<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412118/6372227b9c7e80680e0c02fbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="533"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s Election Commission is tasked with conducting free and fair elections and oversees every aspect of it from voter registration, and campaign compliance, to the actual voting and counting process.To ensure a smooth election, election observers are assigned at polling booths across the country to closely monitor voting.Here are some of my observations of the local level election in Kaski’s Machapuchre Rural Municipality as compared to the 2013 Constitution Assembly election as well as the 2017 local, provincial, and federal elections.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepals-alt-right-falls-off-the-map/">Nepal’s alt-right falls off the map</a>, Nishnu ThingCandidate registrationOn the single day allocated for candidate registration in 2017, election officials were inundated by those registering  their candidates for the local polls at election institutions across the country. Two days were assigned for registration during this election — but it made little difference.While independent candidates mostly got registered in Kaski on the first day on 24 April, candidates of Nepal’s mainstream political parties flocked together to the election offices at the last moment during the second day, and they were registering till well into the night, overwhelming officials.Election campaigningBy 2017, traditional campaigning methods like posters, street-art, and graffiti had gone down significantly and the use of social media by candidates had risen exponentially. Meanwhile, there was notable use of election merchandising, mainly clothing.The internet played an even bigger role in advertising in 2022, along with door-to-door campaigns and election rallies. And although pamphlets were distributed during both small and large scale campaigning, traditional forms were nearly obsolete, including merchandising.The 2013 CA elections saw many instances of candidates not being allowed to campaign, and there were clashes. Some candidates were barred from campaigning in 2022, and there were cases of contenders being pressured to withdraw their candidacy by the party leadership, as well as of big parties dissuading smaller parties and independent candidates from contesting.Code of ConductThe irony of elections in Nepal is that the very political parties that have expressed their commitment to abide by the election code of conduct continue to violate it, with electoral institutions bearing silent witness.Indeed, the Election Office did not prioritise let alone pay attention to election code violations unless complaints were made specifically. And even then, the attention was limited to asking concerned parties for clarification without any clear end to code violations.In the days leading up to the election, Pokhara’s then mayor attended the inauguration of a newly-constructed bridge— election slogans blaring from the loudspeaker of his vehicle—in a blatant attempt to sway voters.The Election Officer sought a clarification, but the mayor was let off with  a warning after he conveyed that he had simply gone to the site to observe the bridge, not inaugurate it.Voter list and IDNumerous errors in the voter roll meant that the exact turnout could not be ascertained from the list. There were mistakes in personal details, including names and dates of birth. Adult voters were found missing from the list, while duplicated names as well as names of the deceased were retained. Conducting elections on the basis of flawed voter lists is a challenging task for polling officials. However voters cannot be deprived of their rights due to auch shortcomings.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/snowbalen/">SNOWBALEN</a>, Shristi Karki<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412118/6372227d9c7e80680e0c02fcjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="754"><figcaption>Photo: LOKRANJAN PARAJULI</figcaption></figure>Voter educationThe lack of voter education has been the biggest shortcoming in this election. The sheer number of candidates on the ballot, combined with the seven representatives that needed to be chosen for each local unit, meant that the ballot paper was big and complex.In the run-up to the previous local election, volunteers were deployed from door to door to familiarize voters with ballot papers.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-polls-a-rehearsal-for-federal-elections/">Nepal’s local polls a rehearsal for federal elections</a>, Shristi KarkiFor their part, political parties only taught voters to put the stamp on their party symbol all across the board, overlooking the fact that many candidates were contesting the election under an alliance with coalition parties. Moreover, this was also not very helpful to voters who planned to vote for candidates of different parties, including independents.Although the overall percentage of null votes were relatively low, the amount of invalid votes for some of the seven positions was disproportionately high.Election dayIn Machapuchre Rural Municipality voting was peaceful. Senior citizens, sick people, and disabled voters were given first priority, while voters who needed assistance with the ballot were able to be helped by their family members, although the polling centre did not ask to see proof of relationship in such cases. Women were present in larger numbers than men.Among the almost 1000 voters registered in the unit, three voters returned from the polling station because their names were not on the voter roll. One of them had a voter ID card, while the other two claimed to have voted in the previous election.One person was not allowed to cast a vote despite proper identification, and being on the the voter list.Problems in supervisionOn polling day, election observers can choose to supervise one polling place throughout the voting process, or visit more than one polling station to make a comparative study.This time, however, the Election Commission tried to enforce the rule of staying in one polling station all day, but local election officers encouraged observers to make rounds of multiple polling stations.Observers were barred from visiting some polling stations and counting stations, for which both the staff who did not understand the essence of election observation and the Election Commission who did not adequately explain it are to blame.If observers are barred from supervising election-related activities, then there is no point in assigning observers at all.There have also been some weaknesses on the part of observers. Sine failed to maintain proper distance with voters in many polling places, behaving like party representatives instead of election representatives.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/">Rise of the independents</a>, Editorial<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412118/6372227f9c7e80680e0c02fdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="900" height="499"><figcaption>Photo: SARITA DAHAL</figcaption></figure>Election rulesWhile it was customary to seal the ballot box with lacquer in the past, boxes are now sealed with numbered plastic. However, election officials were pressured by party representatives to the ballot boxes in white cloth and stamping the cloth with lacquer as in the past.The Commission ordered a ban on vehicular movement during the election to prevent voters from casting their ballots from more than one polling place, which happened during the 2017 election.Since the voter list includes photographs of voters, however, it is impossible for anyone to cast votes from more than one station. The decision was also considered reasonable for security purposes, but it prevented many from getting to polling stations.Challenges to the Election CommissionMany steps taken by the Election Commission seemed ad hoc, in part because of the limited time and resources available.But the government, the Commission as well as the media and the civil society as a whole seems to only focus on election day when they should be paying attention to the entire process.It is not a good sign for a democratic system when police presence is more dominant in polling stations than election officials. While observing the 2017 elections in Liberia, a country that had just emerged from a period of conflict, I noticed that the police and military presence at polling stations was negligible.Ballot counting was also faster and more streamlined. Nepal has much to learn from Liberia.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114121112/637222819c7e80680e0c02fejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="87" height="109">Shekhar Parajuli is a researcher. Adapted from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/130659">Nepali original</a> by Shristi Karki. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/"> Kathmandu’s ‘Balen Phenomenon’</a>, Sarala Gautam

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What goes on in Nepal’s elections

