLy_yClAtcDMG9wWFgQRHthDNLs">like India are also facing a similar dilemma</a> – how to minimise recruiters’ malpractices while using their contribution during the pandemic.The role of recruitment agencies in driving diversification to new destination countries, and higher skilled sectors will be crucial in the post-pandemic phase if the demand for Nepali workers in the Gulf and Malaysia drops.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141140/636bae009c7e80680e077fcajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="361" height="239"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Pokhrel says recruitment can be cleaned up and made more professional with mergers to reduce the number of recruiters, or setting standards and criteria for those competent enough to be in the recruitment business. But for all this, Nepal needs a more coordinated approach between the government and private sector.Upasana Khadka writes this column <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/why-has-zero-cost-migration-not-happened/">Labour Mobility</a> every month in Nepali Times analysing trends affecting Nepal’s workers abroad.

Brokers going for broke

Who is accountable for teacher-student relationships?

Early on Monday morning, a bus from Pokhara to Kathmandu plunged off the highway in Dhading killing 19 passengers. Two weeks ago, another bus fell into the Tama Kosi in Manthali, killing 12. A few days before that a bus crash in Baitadi killed 13 people.&nbsp; In just the month before Nepal's election, more than 50 people have been killed in road traffic accidents. Most of these cannot be called 'accidents'. They are a direct result of poorly maintained highways and lack of enforcement of traffic discipline. Political parties in Nepal have rolled out their election manifestos, and voters are once again presented with a flood of promises. Page after page, these documents list megawatts and microcredit, highways and airports, jobs and investment. In these manifestos, growth is quantified, projects itemised, revenue forecast — and there are even threats to beat up contractors who do not finish their jobs. But when everything is declared a priority the stale promises are empty. The voter is left confused as to where the party’s loyalties really lie. Will any of these plans and pledges actually ever materialise and help Nepalis live longer, safer, healthier lives? The main job of any accountable government is to protect its citizens, not so much from foreign enemies but from domestic mismanagement. And this means the most basic test the new government should be made to pass is whether it can ensure basic well-being and protection for all its people. The problems of safety, health, and survival remain unresolved for most Nepalis, and are quietly eroding their lives. In the past year alone, the country’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/roadkill">roads and highways claimed more than 2,300</a> lives. An estimated 41,000 Nepalis die each year directly because of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-is-invisible-is-more-dangerous">air pollution</a>, and their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/air-pollution-killing-season-starts-early">lifespans are lessened by 3.4 years</a>.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health">Non-communicable diseases</a> now account for well over half of total deaths in the country. And even where survival has improved, deprivation remains. Chronic malnutrition continues to haunt communities in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/mass-migration-from-muktikot">Nepal’s western mountains</a> despite progress in maternal and child health.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260223130240_4f4ef83a31c3c4ae36ecdffb33a355e2fa3de9e98244b840a895af2d95c35ac0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260223130240_4f4ef83a31c3c4ae36ecdffb33a355e2fa3de9e98244b840a895af2d95c35ac0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="683" loading="lazy" alt="A life-first manifesto for Nepal NT"> </figure>  These are the lived realities of most Nepalis, and it is here that development can deliver its most immediate returns. A rising GDP, in and of itself, does not make roads safer, clean polluted air, or provide enough nutrition to children. Such outcomes demand intentional, granular policies that confront the specific, everyday problems shaping people’s lives.&nbsp; Macroeconomic growth, trade and investment are important, but these alone cannot guarantee improvements health and safety. The word ‘growth’, after all, is also synonymous with malignancy. Economic progress and human protection are correlated only when governance deliberately links them. Impact on life is the unit in which ordinary Nepalis calculate progress. What is needed, then, is a governing philosophy measurable in these same terms: a ‘life-first’ standard where every policy, budget, and reform can be understood and judged by its impact on protecting and extending human life. Such a ‘life-first’ approach would scrutinise three aspects of every policy. First, whether the policy prevents loss of life. A death is termed preventable if better, more coordinated response systems and regulations could have avoided it (vaccines, drugs, road safety, clean drinking water). A newly built six-lane highway <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/highway-accidents-are-no-accident-in-nepal">can be a death trap</a> due to poor design or lax enforcement of safety rules. If neonatal deaths continue in a district despite hospitals being present, or if malnutrition claims lives in predominantly agricultural