<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111012110/636cd9e09c7e80680e092ec9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/>The #MeToo movement started in 2006 with activist and sexual harassment survivor Tarana Burke speaking out on the social media platform, MySpace. Since then, it has become a huge social movement against sexual harassment and sexual abuse, with people publicly speaking out about similar experiences.Then in 2017, #MeToo became a viral hashtag when celebrities started sharing experiences about the sexual misconduct of Hollywood producer, Harvey Weinstein. It encouraged people all over the world to speak out against sexism, harassment, and discrimination.The kidnapping and murder of Sarah Everard in London on 3 March, has led to a global movement regarding the safety of women in public. Sarah was walking home at 9PM, in a well-lit neighborhood wearing bright clothing and sneakers while speaking to her boyfriend on the phone, taking every safety precaution a woman could take. However, she did not make it home.On 12 March, her remains were found and a police officer, Wayne Couzens was arrested and charged with kidnapping and murder. Women across the UK and the world are enraged by the incident caused by a law enforcement officer who is supposed to protect. How can women feel safe if police are committing such acts?Incidents of this nature have given rise to a social movement because of the rage and frustration. How can the government and law enforcement keep women safe from the violence committed by men?The brutal rape and murder of 13-year-old Nirmala Pant is an example of how higher up officials can influence justice from being served as the perpetrators continue to walk freely. The recent rape and murder of 17-year-old Bhagirathi Bhatta is another example of how women continue to get the short end of the stick and pay for the inhumane acts committed by men.How is it possible for women to feel safe and protected when men continue getting away after committing such acts? How can the country keep its daughters safe?Many women experience daily sexual harassment in public and it is the women who feel more embarrassed than the perpetrators who do not seem to feel any shame and remorse regarding their behavior. And it is the women who are ashamed to come forward and speak up because of the stigma attached. It is the men who commit the shameful act, and it is the women who pay for it, as we have also seen in Bhatta’s case.In many societies, victim-blaming is the immediate reaction. Speaking up about sexual harassment is important, so we can fight against all forms of violence against everyone.Despite having laws against gender-based violence in Nepal, very few cases are reported in the excuse of protecting the family’s name and honour.The victims and survivors often end up dealing with a lifetime of stigma if they choose to report such crimes. There is no guarantee of safety and protection once someone speaks up, which is one of the main reasons women silently suffer.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LlNQL5S4XTsWomen who have experienced sexual abuse and harassment experience lifelong depression and anxiety. Experience of harassment at work for women, is often stalked by male bosses threatening the security of their jobs.Most women are not even aware of their own rights, which puts them at a disadvantage and education is the first step to address such issues.Keshav Sthapit, former mayor of Kathmandu, was accused of sexually harassing a female reporter from My Republica daily, and another female employee at Kathmandu municipality. Although he eventually stepped down for other reasons, he was able to dismiss the allegations at that time.Many women grow up internalising sexist behavior as a part of their lives and continue to silently suffer and tolerate all forms of harassment because they are vulnerable. Also, the potential threat to their family is another concern that keeps them from speaking up. How can we encourage women to speak up if their perpetrators always go unpunished?Men, women and people of all genders need to be trained and educated about what is sexual harassment and how they can be helped if they experience it. Every day thousands, if not more, of people, are victims of sexual harassment. Girls and women are at the highest risk of sexual assault, but it does not mean that boys and men cannot be victims either.Sexual violence can have long-term effects on people, and it is likely that they might have suicidal and depressive thoughts after the incident. Victims and survivors of sexual violence are likely to experience post-traumatic stress disorder, contemplate or attempt suicide or abuse substances.Victims and survivors of sexual violence experience problems in school or work and it can negatively affect their relationships with their family and friends.To end all sexual violence, the first step is to educate sons so that every family can have a serious conversation with them to tell them how to treat other genders. It should begin at home.There needs to be stricter punishments for perpetrators so women can feel safer in their neighborhoods and in public. Girls and women practice safety more than men do, but we need to create an environment where they can feel safe and stop living in fear of the worst.If you have never had a conversation with the men in your life, talk to them. It is important to have this conversation so we can put an end to gender-based violence.Educate your sons, so your daughters can feel safe.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/boys-will-be-boys-is-never-an-excuse/">‘Boys will be boys’ is never an excuse</a>, Anjana Rajbhandary