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412118/637222689c7e80680e0c02f4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"/>A month after local polls, the Election Commission has proposed provincial and federal elections be held in the third week of November.This has stirred individual hopefuls to try to cash in on the momentum generated by independent candidates who were elected mayors -- like Balen Shah of Kathmandu, Harka Sampang of Dharan, Manoj Shah of Janakpur, and Gopal Hamal of Dhangadi.The popularity of Mayor Balen Shah in Kathmandu in particular has prompted young aspirants to announce candidacies in the capital's 20 constituencies, even before poll dates are announced.One of them is former Bibeksheel Sajha Party member Ranju Darshana who in 2017 finished a respectable third in Kathmandu’s mayoral race. Pukar Bam as well as Milan Pandey from the same party have also announced they will be running from Kathmandu 1 and 9.Former police chief Ramesh Kharel is standing. Manushi Yami Bhattarai, daughter of former PM and Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai is also in the race.Independent candidates who lost the mayoral race for Kathmandu in May do not seem deterred either. Suman Sayami who finished fourth wants to stand for the federal parliament.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-polls-a-rehearsal-for-federal-elections/">Nepal’s local polls a rehearsal for federal elections</a>, Shristi KarkiMedia personalities, economists, as well as celebrities and social media influencers are also expected to announce their candidacies.Independent candidates did well in the May polls because of public disenchantment with established parties – proving that younger Nepalis are now more informed, engaged and interested in politics.Scandals this month involving the finance minister, embossed license plates and other scams will further harm public perception of the 5-party coalition.However, dissatisfaction with mainstream politicians has reached a point where those who have declared their candidacy run the risk of forming a cult of personality which could overshadow their platform and agenda.Even as the country gets ready for November, Nepali politics is once more embroiled in a geopolitical debate about whether Nepal should be part of the American State Partnership Program (SPP) for military disaster response.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/">Rise of the independents</a>, EditorialThe opposition UML and even members of Prime Minister Deuba’s Nepali Congress (NC) have demanded clarification in Parliament. Deuba tried to soothe ruffled feathers within the governing alliance on Wednesday, assuring partners that he will not entertain the American program.Coalition members NC, Maoists and Unified Socialists did well in local polls. But the coalition is also in trouble because JSP and the breakaway LSP lost their Madhes Province strongholds like Janakpur and Birganj. And now JSP leaders Upendra Yadav and Baburam Bhattarai are having a public spat.The SPP is polarising Nepali politics just as the US-supported MCC did in previous years.This could once again bring together the Maoists, UML and Unified Socialists, which were all part of the monolithic Nepal Communist Party in 2018.What worries some Congressites is that if the SPP debate escalates, it could break the coalition, and leave their party to fight elections alone.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepals-alt-right-falls-off-the-map/">Nepal’s alt-right falls off the map</a>, Nishnu Thing

Shristi Karki

SNOWBALEN

<img width="1050" height="794" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412114/6372216b9c7e80680e0c02b7jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Harka Sampung was a migrant worker in the arid mountains of Afghanistan. He dreamt of returning to Dharan’s lush forests to uplift his hometown. The main parties did not give him the time of day, the media ignored him.
He persevered, showing he meant business. He was always there, draped in Nepal’s national flag to remove garbage, manage bus schedules, and improve water supply to neighbourhoods. Citizens took notice, his dedication and integrity went viral on social media, and he was elected mayor.
Now, the national media cannot have enough of Mayor Sampung. Together with new independent candidates in Kathmandu, Dhangadi and other municipalities across the land, their message is clear — you do not need a ticket from a political party anymore <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/counting-every-vote/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">to be elected</a>.
Still, the future is a challenge. The multiple crises these cities face took a long time to accumulate. It is the result of structural failures in governance over decades. 
Problems like solid waste management, air pollution, toxic rivers, lack of water, decrepit roads cannot be solved overnight. But public expectation of these mayors from the public is high, and the main parties are waiting to prove them failures.
The wins of Harka Sampang in Dharan, Balen Shah in Kathmandu and Gopal Hamal in Dhangadi were natural, almost predictable. Public disenchantment with the established parties was so great that many defied the traditional <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/coalition-calculation/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">vote blocks</a> they commanded. 
Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/"> Kathmandu's 'Balen Phenomenon'</a>, Sarala Gautam
Even since the Panchayat and the constitutional monarchy days, Kathmandu is used to expressing its disapproval of the status quo by casting ‘protest votes’ for unlikely or upstart candidates. By electing Balen Shah and Harka Sampung, voters were also rejecting the other choices, ignoring party loyalty or ethnicity as ballot criteria.  
The local election campaign and reaction to results showed two types of disillusionment: political leaders within parties like the NC being convinced that their leaders took the wrong turn and undermined their party, and candidates not affiliated to any party that cashed in on the non-performance of established parties.
What the independents have shown is that a candidate no longer needs a party ticket to contest and win elections — at least for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local governments</a>. 
Balen Shah has got all the media spotlight, but there are many other municipalities across the country where independents have won because they convinced voters that they can deliver better services.
Public opinion surveys in the past have repeatedly shown that at the urban or municipal level, most voters do not care which party a candidate is from as long as they show a capacity to tackle every-day problems of city life. 
How these three independents as well as other municipal chairs and deputies handle the mountains of mess they have inherited from predecessors will be evident in the months ahead, especially as mainstream parties lock horns again <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-polls-a-rehearsal-for-federal-elections/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">in the run-up to federal and provincial elections</a> in November.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/making-kathmandu-great-again/">Making Kathmandu great again</a>, Nepali Times
Already, there is talk within the Nepali Congress (NC) that the party paid a price for supporting Maoist-Centre and CPN Unified Socialist candidates. A rough calculation shows that the NC may have actually won more than 400 of the 753 municipal posts if it had fielded its own candidates instead of backing those from coalition partners.
Maoist and Unified Socialist wins in cities like Bahartpur, Pokhara and Hetauda put those two parties in a strong position for national polls in  November. Now, there is talk of the Communist parties forging another electoral alliance for federal and provincial elections to undercut the Congress. 
Despite the relatively good job she has done in Bharatpur, it is questionable if Renu Dahal would have been re-elected <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/coalition-collision/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">without Congress votes</a>. Despite coming second in the municipal counts, the opposition UML did so despite having to run against five parties. 
What Balen Shah, Harka Sampung, Gopal Hall and others are selling is the hope of Nepalis everywhere for better governance. They won because they promised proven delivery. Most candidates from the big parties have nothing to show for themselves. 
The mayors who got re-elected in Bhaktapur, Lalitpur, were rewarded for their performance over the past five years. In the end, that is what democracy is all about, and we need to scale that up to a national level. 
Looking at November, the Congress can benefit from the split in the Communist vote, but only if the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-deal-breaker/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> coalition is intact</a> and the left does not unite. If they do not learn from the rise of the independents, they could suffer a collective setback.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepals-alt-right-falls-off-the-map/">Nepal's alt-right falls off the map</a>, Nishnu Thing