regions, they too are failures. Preventable deaths also cluster where accountability is less direct. Just last year, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/suicides-a-pandemic-within-a-pandemic">Nepal recorded 6,866 suicides</a>, with nearly 20 lives lost every day, yet these deaths fail to prompt any serious examination of governance. The same holds for fatalities linked to domestic or communal violence, alcohol and substance misuse, or ‘natural’ disasters, which register as ‘tragedies without remedy’ rather than as outcomes policy can influence. But when avoidable loss of life recurs at scale, isolated incidents become patterns, and patterns reveal systemic neglect. Saving lives, however, is only the first step, and what matters just as much is the quality of years lived. Nepal’s life expectancy now stands at 71 years, yet many citizens spend years in avoidable disability, untreated chronic illness, or mental distress. A life- first government must ask not only whether people live, but whether they thrive. Are citizens able to pursue education, work, and family life without fear of preventable harm? Do communities have access to clean air and water, nutritious food, and basic healthcare? Can a teenager anywhere in Nepal imagine a future not foreclosed by premature marriage, or untreated depression?  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260223130240_157d72b80b82a07699b6bffbb30036b86f0f767a5674cc3db3d5c20343442940.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260223130240_157d72b80b82a07699b6bffbb30036b86f0f767a5674cc3db3d5c20343442940" data-rendition-name="original" width="2529" height="1427" loading="lazy" alt="A life-first manifesto for Nepal NT"> </figure>  Thriving requires policies that prevent suffering and promote well-being in addition to ensuring survival.&nbsp; Finally, governance must consider graceful aging. Elderly Nepalis should not be left to navigate disease, poverty, or isolation alone. Social systems, healthcare, and community support must enable their continued participation and dignified well-being. Adopting this three-layered standard would gradually reorient how success of any new government is defined. Transportation would be judged by fatalities reduced on the roads. Electricity generation would be measured by whether households can switch from firewood dependence to smoke-free electric stoves.&nbsp; Increase in annual rice harvest must translate into better nutrition, reducing the prevalence of chronic diseases like diabetes. Accountability must follow problems rather than stop at Singha Darbar. Only then will politicians and bureaucrats eventually recognise that their work converges on the same human endpoint. Critics will argue that economies are complex, trade-offs are inevitable, and that governance cannot be reduced to a single metric.But, as Acemoglu and Robinson show in their book <a href="https://ia801506.us.archive.org/27/items/WhyNationsFailTheOriginsODaronAcemoglu/Why-Nations-Fail_-The-Origins-o-Daron-Acemoglu.pdf">Why Nations Fail</a>, the key difference between prosperity and poverty lies in inclusive institutions that empower citizens and create broad incentives for well-being.&nbsp; Extractive institutions concentrate power and wealth in the hands of a few while keeping the majority trapped in neglect. Nepal’s governance has remained a striking example of extraction. If lawmakers in the new Parliament continue to resist changes that would save and improve the lives of ordinary citizens, the same systemic rot will persist for generations to come. A life-first mentality can cut through this inertia by clarifying the moral centre of governance and reminding policymakers that behind every policy failure lies human cost. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/epicentre-of-hunger">Every mother in Bajura</a> with a child going hungry at night, every farmer in the Madhes unable to afford medical care, and every family that has lost <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/saving-kidneys-to-save-nepal">a migrant son to kidney failure</a> understands the true <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/dirty-dangerous-difficult-and-dehydrating">value of a life saved</a>. Life is the one metric that transcends ideology, ethnicity, and region. Centering governance on this single, focused metric, can shift an election from a contest of rhetoric to a contest of evidence. Which party ensured access to safe water and basic healthcare? Which made work at home and abroad safer and less exploitative. Which measurably extended healthy years of life for ordinary citizens? Health is wealth. By improving the healthy lifespan of citizens economic prosperity would follow naturally. A ‘life-first’ governance model would therefore compel Nepal to address the underlying structural failures across all sectors, rather than merely alleviating their symptoms. The GenZ protest that toppled the government last September was, at its core, a demand for accountability and a rejection of politics as usual. But as the country edges closer to the polls, that clarity has started to dissipate. Parties are now echoing the language of reform, but the public discourse remains dominated by promises that feel disconnected from Nepal’s most immediate and basic priorities. Every preventable death, every hungry child, and every neglected elder becomes a direct failure of governance and a moral debt the state must answer for. It is how we can make sure we keep the next government in check. The writers are Nepali GenZ students of biomedical engineering at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University.