Anjana Rajbhandary

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Educating your sons will protect your daughters

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5f6b9c7e80680e056e2ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1029" height="493"/>The on-again, off-again saga of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/dasain-once-more/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">rape allegation against the Speaker of Nepal’s Parliament</a> took on a new twist after the victim lodged a formal complaint with the Police on Friday, a move that could have far-reaching political consequences.The complaint at Baneswor Police Station now paves the way for Speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara to be formally arrested for the alleged rape on the night of 29 September in the rented room of a member of the Parliament staff with whom he is said to have close relations.That night the victim called Police, senior female member of the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) as well as reporters saying she had been roughed up and raped. After the news broke, Prime Minister K P Oli and NCP co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal met hurriedly and advised Mahara to resign from his post as Speaker.He did tender his resignation, but said it was ‘until the investigation is complete’, and he also did not resign from his parliamentary seat. Although the Police inspected the room and collected evidence last Sunday, it did not ask the victim to carry out a medical test with fluid samples to confirm rape. Police did not arrest Mahara saying no formal complaint had been filed, and did not provide the victim with any security.However, the next day, the alleged victim withdrew her accusation, contradicting her earlier statement saying Mahara never came to her room. Her posts on Facebook accused the opposition of trying to smear ‘Mahara Sir’. There was widespread speculation that the 40-year-old victim had either been threatened or paid to withdraw the complaint.But in a dramatic about turn on Friday, she filed a formal complaint -– six days after the alleged incident. The ball is now in the Police’s court, and ultimately it will be a test of the political leadership of the NCP if it will allow Mahara to be taken into custody and allow the Police to take the investigation forward without interference.With Dasain having started, there could be excuses for delays, but legal experts say that holidays should not stop Police from taking Mahara into custody. If convicted, Mahara can face up to ten years in jail. According to Nepal’s criminal law, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/republic-of-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">rape</a> of someone above 18 carries a jail sentence of 7-10 years for the perpetrator, and the sentence is half that if it is attempted rape.Mahara, 61, has been a committed communist and in politics for the past four decades, starting out as a member of the radical Mashal group and was elected to Parliament from Rolpa at age 32. When a faction of the Communist Party launched an armed struggle, he joined Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai as a senior leader.Known for being close to Dahal, Mahara was dragged into controversy in 2009 after a recording of a phone call he made with a Chinese contact asking for Rs500 million to buy MPs. No investigation was launched, and Mahara was never punished.He played an important role in peace talks to end the war, and served as Finance Minister and Home Minister in successive Maoist-led governments after 2008. As Communication Minister he was once more tied to a scam related to telecom contracts, and even Maoist cadre accused him of siphoning off money meant for ex-guerrillas in Maoist cantonments. Again, there was no probe, and it was well established that he had Dahal’s protection.This time, it looks like Dahal and other comrades cannot save Mahara. Public outrage was already growing over <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/four-year-itch/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">non-performance </a>and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-klepto-republic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">corruption</a> in the NCP government. The government has been ridiculed in social media for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/justice-delayed-and-denied/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">not being able to resolve the rape-murder of Nirmala Panta</a> two years ago.For many the Mahara rape rape allegation is emblematic of the impunity enjoyed by senior politicians in Nepal. The NCP may have no choice this time, but to cut and cut cleanly.