Rise of the independents

<img width="800" height="466" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111128/637218de9c7e80680e0baa6ajpeg.jpg" alt=""/>With most of the votes in the 13 May municipal elections counted, all eyes are now on the results of Nepal’s major cities.Nepalis are paying close attention to independent candidate Balen Shah, whose performance in Kathmandu’s mayoral race has challenged Nepal’s establishment parties, bringing in a new wave of enthusiasm, especially among young voters who might not previously have been politically engaged.Voters in Kathmandu punished mainstream parties for their lack of delivery.However, the phenomenon of young people setting their sights on  young, ‘alternative’candidates is not  new. Balen Shah’s candidacy, campaign, and his lead in the 2022 election is a further amplification of the response by voters in the 2017 local election of the newly-formed alternative parties.Nepalis began to explore the new political landscape following the success of India’s Aam Aadmi Party and its convener Arvind Kejriwal. A section of political and media personalities including Baburam Bhattarai and Rabindra Mishra led the way for alternative politics in Nepal, founding the Naya Shakti Party, and Sajha Party respectively.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Kathmandu's 'Balen Phenomenon'</a>, Sarala GautamThese collectives as well as the Bibeksheel Nepal Dal made way for leaders like Ranju Darshana and Surya Raj Acharya, who contested the Kathmandu local and legislative elections respectively in 2017.In the five years since the last election, these prominent alternative parties have gone through their own major upheavals—from mergers to splits, and re-mergers. The changes have ranged from party structure to ideology— as evidenced by Bibeksheel Sajha Party chair Rabindra Mishra’s shift from progressivism to a rightwing pro-monarchy and anti-federalism platform, which sowed the seeds of disillusionment among young Nepalis who had put their hopes in his party.In short, even parties that started out as the custodians of social liberalism have fallen victim to the establishment, although not many could have predicted that it would take a mere five years for a political collective built on such seemingly strong foundations to begin crumbling. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/local-poll-national-impact/">Local poll, national impact</a>, Nepali TimesThe local election has made it clear that falling back on reactionary politics can be harmful to the health of Nepal’s alternative political movements. Mishra, instead of figuring out what went wrong, has been placing the blame of his Kathmandu mayoral candidate's poor electoral performance on external circumstances.Even as there is a need for alternative ideas and political leadership in Nepal, elections are so expensive that they are not accessible to ordinary young Nepalis who want to serve the people. Who gets an election ticket is determined not by an aspirant’s capability and persona, but by how much money (which in most cases is ill-gotten) they are able and willing to spend on a campaign. Political parties overlook capable and educated young Nepalis to field candidates with shallow political understanding, but deep pockets.  Candidacy in elections is also determined by how willing established party leaders are to make way for young and qualified political leadership.  A recent conversation with a young man who had a doctorate from Jawaharlal Nehru University, revealed that even though he aspired to run for mayor of his municipality, his party gave the ticket to a political contractor who had not even finished high school.This columnist’s postgraduate research titled Plutocracy in The Apple Cart concluded that modern democracy is an aristocracy. Across the world and in Nepal, democracy is being held hostage by elite special interest groups. Indeed, even though Nepal conducts ‘democratically held’ elections periodically, the status quo does not change.Even as the future of Nepal’s early alternative parties looks bleak, it does not mean that alternative politics has no place in Nepal’s political landscape. The 2022 local election is a loud and clear message that Nepalis disillusioned by the country’s establishment politics will cast their votes for independent candidates like Balen Shah in Kathmandu and Gopal Hamal in Dhangadi if given the choice. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/">Nepal’s local election gives power back to people,</a> Rabin GiriNishnu Thing is a researcher, policy advocate, and roster expert for Policy Research Institute, a government think tank. Translated by Shristi Karki from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/129985" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/129985&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1653448625228000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3-giA8ubJOlsnB1OXz2RpI">Nepali original</a> published in <a href="http://himalkhabar.com/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://himalkhabar.com&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1653448625228000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1DKAZP40ZlRKuEgkL5REVL">himalkhabar.com</a>