Nepal’s life or death election

Chronic winter drought and decades of unmanaged forest biomass have turned wildfires into a systemic risk for Nepal. We need to re-learn to convert fire fuel in forests into fertilizer for crops.&nbsp; On 11 January, a huge forest fire spread rapidly from China into the forests of Sindhupalchok, 40km northeast of Kathmandu. The newly-opened Tatopani border checkpoint was closed. Smoke from the fire spread across central Nepal, blocking the sun.&nbsp; The fire burnt itself out within a few days, but the border stayed closed for longer. Such wildfires were once rare in mid-winter, and traditionally peaked between March and May as temperatures rose ahead of pre-monsoon showers. What is unsettling is not just the early onset of the fires, but also their scale. This shift is not accidental, the pattern has been unfolding over years due to winter drought, weakening post-monsoon moisture, and the accumulation of dry forest biomass as Nepal’s forest area doubled in the past 30 years.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022009024_5f4a84bb389f9b56f4fa47d4f694adcd464eb13b192d184af0f1eb20efdfeebf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026022009024_5f4a84bb389f9b56f4fa47d4f694adcd464eb13b192d184af0f1eb20efdfeebf" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1055" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfire season NT"> <figcaption>A NASA FIRMS image of Nepal with red dots signifying fires in February 2025.</figcaption> </figure>  Together, these factors have made forests tinder dry in spring, just waiting for a spark. Nepal has experienced winter drought in eight of the past ten years (this winter was an exception). Winter rain and snow at higher elevations play a decisive role in maintaining surface moisture, recharging shallow aquifers, and keeping forest floors damp enough to resist ignition. When winter rains fail, forests dry out months earlier than usual. Satellite-based assessments show a steep decline in surface moisture across the middle mountains of Nepal, particularly in areas with dense forest cover but limited undergrowth management. Springs that once flowed year-round are now seasonal.&nbsp; More than half of the springs in the mid-hills have either dried up or show significantly reduced discharge, a trend closely linked to declining soil moisture and disrupted recharge zones. Dry soil does not just threaten water security — it helps the vegetation ignite. FUEL WITHOUT FUNCTION For decades, Nepal’s forests have been accumulating dry leaf litter, fallen branches, shrubs, and deadwood. Historically, this biomass was not considered waste because rural households regularly collected leaf litter for livestock bedding, which was later composted and returned to farms as fertilizer.&nbsp; Forest floors were therefore relatively clean while the mulch fertilized farms. That relationship has steadily eroded due to outmigration, changes in livestock systems, restrictions on access to community forests, and the growing availability of chemical fertilisers.&nbsp; Community forests across the country today are thick with dry twigs, branches and leaves — a highly combustible carpet. When prolonged drought dries this biomass, even a small spark from a herder’s intentional fire, a cigarette, or lightning strike can trigger massive fires.&nbsp; Under such conditions, the question is no longer whether fires will occur, but how intense and widespread they will be. Forest fires are often framed as an environmental issue concerning trees and wildlife. In reality, their impact extends far beyond forest boundaries.&nbsp; Smoke travels faster and further than flames. Fine particulate matter, especially harmful PM2.5, spreads across countries. In recent fire seasons, air quality monitors in Kathmandu have recorded air quality levels several times higher than WHO guidelines. The smoke adds to Kathmandu’s own pollution and lingers for days.&nbsp; Flights are cancelled or delayed in cities like Pokhara, and poor visibility blocks mountain views affecting tourism. Health facilities report spikes in respiratory complaints, particularly among children and the elderly. Just as wildfires have multi-sectoral causes, the impact of forest fires go beyond forests. One critical dimension remains largely invisible: the soil. The fires cause silent damage beneath the ash, and the emergency does not end when the flames subside. Beneath the surface, soil suffers long-term damage. Organic matter burns away, beneficial microorganisms die. The soil structure weakens, reducing the land’s ability to absorb and retain water. The scorched earth is more prone to erosion, increasing the risk of floods and landslides once the rains return.