Plot thickens in Nepal Speaker rape case

<img width="1328" height="348" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4edc9c7e80680e04fcdajpeg.jpg" alt=""/>After a flurry of accusations by Nepali women of sexual harassment by co-workers, bosses, teachers, family members or strangers in buses, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the #Metoo movement</a> has largely dropped out of the headlines. Very few of the accused have faced trial, detention, or even lost their jobs.And it is perhaps because of this impunity and sense of entitlement in conservative Nepal that women are now stepping up with deeply personal testimonies of their own abuse. They are using social media platforms, and the weekend section of newspapers to keep the issue alive. These narratives are inspiring more women to come out and tell stories they have never told anyone. “I was harassed since the time I did not know the difference between good touch and bad touch, but I could not do anything about it even though I am not shy. I just could not bring myself to slap a harasser in a public vehicle. Then I thought, even if I am not be able to hit back, I can write about it,” said Durga Karki, who wrote a courageous account in Annapurna Post titled <a href="http://annapurnapost.com/news/125048" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#Notme.</a>Even though only a few brave women came out during the #Metoo campaign to tell their stories, Karki says nearly all Nepali women have been harassed at some point.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/betterforbalance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#BalanceforBetter</a>, Namrata Sharma <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/shivanis-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Shivani Singh Thar</a>u, a well-known media personality, recently shared a write-up in Kantipur titled <a href="https://www.kantipurdaily.com/koseli/2019/06/15/156058063972641905.html?fbclid=IwAR1p4QtxNzhfLUAwRfWipeL0-UWxWylPBplxIIhmQ1AJaHVY4xerR5Cu9GY" target="_blank" rel="noopener">34 inch ‘D’</a> which recounted incidents of harassment she has faced from a male teacher, men in her worksplace, and others. “I got many messages from women saying they had faced such situations as well, they said they  too needed to speak out publicly,” says Tharu. “Among those reacting were men, some of whom have daughters and were emotionally touched. They started imagining what if it was their own daughter?”These recent writings by women in the Nepali press have also spread awareness among men who may have intentionally or unintentionally made women feel uncomfortable with their behaviour. <figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4ede9c7e80680e04fcdbjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>It is not just women who have been writing confessional pieces. Author Ramesh Sayan recently published an article <a style="letter-spacing: 0.15px; background-color: #ffffff;" href="http://annapurnapost.com/news/126522?fbclid=IwAR1_cQXR7AgvLudv5CsxWJ5hyt3JLK8DCLjEVvyBc7YKercCdSAnJT4fUes" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Keta Haru Ko Kuntha </a>(Frustration of Boys) which talked about how boys are brought up by their families and the kind of values they learn from society. Sayan wrote about how topics related to sex are neither taught by parents nor teachers, but by equally under-informed peers. “The main issue is how men were schooled. As a man, I experience the same psychology and my company since childhood has only been male. I wrote the article to show how the social structure is for them”, says Sayan.  <figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108131140/636a4ee19c7e80680e04fcdcjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>One of the most talked about recent write-ups is by Kunta Sharma because it was about her former husband, Megh Raj Sharma who is better known as the singer ‘Manjul’. The two are literary personalities, but Kunta Sharma writes about how despite being educated and supposedly independent, she suffered physical and mental exploitation from her husband.“I was educated, yet I was like a doll inside a toy house and served as a sex slave,” Sharma, now 74, confided.Sharma and her son filed a defamation case in the Lalitpur District Court against <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=3643#.XScSr-szbIU">Manjul</a>, but Sharma was not happy with the court’s decision. When a DNA test proved that Manjul was indeed the father of their youngest son, the court fined him a mere Rs500. “Our society is infected with patriarchy. Women have to muster the courage to go public, and must have the endurance to fight till the end, whether or not we get justice,” Sharma says.One reason the women say they are writing about their past now is because very few of the accused men faced any action. “The #Metoo movement fizzled out in Nepal because the men got away, that was because women did not want to name names,” says Durga Karki.Tribhuvan University recently filed a sexual harassment FIR against economic teacher Jagadish Murti Koirala, but he is absconding. Bimal Acharya, who edits the weekend section of Annapurna Post and published both Kunta Sharma and Durga Karki’s accounts, says: “I consciously publish more stories by women, and encourage new women writers and provide them a forum.” Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/sexual-harassment-in-Nepal,3389" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#IWalkFreely</a>, Asmita GauchanWomen are now coming out not just on mainstream press, but also on social media to share  stories and encouraging others to do the same. @CatcallsofKTM on Instagram gives space for women to share testimonies, and was opened by a 16-year-old who says she was frequently harassed. She prefers anonymity for now, but felt Nepali women needed the platform.“It is a good followup to the #Metoo that women are coming out to share their stories, one writer encourages others to write,” says <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/novelist-returns-to-non-fiction/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Narayan Wagle</a>, the editor of Kantipur.