Nepal's alt-right falls off the map

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637218069c7e80680e0baa1ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1062" height="830"/><figcaption>Balen campaigning in Kathmandu last week. Photo: BalenShah/Instagram</figcaption></figure>On Election Day on 13 May, I walked to a corner grocery store in my neighbourhood. The shopkeeper was all smiles as he showed me the blue dye on his left thumbnail. He had just voted for the rapper Balen Shah as Kathmandu’s new mayor.What made him reject all the other big name candidates: the opposition UML’s former mayor Keshab Sthapit, or Srijana Singh, the wife of Nepali Congress leader Prakash Man Singh and the common candidate of the ruling coalition? Was he disillusioned with the main parties?“Not really,” he replied. “I just like Balen. He talks sense.”More than anything else, Balen has won over even earlier skeptics with his passionate, no-nonsense talk, and his refusal to demean his rival candidates. “The others were busy hurling insults at each other, Balen has been above that, he just puts forward his ideas and plans for when he is elected,” the shopkeeper said.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/local-poll-national-impact/">Local poll, national impact</a>, Nepali TimesMany voters are enthusiastic about Balen’s clear-cut message that it is possible to make Kathmandu a livable and vibrant city. People in other municipalities say in social media posts that they wish they had a Balen, too. But even though the independent candidate has taken social media by storm, Nepal’s national press largely ignored him until his vote count started going up.It was clear in the days before voting that the ‘Balen Phenomenon’ was not just a social media frenzy. Even people known to have aligned with established parties said they voted for the rapper and activist.Nepalis seem to be looking to the future where there is a space for new ideas and new faces. But the media and the so-called intellectuals have long ignored this aspiration of citizens, tangling them in coverage of the blow-by-blow account of the power struggles between and within the main parties.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637218089c7e80680e0baa1fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1174" height="586">Balen is surging ahead in the vote count, and things could still go in favour of Sthapit or Singh. But his strong showing suggests that not just the people of Kathmandu, but Nepalis in general would also have voted for alternative candidates given the choice.Initially, established parties saw the youth's inclination towards Balen as a mere aberration -- dismissing it as a fringe protest vote by young people who did not ‘understand politics’. It turns out young Nepalis do not really want to understand that brand of established politics.There is a cabal of mainstream politicians and journalists who have pre-defined ideas about who ‘understands politics’ and who does not. These are the very people who are ever ready to bring down any change seeker. Their world revolves around others like them, confined to echo chambers.Even the new crop of writers and intellectuals have not risen above this mindset. They are complacent just having their mug-shots on the op-ed pages, or their talking heads on the television studios in the world of you-scratch-my-back-I-scratch-yours.As long as the politics is confined to the opinions of this select few, it is not politics at all. It is a fraud on the Nepali people. Understanding the hypocrisy of leaders alone does not mean one has a good grasp of politics. Knowing and understanding policies that influence the lives of citizens is what counts, and anyone seeking real change has to be for this.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372180b9c7e80680e0baa20jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1122" height="900"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Seasoned commentators on social media, politicians and some in the media do not like this. Political parties are paranoid about new people in leadership roles who challenge their nepotism -- putting up wives, sons, daughters as mayoral candidates, or using ethnicity as a card.Since the 2006 People’s Movement, a new generation with modern thinking has emerged. Their needs and desires are far beyond the imagination of entrenched commentators who, along with politicians, benefit from perpetuating the status quo. This is why we have a five-time prime minister, and the same old faces in politics from 25 years ago.But they see the Balen Shah phenomenon as a threat, and are countering it as only they know how: by providing astrological proof that he will not win, or by abusing him on Twitter.  This is all they know how to do, ‘leaders’ who have come to power by beheading people and sacrificing the innocent, this is how they define ‘revolution’.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/every-vote-counts/">Every vote counts, as counting begins in Nepal</a>, Shristi KarkiUnfortunately, the ‘VIP’ media is in thrall of these obsolete leaders and their brand of politics. Editors who give space and airtime to them are supposed to be defending  democracy and the free press, but refuse to open their doors to pluralism and diversity.There is now a wide chasm between what media commentators predict versus what is actually happening on the ground. But that is the beauty of democracy. Citizens can now see what the media and commentators are missing or not reporting. They know who is not performing. They do not need the mainstream press anymore to form their opinion, and at election time they respond by backing someone like Balen Shah.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372180e9c7e80680e0baa21jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1068" height="838"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Most media commentators are frozen in time, and cannot embrace the hope of tomorrow. Time is running out for Nepal, and there is no time to play the same old tricks on the people.Many ‘VIP' commentators did not give Balen’s candidacy much credence at first. We could see that they were propagating their tired old reasonings to support limited politics.When they did mention Balen, it was to put him down by calling him a ‘singer boy’, ‘the guy in shades’, or criticising him for draping himself in the Nepali flag while campaigning.They never commended him for the charity work he did in feeding the destitute during the 2020 lockdowns. They air-brushed his engineering background, and activist role in heritage conservation and solid waste management. But he refused to stoop as low as his opponents to engage in name-calling and sleazy campaigning. So, the VIPs of the media dismissed him, they saw no political future for his candidacy.Balen also exposed ‘youth’ leaders of mainstream parties for behaving just like the generation ahead of them who are responsible for ruining the country. Take Ram Kumari Jhankri of the CPN-US who struts on stage like a diva, does not bother to thank the thousands who have gathered, takes off her jacket and throws it at the audience as if she is some rock star.The other ‘young turk’ who appears to be too busy riding the media wave and being loyal to his party bosses to care about what the people really want is Gagan Thapa of the Nepali Congress. We do not hear much about the change and reforms demanded by society from him anymore. He is too busy insulting the other side.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637218119c7e80680e0baa22jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1062" height="870"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Traditional leaders and their youth emulators should have learnt by now that voters are sick of their games. Even the parties that called themselves ‘alternative’ provide no alternative — they have spent the entire campaign running down rivals.Balen has learnt from everyone else’s mis-steps. He did not even bother to reply to candidates who abused him in the hustings. This convinced voters young and old that he is different, and even those initially skeptical of him seem to have changed their minds.Conventional media commentators have not been able to quite decide what to make of Citizen Balen. The 32-year-old rapper, structural engineer and activist is difficult to pigeonhole, but there is no denying his charisma and commitment for change.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637218149c7e80680e0baa23jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="890" height="604"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>When they did deign to take notice of the rapper, they dismissed his popularity as an offshoot of the dramatic success of the Bibeksheel and Sajha parties in the 2017 local elections in Kathmandu — comparing the ‘Balen craze’ to the Ranju Darshana phenomenon.But Balen and Ranju are different. Five years ago, voters in Kathmandu were attracted to a fresh young female candidate because she was such a departure from the established parties. The media could not project her enough — even commenting on the colour of her sari (blue) when she attended an unofficial reception.This time, the mainstream press largely ignored Balen before the election. But due to his meteoric rise in social media, Balen started shining so brightly that editors have now been forced to take notice.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637218179c7e80680e0baa24jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1932" height="1058"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Balen is not a media product, this is a spontaneous outburst of outrage against established politicians and their neglect of the people’s needs -- especially those who led Kathmandu Metropolitan City for the past five years. Voters liked what they saw in this young bearded candidate in shades who spoke in a dignified tone, with authority based on his own experience and research, and was not afraid to take on the dominant dinosaurs of Nepali politics.Balen has inspired especially the young with his can-do ambition to make Kathmandu shine again. He has given them hope, when others spread cynicism and negativity. He is a river trying to drain the putrid swamp of Kathmandu’s politics. All the columnists with their scripted sentences now need to prepare themselves to be proven wrong.The Balen Phenomenon has exposed the gulf between the mainstream media and Nepali society. The press is made up of a handful of people, and a handful of people own it. Balen’s generation has no time for them, and the media they control.There is a raw new message going out: Nepalis have to forge ahead on their own and no longer rely on the mainstream parties and media that never reflected their hopes and aspirations.There is a hurricane on the horizon that will soon blow away the dominance of the few men who control politics, society and information.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/election-infowar-goes-digital/">Election infowar goes digital</a>, Ramesh Kumar

Kathmandu’s ‘Balen Phenomenon’