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022009028_cc54ff056b2cac8b789cfd4d11afef9eaf943368e47b99aabd57c7b63b776cf2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026022009028_cc54ff056b2cac8b789cfd4d11afef9eaf943368e47b99aabd57c7b63b776cf2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1717" height="2143" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfire season NT"> <figcaption>Wildfire risk map based on the validated Random Forest model (a) Overall reclassified wildfire risk map of Nepal, (b) District level wildfire risk, and (c) Municipality wildfire risk map.</figcaption> </figure>  In many of Nepal’s agricultural areas, soil organic matter levels are already below 2% -- lower than what is needed for resilient and productive farming. Repeated fires push these levels even lower, undermining soil fertility and forcing farmers to rely more heavily on chemical fertilisers, unleashing a vicious cycle of higher costs and food insecurity.&nbsp; Climate breakdown is often cited as the primary culprit, and rightly so. Rising temperatures and erratic rainfall have intensified fire risk. But fires in Nepal are increasingly the result of human intervention.&nbsp; The response of all three levels of government remains too little, and too reactive. Each year, resources are mobilised to extinguish fires once they have already spread. Far less attention is paid to managing the fuel load within forest undergrowth that makes such fires inevitable.&nbsp; Meanwhile, forestry and agriculture policies are not coordinated, missing opportunities to address shared challenges. Forest fires are not natural disasters, but predictable outcomes of governance choices. National plans and climate pledges set an ambitious target of raising soil organic matter to 4%. The science behind this goal is solid. Higher organic matter improves water retention, stabilises yields, reduces fertiliser dependence, and enhances long-term food security. What remains unclear is the pathway.&nbsp; Where will the organic inputs come from? How will they be processed and applied safely at scale? Without practical answers, the 4% target risks remaining aspirational rather than achievable. Forest undergrowth can be turned into fuel and fertiliser. Biochar is produced by heating organic biomass in a low-oxygen environment, converting it into a stable form of carbon that can be added to soil.&nbsp; When properly produced and applied, it improves soil structure, enhances water and nutrient retention, supports microbial activity, and locks carbon into the ground for decades. In Nepal biochar addresses two interconnected problems: reducing the accumulation of combustible biomass in forests, lowering fire risk, while simultaneously rebuilding depleted soils. In doing so, it restores the broken link between forest management and agriculture.&nbsp; Done well, biochar is not merely an environmental intervention. It is an economic one, with potential to create local employment, reduce farmers’ input costs, and support climate-smart agriculture. But biochar propagation depends on improved governance. If promoted as isolated pilots or short-term projects, it will fail. What is needed is institutional clarity: standards for production and safety, quality control mechanisms, farmer extension services, and coordination across local, provincial, and federal levels.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022009028_e6e2218f38fae5b1fe81d9f99078fe01f58d04b4b3b2c41447f017c3f838a1d4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026022009028_e6e2218f38fae5b1fe81d9f99078fe01f58d04b4b3b2c41447f017c3f838a1d4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1536" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfire season NT"> <figcaption>Freshly prepared biochar under control tempature (350-600°C).</figcaption> </figure>  Community forest user groups could manage biomass collection. Local governments then support safe, decentralised production units. Agricultural extension services guide farmers on application, linked to soil testing and monitoring. Such an approach would reduce fire risk, improve soil health, and generate rural livelihoods.&nbsp; Poorly produced biochar or contaminated feedstock can harm soils and human health. Without training, standards, and oversight, good intentions can backfire. Nepal needs to move beyond fire-fighting to fire prevention and confront the structural causes that make them a growing risk. It is not just a technical choice – it is one that demands political will from newly-elected leaders after March. &nbsp;&nbsp; Ngamindra Dahal is a hydrometeorologist with the Nepal Water Conservation Foundation specialising on climate and water management issues.&nbsp;