Nepali women take to media to expose abuse

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/636933659c7e80680e03df97jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="787"/><figcaption>STAGE FRIGHT: On the popular tv show Nepal Idol, guest Sandip Chhetri, the comedian, hugs host Reema Bishwokarma as she cries out "Me Too!" Chhetri says "Me Three" and the other host Asif Shah jokes "Me Five!"</figcaption></figure>Viewers of the popular reality tv show Nepal Idol got a rude shock last week when guest Sandip Chhetri hugged host Reema Bishwokarma, apparently against her will. She cringed, backed off, then complained playfully, “Me too!”Chhetri retorted, “Me three!” Host Asif Shah joined in on the merriment with “Me four, me five!” The audience roared.This was the latest example of just how little understood (or misunderstood) the #MeToo movement in Nepal is, how harassment of women is accepted as normal, and victims do not have platforms for protest.A year after American actress Alyssa Milano went on Twitter to ask victims of Harvey Weinstein to use the hashtag, the aftershocks finally arrived in Nepal, but only after India was rocked by accusations against Bollywood musicians, journalists, actors, and former editor and now minister M J Akbar who had to step down.In Nepal, while the movement generated debate on social media and some women including journalists Subina Shrestha and Meena Kaini and theatre artist Akanchha Karki have spoken up, only one person has been named. Former journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan accused Province 3 minister and former Kathmandu mayor, Keshav Sthapit, of harassing them.Doubtless, it has been difficult for women to speak out even though the #MeToo movement has made their accusations credible for the first time. But most Nepali women with horrific accounts of mistreatment and cruelty are outside the public sphere, or do not want to speak out because of stigma.Leaving aside rape and domestic violence, even workplace abuse of power that #Metoo has been associated with has not come out. Long before #MeToo, actresses Shreesha Karki in 2002 and Jessica Khadka in 2012 committed suicide after their nude images were leaked – indicating that sexual abuse has been rampant in Nepal’s entertainment industry.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4364#.W9q-ptUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Patriarchy, female freedom</a>, Shrisha Karki <a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5352#.W9q-tNUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Putting the media on trial</a>, Manjushree ThapaAside from film and media, there are also the dance bars, cabin restaurants, dohori (duet-song) venues and massage parlours in which up to 50,000 young women are employed as entertainers. Most have been abused, says former dohori singer Sirjana Pun and founder of the Women Forum for Women.“Customers do not treat women as professionals, but as animals they can abuse at will,” says Pun. “We have nowhere to go for redress, because the police refuse to register our complaints. Things are changing slowly, but the complaints are still more about labour contract violations than sexual abuse, because those go nowhere.”Surprisingly, even Pun has not heard of the #MeToo movement, and neither have most trafficked women who have survived unspeakable violations. Sapna Poudel at <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/starting-the-second-chapter,3114" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Shakti Samuha</a>, which was founded by trafficked women, says: “Women here have experienced dreadful sexual abuse, but many do not even open up to their counselors, let alone go public with accusations.”As the #MeToo movement gains more traction in Nepal, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/nepali-organisation-shakti-samuha-french-republic-human-rights-award,2072" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Shakti Samuha</a> is planning to orient survivors, so they can decide whether they want to go public. Few women trafficked to brothels in Nepal, India or overseas and suffer sexual abuse come out, and others in occupations not covered by labour laws like household help have nowhere to complain about sexual abuse.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/epicentre-trafficking-migration,3256" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Epicenter of trafficking</a>, Om Astha Rai<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18564#.W9rAVdUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The missing half</a>, Kapildev KhanalThe Kamlari system of bonded labour was prevalent in western Nepal till it was outlawed in 2006. Former Kamlari Bishnu Chaudhari, 24, has horror stories about slavery and abuse of generations of women from her community. It was common for employers to rape young Kamlaris, father children and abandon them. Chaudhari’s aunt committed suicide at 21 after word spread that she was pregnant.“We face our abusers every day in the village, but we do not want to rake up the past. Abused women have settled into their new lives, they do not want the stigma from reopening old cases,” says Chaudhari, who is studying to be a lawyer but has not heard of #MeToo. Nor have most of the 13,000 former Kamlari who want to focus on difficult battles for recognition, identity and ancestral property for children born of abuse. Most of the 20,000 Badi women whose traditional occupation used to be the sex trade have not heard of #MeToo either.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=12487#.W9rChdUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kamlaris in Dang</a>, Suman Pradhan<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13163#.W9rCjdUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">At home, at work</a>, Jemima SherpaEven though 63% of Nepalis now have access to the Internet, the #MeToo movement here is limited to a small circle of educated people. There are headlines about murder, rape, assault, coercion, manipulation and harrassment, and detractors are using the distinction to undermine the movement.Outside Nepal, many #MeToo accusers are now facing a troll backlash, and in Nepal many women in media, entertainment, and corporates have remained silent. Former mayor Keshav Sthapit mocked the movement by calling the accusations “a rape of men’s rights”.Nepal’s #MeToo movement has lost some of its momentum as other campaigns against abuse like #JusticeforNirmala and #RageAgainstRape remain more effective on social media. The possibility of #MeToo movement helping obtain justice for victims in Nepal remains dim.But Namrata Sharma, Chair of the Centre for Investigative Journalism, has not lost hope. “Twenty years ago, when women activists demanded equal property rights for daughters, people laughed. But today we have that law,” she says. “Likewise, most women may not have heard of #MeToo today, some may poke fun at it, or it may be limited to a small circle, but it is a start. With time, it will help women come out, and end sexual assault.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/daughter-slaughter/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Daughter Slaughter</a>, Monika Deupala<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Four-fold increase in reported rape in 10 years</a>, Sewa BhattaraiUpdate on 2 Nov: Province 3 Chief Minister Dormani Poudel has fired Provincial Minister Keshav Sthapit (minister for Physical Infrastructure and Development) after an altercation at a cabinet meeting.<h2>Belaboured laws</h2>As the #MeToo movement gains momentum, questions have also been raised about why victims are taking to social media instead of going through proper legal channels. However, are the labour laws of Nepal adequate to curb workplace harassment?Many legal professionals do not think so. Nepal’s Sexual Harassment Prevention Act came into effect in 2015, which defines workplace as “entities owned by government, corporate bodies or institutions, and firms licensed to carry out business.” This definition leaves out vast areas where women work in and are abused, like household labour and informal sector.The law does define many acts of harassment, but gives the victims only ninety days to complain about them. “Three months is not enough, victims should be able to complain about harassment any time they want to,” says senior advocate and women’s rights activist Meera Dhungana.Dhungana also finds the punishment for the crimes too mild. While offenders may be jailed for six months or pay a fine of Rs. 50,000, their supervisor can also solve the problem by transferring them.  “If the offender is transferred, he or she may continue offending at another location. It is not a deterrent at all,” says Dhungana. “Higher fines and jail terms can make offenders think twice before they commit such crimes.”Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Online-violence-against-women,2915" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Online violence against women</a>, Sahina Shrestha<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-does-the-nepali-media-cover-rape/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">How does the Nepali media cover rape?</a>, Bhrikuti Rai