<img width="800" height="533" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216d49c7e80680e0ba9b6jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Srijana Lama was elected deputy chair of Naukunda Rural Municipality of Rasuwa district five years ago when she was just 22. She is so enthused by what she could achieve in her tenure that she is campaigning to be voted for top job in the 13 May local election.Srijana is from the UML, and is standing against her current boss, Nurbu Sangbo Ghale from Nepali Congress. She believes she can work much better to serve her village, and also continue the social projects she has initiated.Srijana comes from a political family, and has been immersed in local issues from a young age, inspired by her father who was a former ward chair from the UML party.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal</a>, Laxmi BasnetBy the time she was in Grade 8, she was already elected to the student council and was a key member of the UML’s youth association. She was then member of the district committee of the previous Maoist–UML alliance.  Being active in rescue, relief and reconstruction in the Naukunda region which was badly hit in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lessons-still-not-learnt/">2015 earthquake</a> gave her confidence in her capacity to serve the public, she says.   After being elected as vice-chair in 2017, she mobilised the Judicial Committee and resolved many local disputes from property claims to divorce settlements. Female deputies of municipalities like Srijana across Nepal have proven themselves in the past five years to settle land disputes in Siraha, resolve domestic disputes in Bardia, and Srijana herself has prevented <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-child-marriages-spike-during-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">child marriage</a> in Panchthar and addressed domestic violence in Doti. <img width="619" height="624" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216d89c7e80680e0ba9b7jpeg.jpg" alt="">Srijana Lama is a multi-tasker and has also monitored, and laid special emphasis on the education status of her municipality and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/grassroots-democracy-promotes-good-health/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">improving health services</a>. Even though she and the chair were from different parties, she felt that shouldn’t stand in the way of working together for the public good.Even as the two parties drifted apart at the centre and the UML went from being in Nepal’s government to an opposition party, Srijana has still managed to remain committed to her focus on the socio-economic employment of citizens in this scenic but rugged part of Nepal 40km north of Kathmandu.  <img width="552" height="311" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216db9c7e80680e0ba9b8jpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="552" height="331" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216dc9c7e80680e0ba9b9jpeg.jpg" alt="">“Once elected, we will initiate skills-based trainings to produce women entrepreneurs, clean kitchen programs, and have health insurance for pregnant women,” says Sirjana Lama who plans to rescue <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/in-nepal-lockdown-a-domestic-violence-spike/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women facing domestic violence</a>, start a legal aid women protection fund, and  begin women prosperity and development programs.In her new electoral platform, Lama has now included <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/few-jobs-created-by-nepal-employment-drive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">youth-centered program</a> so that jobs are created locally and young men and women do not have to migrate to the cities or abroad for work.What matters most to people of Naukunda are jobs, proper roads, farming support, health and education, which Sirjana Lama intends to continue if she is elected as chair for the next five years.Her goals include <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18019#.YnH789NBz0s">building and maintaining roads</a>, bridges, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/decentralising-hydropower/">hydropower plants</a> and giving <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/corruption-and-nepals-chronic-fertiliser-crisis/">subsidies to farmers</a> as well as finding access to market for produce. <img width="1094" height="570" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216de9c7e80680e0ba9bajpeg.jpg" alt="">“The village has a lot of resources compared to other rural municipalities, and it can be utilised through agriculture, small businesses and building infrastructures to promote it,” says Srijana.Her main goal if elected is to utilise Naukunda’s abundant water resources by bottling and selling it in Kathmandu to generate revenue to fund her projects. “Just the income and self-reliance that this will bring our community will be huge,” she says.Lama is currently pursuing a Master degree in Political Science and Bachelors of Law (LLB) in Kathmandu, and she feels that having educated women in leadership positions will improve governance.  In the five years since transitioning into the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">federal system</a>, Nepal’s  local governments, especially <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/">women leaders have garnered much trust</a> among voters.A new constitutional provision meant that in the 2017 election, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">many deputy mayors and chairs were women</a>, with some municipalities even having female mayors and deputy mayors.Although many want to stand for mayor and chair in this election, coalition compromises for candidacies will probably mean there will be fewer women leading municipalities and wards.Despite this, Srijana Lama is confident about her ability and optimistic that her voters will reward her with another term.Translated by Aria Parasai from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/129560">Nepali original</a> in himalkhabar.comRead more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/">Deputies drive development in rural Nepal</a>, Laxmi Basnet

Woman leader vies for top job in local polls

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216bc9c7e80680e0ba9abjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="970" height="910"/>During the 2017 election, overseas workers like myself consoled ourselves that in the next one, we would be eligible to vote. After all, the Constitution guarantees us the right.Nepalis in Nepal are voting on 13 May in local polls, but once again we are not allowed to. Nor can we cast our ballots in general elections later this year. We may not be allowed to vote in the next polls in five years, either.I had recently engaged with fellow Nepalis in Qatar about what their expectations from the government back home regarding the upcoming elections were, and despite the Constitution guaranteeing the right to vote what they thought about being prevented from exercising it.The sentiment among Nepalis was broadly similar. Not being allowed to vote means we do not have a say in matters that directly impact us or our families back home.This is despite the Constitution guaranteeing us our rights and a subsequent 2018 Supreme Court order to the government to make all the necessary arrangements to ensure us our voting rights.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/diaspora-diaries-1/">Diaspora Diaries 1</a>, Nepali TimesMany countries allow absentee voting, and if our leaders had been willing, Nepal's embassies could be easily mobilised to facilitate it. But there is no interest, conversation or movement in that direction.There should at least have been discussions on the how’s and why’s, and not the present demeaning radio silence.The lack of interest shows that it is not just the practical challenges to facilitate overseas voting that the government does not want to entertain, but also the principle of allowing us to vote.At a time when frustration towards politics is at an all time high regardless of where Nepalis are based, it is a pity that those of us abroad cannot channel our frustration through the ballot box.Nomination filing is underway in Nepal, and candidates have started campaigning in an attempt to influence voters. Amidst the frenzy, despite being a significant chunk of the population, we are not in anyone’s radar.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/diaspora-diaries-2/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Diaspora Diaries 2</a>, Nepali Times It seems as if we overseas Nepalis do not need to be influenced — not even with empty promises — which also means the issues that concern us do not get their due attention.It is ironic how on the one hand, public discourse has been dominated by the upcoming election in which migrants are not given much consideration, while on the other hand, falling remittances sent by migrants has become an issue of grave public concern.Those in power are even calling on us to send money legally to help the country. Our notes count, but our votes don’t, as the saying goes.The sole focus on remittances without a second thought for those sending money home is tragic. If the officials back home only understood that the two cannot be separated.If they realise that remittances are indeed critical for our economy and gets nervous when there is a dip, why do they do nothing to ease the lives of the senders?Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/diaspora-diaries-3/">Diaspora Diaries 3</a>, Nepali TimesInstead, we are grossly inconvenienced by a system designed to make our lives difficult even before we migrate, during our time abroad, and when we return.Worrying about falling remittances alone is not meaningful. Remittances are linked to both quality and quantity of the overseas jobs. Emphasis by the Nepal government on capturing well-paying, available jobs abroad is limited. Instead, even the lucrative jobs that could be channelled to Nepalis are lost because of our complex labour approval system.Workers, for example, cannot take on assignments if the duration of the contract is less than two years under Nepal’s labour approval system, no matter their benefits. How many jobs have we lost to other countries because our approval system is so complicated and time consuming that employers would rather look elsewhere so they can fill the vacancies on time?Has anyone compared how much more time it takes to deploy one worker from Nepal compared to other countries? These concerns are especially pronounced after the pandemic when many lost their jobs and returned, or many like me had to compromise on our salaries during the business downturn due to Covid-19.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/diaspora-diaries-4/">Diaspora Diaries 4</a>, Nepali TimesThere are many restrictions and hurdles for those of us who are overseas, and who send or carry money home. Amid concerns regarding illicit transfers of money or gold smuggling, it is us migrants who get scapegoated and punished. I cannot easily bring home gold for my sister’s wedding, or an iPhone for my wife without getting severely punished.Every few months there is a new boss who introduces a new set of rules regarding what we can and cannot bring to the country, many times without any sound reason, and we get penalised accordingly. The rules change and are confusing even for me as a journalist who keeps track of all these regularly as part of my profession. How are others expected to keep up?I understand the concerns regarding illicit transfers that drive such decisions. But claiming to tackle these informal transfers by harassing migrant workers lets the real criminals off the hook. We workers get victimised even when we have nothing to do with  the smugglers, even while the problems at hand remain unaddressed.Any action taken is just for show or a bare scratch on the surface. It is as if the broader message from the government to us is that we should toil hard in the desert heat day and night, and send money home — but we cannot decide how to use it.Nepal's remittances are falling. But have the leaders and those in power ever done anything concrete to better understand why people use the informal hundi channel to send money and what steps can be taken to compete with this transfer?Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-qatar-job-mirage/">The Qatar job mirage</a>, Nepali TimesWhen both the commissions for transfer and exchange rate is better than formal rates, while being more convenient for both the sender and recipient who engage in phone transactions for home-based pick up and delivery of the amount, should we be surprised that many, especially those who earn very little and have very long working hours, should opt for this informal system of money transfer?What has been done to ensure easy digital transfers of remittances? What has been done to reduce the cost of transfer of remittances? What incentives are there for a normal worker to opt for formal transfers?It is just not about foreign employment or remittances, but issues that concern us as citizens being prevented from having a say in the elections. Even when we are disenfranchised from our voting rights, the election and state of affairs in Nepal remains an important part of our discourse and concern.One overseas Nepali shared with me that being away makes him understand the importance of having good leaders and representatives for economic growth and development, which he got to witness directly in ways that one may not have had a chance to back in Nepal.Another said that not being able to vote despite being on the voters list is a wasted opportunity to influence election outcomes and choose strong candidates. We are instead relegated to just sending remittances for our incompetent leaders to waste, they added.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/fate-joins-then-separates-siblings/">Fate joins, then separates, siblings</a>, Anil ShresthaWe sit here in a foreign land and helplessly watch our family members back home being repeatedly failed by our leaders. The election is also tied to our own futures back home. Many of us were compelled to migrate even for very low paying jobs with very little reward because of the government’s inability to provide jobs back home.One of my colleagues who has been in Qatar for the last 25 years has never once voted, and there is nothing he can do about it.I cannot speak for all, but for us sweating in the Gulf, our ultimate destination is always Nepal. We may stretch our employment until either our employers or our bodies allow it, but we will all come home eventually.However, the decision to return is never easy. What will we come back to, especially as returnees who could be potential entrepreneurs or jobseekers?When I talk to my colleagues here from the Philippines, it is evident how their government recognises their value, not just in words but in action.She shared how she recently cast her ballot for elections in the Philippines from Qatar. This makes me question: Would they care more about the senders and not just what is sent if we had the provision to exercise our constitutional right to vote?I am afraid we will not find the answer during this year's election cycle either.Read more:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/between-home-and-the-deep-blue-sea/">Between home and the deep blue sea</a>, Prakash Gurung<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/power-of-workers-working-together/">Power of workers working together</a>, Madhusudhan Ojha