RED ALERT: Get ready for the wildfire season

Party flags and banners wave from electric poles, houses and e-rickshaws are festooned with posters. Madhes Province is in the grip of election fever, and in a tour through four of its districts, there is the sense that any efforts by mainstream political parties at reforms have come too little too late. Among the banners, the sky blue of the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/new-vs-new-in-nepal"> RSP is more prominent </a>here this time, and the rallying cry across the country for new and improved leadership is echoed on the ground. “For the people around here, whatever these old leaders are saying has become just noise,” says a lassi shop operator in Janakpur, waving a dismissive hand at flags with the NC’s tree symbol across the street. In Janakpur, UML nominee Raghubir Mahaseth was barred from canvassing door-to-door. Campaign posters of the mainstream parties have been torn from walls and replaced with RSP posters.&nbsp; In Inarwari village of Rautahat in the Madhes heartland, local elected officials whose parties have been merged into the Nepali Communist Party hope to retain enough supporters this election. But not many residents say they would vote for its candidate. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022005024_a793e3a19cbd536fde50708c4a41b8b0d39a4716c6973feddad889097b655641.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026022005024_a793e3a19cbd536fde50708c4a41b8b0d39a4716c6973feddad889097b655641" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Battleground Tarai NT"> <figcaption>Photos: SHRISTI KARKI</figcaption> </figure>  A first-time voter in Sarlahi’s Haripur is home on a semester break from medical school in Kathmandu, and is waiting excitedly for 5 March. “You can’t really say out loud whom you’re voting for around here,” he says, as he mimes ringing a bell. “It is time for someone new to be in-charge." In the highway town of Bardibas, an elderly teashop owner says that all she hears are calls for घण्टी, the RSP’s bell symbol. “After all, bells are rung in the house of gods,” she says. “It seems like the right choice.” The RSP wave sweeping the nation after the GenZ movement is seen in Madhes, and the PR ballots might reflect that, notes political analyst Tula Narayan Shah.&nbsp; “But the socio-cultural networks, organisational setup, and legacy of democratic movement of traditional parties might still give them a fighting chance on the first past the post ballot,” he says. &nbsp;“The door-to-door campaign style of candidates has always been more prominent in Madhes than elsewhere.”&nbsp; Villages like Dhankaul in Sarlahi-4 where <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/grand-split-in-nepal-s-grand-old-party">Gagan Thapa</a> of the Nepali Congress (NC) is running against incumbent Amresh Singh, is an NC stronghold. Singh won the election here twice before in 2013 and 2017 when he was an NC leader, and still had goodwill among NC voters when he ran and won as an independent during the 2022 election. “I voted for him twice before when he was in the NC, but he did not do anything for this or other villages. Once he is elected, he has not set foot here,” says Rajiv Yadav, a voter in Dhanakul. “The RSP will get more votes here than last time, but Gagan is sure to win. This village will vote for him.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022005024_26691bb5a37edf705cc197a632d0bf032f984079a838d31bcd943bc0b9c97ff3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2026022005024_26691bb5a37edf705cc197a632d0bf032f984079a838d31bcd943bc0b9c97ff3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Battleground Tarai NT"> </figure>  Madhes is in the spotlight this election because two prime ministerial candidates have focused their attention in the region. Balen Shah began his campaign in Janakpur (main picture, left) in January as a ‘Son of Madhes’, and Gagan Thapa chose Sarlahi-4 as his constituency over Kathmandu-4, from where he has been elected since 2013.&nbsp; The Madhes has always been the battleground for Nepal’s electoral politics, and candidates from here, like Krishna Prasad Bhattarai from Parsa, Pushpa Kamal Dahal from Siraha, Jhala Nath Khanal from Sarlahi, and Madhav Kumar Nepal from Rautahat, have all been prime ministers. Despite electing politicians to high office in Kathmandu, districts of Madhes have consistently ranked low in development and service delivery indicators, especially in basic healthcare and education. Socio-economic inequalities stemming from a lack of opportunities has also meant that Madhes districts have the highest rate of out-migration in the country.&nbsp; What is different this time is that the people of the province have a Madhesi prime ministerial candidate who will represent them in national politics, and the main competition ultimately will be between the NC and RSP prime ministerial candidates. Interestingly, voters seem to be looking beyond Madhes-based parties who have historically campaigned on identity and federalism.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026022005024_1b5c1134fb02ded72a12221200918df584b0cd003139bb2be44951efe9a65bf1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2026022005024_1b5c1134fb02ded72a12221200918df584b0cd003139bb2be44951efe9a65bf1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Battleground Tarai NT"> </figure>  “Leaders of Madhes parties have glorified their struggle for votes but failed to perform on good governance at local and provincial levels,” explains Tula Narayan Shah. “Now, Balen has become a PM candidate as a face of the region, and as someone who will deliver based on his work as Kathmandu mayor.” If the RSP wins, it will be governing in the absence of provincial leadership that would play a crucial mediatory role between Kathmandu and local units. On Wednesday, RSP’s Madhes province chair Mamta Sharma resigned from the party and joined the NC. There is also some underlying tension between RSP cadre loyal to Balen Shah and Rabi Lamichhane. “It is not prudent to predict who will win the election and whether parties will deliver on promises,” says Tula Narayan Shah. “But win or lose, there is little basis at this time to believe that the RSP will be committed to making the federal system and provinces more functional.” Voters here in the heart of the federalism movement, however, are willing to give the RSP the benefit of the doubt. &nbsp;Resident Brahma Dev in Janakpur told us: &nbsp;“The RSP, like parties that came before them, deserve a chance to prove their leadership in the next five years. If they do not deliver, we can always vote them out next time.”&nbsp; On Wednesday, NC leaders unveiled the party’s 10-point election manifesto at a large rally in Janakpur (main picture, right). Gagan Thapa began by addressing a cheering crowd in Maithili, and said the NC was reformed, adding:&nbsp; “The GenZ did not reject us, they told us to change our ways.” Also on Wednesday 800km away at the other end of the country in Dhangadi, Balen Shah, in a speech that lasted just three minutes, he said: “Don’t vote for us, give us work to do.”&nbsp;

labour-recruiters

A few good agents

Brokers going for broke

Who is accountable for teacher-student relationships?

Nepal’s life or death election

RED ALERT: Get ready for the wildfire season

Battleground Tarai