Our notes count, but our votes don’t

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111152/63721e8b9c7e80680e0bd550jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="1336"/>A loudspeaker cut through the early morning silence in Chandragiri Municipality on Wednesday as a pickup bounced along an alley, blaring election slogans. With less than a fortnight to go, there is sound and fury as campaigning gets into high gear for the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">13 May local elections</a>.But there is also consternation in the ruling 5-party coalition because many local cadre are dissatisfied with the way the party brass has chosen common candidates. Some 40% of candidates from Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba’s Nepali Congress (NC), for example, are defying the party edict and standing as rebels.An electoral alliance between the NC, Maoists, the Unified Socialists and JSP have running mates for mayors and deputy mayors, as well as municipality chairs and vice-chairs from a combination of parties. This has left many local politicians disgruntled, with some even threatening to break away and run as independents.Matters have come to a head in the all-important Pokhara and Bharatpur Municpalities. The former president of NC Pokhara, Bimal Bahadur Karki is contesting as an independent candidate after his party’s decision to give the mayoral ticket to Dhanraj Acharya of the Unified Socialists.Read also: <a style="font-weight: 600; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/periphery-within-the-periphery-in-nepal/">Periphery within the periphery in Nepal</a>, Kunda Dixit“I will not be withdrawing my candidacy under any circumstance,” says Karki who has accused Prime Minister Deuba of offering Pokhara on a platter to the Communists. The coalition members are also facing public wrath for giving tickets to family or close cronies with money, and not to capable and popular local leaders.In the 2017 local polls, the Maoists <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/coalition-calculation/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">tore up ballot papers</a> and forced the NC to withdraw its mayor candidate in favour of Renu Dahal, the daughter of Maoist chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The NC’s powerful leaders in Chitwan are determined not to let that happen again, even though Renu Dahal has once more been given the ticket in a NC-Maoist deal.Other candidates with insider connections include Srijana Singh who is up for mayor of Kathmandu. She is the wife of NC leader Prakashman Singh. Elsewhere, Biratnagar’s deputy mayoral candidate Amarendra Kumar Yadav is the son of JSP chair Upendra Yadav.The expediency of the electoral alliance has meant that the coalition is circumventing the Local Government Election Act 2017, which requires at least one female candidate from a party for mayor and deputy mayor, as well as chairs and deputy chairs of rural municipalities.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/"> Reward performance</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111152/63721e8d9c7e80680e0bd551jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="698">Many tickets have gone entirely to male candidates because they are from different parties. This has incensed the NC’s Pramila Subedi Acharya, who is running as an independent for deputy mayor of Madhyapur Thimi.“The top party leadership never discussed our candidacies, they are forcing voters and the party to support the Maoists, and making a mockery of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">inclusion</a> by selecting both male candidates,” rues Acharya.It is Deuba’s NC that is bearing the brunt of the brewing dissent. Coalition leaders met on Wednesday and took a tough line, saying that if their rebels did not withdraw their candidacies, they would be subject to disciplinary action. A statement after the meeting read: ‘Concerned Parties will take necessary action to withdraw the candidature registered by the party members within the alliance as independents.’Even in Deuba’s home district of Dadeldhura, the party has ousted its local leader Karna Bahadur Malla for forming an alliance with the opposition UML. Senior NC leader Shekhar Koirala and others who have all along been against the 5-party electoral alliance are livid about Deuba appeasing the Communists in the coalition, in ticket distribution, and eliminating opponents in his own party.“This is a conspiracy to commit political assassination of loyal members of the Congress,” Koirala said in a statement.For Deuba, the foremost priority is to keep the governing alliance intact, even it means sacrificing constituencies like Pokhara, Bharatpur or Dadeldhura.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/">All politics is local</a>, Sahina Shrestha

Coalition collision

In the black and white photograph, General Wangdu smiles broadly in front of the dusty cactus garden in Kathmandu’s Annapurna Hotel. With an ill-fitting jacket and shaggy hair he looks benign enough, but this was the last leader of the Tibetan freedom fighters who led the resistance against the Chinese from their remote mountain hideouts in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/comings-and-goings-in-mustang">Mustang</a>. Five months later, Wangdu was dead. Snapped in March 1974, I had only recently arrived in Nepal. How did I meet this legendary fighter? Possibly with his devoted camp follower, Lynne Klapecki, and probably in the Om Restaurant near Freak Street which was the preferred <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/hippie-trail-nostalgia-in-kathmandu">hippie hang-out</a>. Om Lobsang and his brother Yeshe were <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/earthquake-brings-back-memories-of-camps-for-tibetan-refugees">refugees from East Tibet </a>whose cafe offered a friendly welcome and<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/momo-loco"> the best momos</a> - they became my in-laws after I married their eldest brother Tenzin, but that was a decade later.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_4573b34282b0f5395c007243d6bef12c7ba76bfd520419e994cdcea048d795a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2025052403054_4573b34282b0f5395c007243d6bef12c7ba76bfd520419e994cdcea048d795a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1583" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Photo: LISA CHOEGYAL</figcaption> </figure>  Wangdu’s English was enthusiastically rudimentary, but even riding around town with him on the back of an aging <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-new-motorbike-museum">motorbike</a>, he was a commanding presence. Always flanked by armed outriders, impressive scars marked his forearms and a pistol hung from the cord around his neck. A charismatic guerrilla leader, Wangdu was celebrated by his followers for his tough commitment and respected for his measured pragmatism. He seemed so young to have shouldered such a responsibility of command, leading hundreds of hardened <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/50-years-after-the%20raid-into-Tibet,1012#google_vignette">Khampa combatants </a>through what had been a particularly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/heavy-snowfall-over-nepal-himalaya">brutal winter in Mustang</a>, the last bastion to hold out against the Chinese invasion of their Tibetan homeland.&nbsp; The freedom fighters of Tibet, known as the Chushi-Gangdruk, had emerged to resist the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism">Chinese takeover</a> of Tibet during the 1950s. Estimated to be 80,000-strong at the time of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-or-who-after-the-dalai-lama">the Dalai Lama</a>’s final escape to India in 1959, the sheer number of Chinese deployed into Tibet eventually forced the Chushi-Gangdruk to retreat to Mustang, From this high Himalayan stronghold, they continued cross-border raids on the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) throughout the 1960s.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_8a4a935ba25ae79dc3a63bb5c14626927020e5ec098093c45ccb9a5982e009fd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="2025052403054_8a4a935ba25ae79dc3a63bb5c14626927020e5ec098093c45ccb9a5982e009fd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1114" height="676" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Guerrillas known as the Chushi-Gangdruk emerged to resist the Chinese annexation of Tibet during the 1950s. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>  Their Kathmandu base was a small discreet lodge in a back lane near Rani Pokhari. Sipping sweet tea from a blue mug with a chipped lid, I sat bemused in a corner of the Mustang Hotel room whilst Wangdu and his cohorts received a battered brown suitcase from their CIA connection, a tousle-haired American in a leather jacket. Heaved onto the dingy bedspread that covered the thin mattress, it was clicked open to reveal piles of neatly stacked dollar bills.&nbsp; I cannot think why Wangdu allowed me to witness this handover but I was clearly no threat, a newly arrived world traveller with no understanding of the stakes nor any Nepali or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/tibetan-music-in-nepals-sacred-valley">Tibetan language</a>. Despite armed guards in the corridor,Wangdu radiated confidence and bravado, and there was a practiced familiarity to the tense transaction. This deadly dance for many years had been funded by the Americans, tolerated by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-kingdom-within-a-republic">Mustang’s residents</a>, and permitted by King Mahendra and the Nepali authorities who it suited to turn a blind eye.&nbsp; But Mahendra died in 1972, and times were changing. Richard Nixon’s ping-pong diplomacy thawed the cold war and signalled a fresh entente with China. Nepal’s yet-to-be-crowned <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/if-birendra-was-alive-nepal-could-still-be-a-monarchy">King Birendra </a>was under pressure to curb the irritating incursions against the PLA launched from the Nepali territory of Mustang. Keen to appease his northern neighbour, on several occasions the King summoned Wangdu for peace talks but, despite increasingly overwhelming odds, Wangdu refused to surrender.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_a8efd5cfb92cd997bd7cb74296a936fef46e2f7428f9cd642b03f1ac4ea11ecb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="2025052403054_a8efd5cfb92cd997bd7cb74296a936fef46e2f7428f9cd642b03f1ac4ea11ecb" data-rendition-name="original" width="1055" height="885" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>General Wangdu flanked by two Tibetan resistance fighters in Mustang in the 1970s. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_75969125a745847a2ef82b6fe8b9106c0b21a116d85b8efdf5d2ee89a347bb31.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="2025052403054_75969125a745847a2ef82b6fe8b9106c0b21a116d85b8efdf5d2ee89a347bb31" data-rendition-name="original" width="1044" height="792" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>King Birendra with General Wangdu (right in dark glasses) taken in 1974 possibly in Mustang after one of their few attempts at negotiation. Photo courtesy: RAJRNDRA KUNWAR</figcaption> </figure>  While I naively rode pillion around Kathmandu in the spring sunshine, Wangdu was in the midst of what turned out to be his final round of negotiations with the Nepal government. Refusing to cease hostilities with the Chinese, Wangdu must have suspected the cost of his decision, making his cheerful smile in the photograph all the more poignant and brave. It was only much later that I appreciated the significance of the moment. Wangdu had been sent to replace the first resistance leader in Mustang, Baba Gen Yeshe, a much derided corrupt character who stole money meant for his troops and exploited fleeing refugees by seizing their treasures. Baba Gen Yeshe never forgave Wangdu,and sought revenge in May 1974 by betraying him and his commanders to the Nepal authorities. Renewed Chinese incursions from the north, active PLA collusion with the Nepali forces under the new King, and treachery from within the Chushi-Gangdrukranks combined to seal their fate.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_e0987a7c90d76431b0d7d5e6115ebfe3dbda7ab939e5941e079c18d722e884c0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="2025052403054_e0987a7c90d76431b0d7d5e6115ebfe3dbda7ab939e5941e079c18d722e884c0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1400" height="769" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>British television journalists George Patterson and Adrian Cowell embedded themselves with Khampa guerrillas and accompanied them from Tsum Valley on a cross border raid on a Chinese Army convoy in 1964. Photo: ESSAYS ON NEPAL / SAM COWAN</figcaption> </figure>  Mikel Dunham, renowned author of Buddha’s Warriors, writes: ‘It is possible that Wangdu was waiting for some cue from the Dalai Lama’s government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India. It is equally possible – during that last, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-human-cost-of-nepal-s-yarsa-gold-rush?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR31-Cqw8oyIwMPzf_35e4Skr0ululJvLf3_vDkzHn-AYG2h8uPw2rqqErg_aem_tGVn5coY1-jA7fze_xqhew">desolate winter </a>– that he made the decision to go out in glory rather than admit defeat. Over the last fifteen years, Wangdu had experienced Tibet’s organized resistance being squeezed and shoved around by every conceivable outside force.&nbsp; First they had been pushed out of their own country by the PLA; then they had been refused sanction while on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds?fbclid=IwAR0PpJ5zUEbwdug3g_U3ar6FUugngRY0S8Tl2v_7wqzrsHmXWcXsKjvL4t4">Indian soil</a>; then they were abandoned by the Americans because, apparently, Nixon wanted to make friends with Wangdu’s mortal enemies, the communists; then they had been betrayed by the vampiric Baba Gen Yeshe – a Tibetan and, even worse, a fellow Khampa; and now, finally Wangdu’s army was being evicted by the Nepalis. One thing was certain: Wangdu was a warrior. To imagine Wangdu simply giving up and settling down in the pacific squalor of a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/elderly-left-in-bhutan-refugee-camp">refugee camp </a>was unthinkable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_8fc1ffef4ae751628b90ae781b66e11e51e4fdde2787207c9042efbee345ce49.jpg" data-media-id="editor_20" data-image-id="2025052403054_8fc1ffef4ae751628b90ae781b66e11e51e4fdde2787207c9042efbee345ce49" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="746" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>The much derided Baba Gen Yeshe, the first Tibetan resistance leader in Mustang, who betrayed Wangdu for personal gain. Photo courtesy: MIKEL DUNHAM</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025052403054_b1d833cdb00d3ac4416b844d8730475cd88c238caaaf8da69889a584eea229a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_21" data-image-id="2025052403054_b1d833cdb00d3ac4416b844d8730475cd88c238caaaf8da69889a584eea229a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="656" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> <figcaption>Aditya SJB Rana of the Royal Nepal Army whose team ambushed Wangdu and his cohorts at the top of Tinker Pass in Darchula, West Nepal. Photo courtesy: GAUTAM SJB RANA</figcaption> </figure>  By August 1974 the game was up. Wangdu and six of his exhausted party were killed on their horses by <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=7270">the Royal Nepal Army</a> on the brink of escape. The officer in charge, Aditya SJB Rana, cleverly predicted their route into India after they failed to silence a police radio in Yari. A carefully laid ambush trapped them near the summit of the Tinker Pass in Darchula,at 5,000 meters the highest military operation of its time. Wangdu’s body was helicoptered to Kathmandu, and a big show made of the royal Nepal victory.&nbsp; The Tibetan armed insurgency against China had reached its end.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250524030520_3ff9c6fc85a65bc9a2c3afe9736d9f5f9413de752e790a5d9dca0981ea94f9b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_23" data-image-id="20250524030520_3ff9c6fc85a65bc9a2c3afe9736d9f5f9413de752e790a5d9dca0981ea94f9b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="The last days of the Khampa NT"> </figure>

The Last Days of the Khampa

Starting 17 September Turkish Airlines will fly daily to Seville, one of Spain’s major tourist draws. This is Turkish’s sixth destination in Spain after Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia, Malaga, and Bilbao. Seville is in the Andalusia region on Spain’s south coast with a rich Moor history. There are approximately 30,000 Nepalis living in Spain.&nbsp;

Turkish to Seville

Fenerbahçe Beko won the Turkish Airlines EuroLeague finals in Abu Dhabi, held 23-25 May, defeating Monaco 81-70 in the final. Olympiacos, who defeated Panathinaikos 97-93, finished the series in third place. The Most Valuable Player (MVP) of the final match, Nigel Hayes-Davis from Fenerbahçe Beko, received a prize of 1,000,000 Miles&amp;Smiles from Turkish Airlines’ Chief Commercial Officer Ahmet Olmuştur. The carrier has been the title sponsor of the Turkish Airlines EuroLeague, a top tier tournament, since 2010.

Turkish Basketball

The newly-formed Himalayan Art Council is set to launch Nepal’s National Art Protection Platform that seeks to preserve <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-history-of-heritage">Nepal’s unique cultural heritage </a>using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/artificial-censorship"> AI-powered tools</a>. The Council seeks to safeguard <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-art-going-places">Nepali art works</a> from neglect, theft and counterfeiting as well as preserve existing artwork and celebrate living masters by giving them a cultural space to continue the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/sacred-survival">sacred art traditions</a>. "We are introducing a new digital platform designed to preserve, verify and elevate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-new-generation-of-alternative-artists">Nepal’s art for generations to come,</a>” says a statement from the Council, adding that the digital platform will use AI told for authentication and blockchain to keep track of works of art. Artists can now be protected by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/ayo-ai?fbclid=IwAR1uwmTVq4gUB70ljfRezjzukD9ArWXPuMnUikopeQ8PoiZMjicToPSwhKE&amp;=1">AI tools</a> that detect forgeries, identify their work even when unsigned, and ensure they receive proper recognition and credit. The archives will be searchable with translated inscription and interactive guides. Says curator Meena Lama: “AI and blockchains are tools that give us the power to detect fakes and identify unsigned paintings and track every piece. With these tools we can restore trust, secure authorship and give artists the dignity they deserve.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53" data-rendition-name="original" width="1300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum."> <figcaption>Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  The Council is also holding an exhibition of Nepali cultural masterpieces with 50 historical <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Buzz-the-art,671">thangka and paubha </a>by past masters and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/between-the-sacred-and-everyday">contemporary works by current artists</a>. This curated collection is a living tribute to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/when-yaks-go-so-does-culture">Himalayan culture</a> with economic depictions of deities, mandala and sacred narratives. The exhibition at <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/a-portal-into-patan-s-past-and-present">Patan Museum</a> also provides an opportunity to meet painters and custodians of art and culture. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/golden-deities">Golden deities</a>, Sewa Bhattarai ‘The exhibition is only the first step in a long journey to ensure that Nepali art is no just seen but fully understood, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Narratives-of-Faith-and-Memory-Remembering-the-Lost-Sculptures-of-Kathmandu-exhibition,987">protected and remembered</a>,’ the Council says. Artist Kailash K Shrestha of Artudio has spent decades promoting thankha and paubha traditions because of their beauty and devotional meaning. But he also says artists are underpaid, exploited and ignored. He adds, “AI and blockchain are not just buzzwords, they are powerful tools that can protect Nepal’s artists from fraud, verify authenticity and build a permanent record of provenance.” Traditional Art Exhibition Till 17 May Patan Museum

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