#TheyToo

<figure><img width="2000" height="1333" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171116/63692fce9c7e80680e03c0c5jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: PHOTO KATHMANDU/CHEMI DORJE</figcaption></figure>Inside a darkened room at the Chhaya Centre, eight screens switch on simultaneously to depict images of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Interesting-Times/nepal-archaic-law-puts-deadlineon-reporting-sexual-crimes,368">sexual violence</a> in the Subcontinent – from the India-Pakistan partition till the present day. The stories are searing in their intensity: daughters who hear their elders planning to burn them alive so rapists will not get them, of women paraded naked through a village and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/justice-for-sale/">raped</a> for refusing sex, of sticks and knives inserted into vaginas.Why are women so often singled out for abuse in conflict? And why do these stories vanish after wars end? Filmmaker Amar Kanwar explores these questions through testimonies like: “Night fell, and they kept raping the women, they did not care about killing us at all.”At first glance, it might look like a story of abuse by fighting men, but many atrocities were by local communities during the Partition. Kanwar shows us that no one community has a monopoly on atrocities, and sometimes they are perpetrated among members of the same community, as with Muslims who fought Muslims during the Bangladesh liberation war.The statistics are numbing: 75,000 women raped during the Partition, 150,000 during the Bangladesh war – and those were just the ones counted. No matter what a war is about, it is the women who are first engulfed by cruelty.“There is a sense of macho-ness and pride associated with conquering women of another culture,” explains Kanwar. “Victory has always been defined by the subjugation of women, and violating enemy women is a matter of pride. My work depicts this <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-roots-of-rape/">toxic masculinity</a>.”Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/photo-returns-to-kathmandu/"> Photo returns to Kathmandu</a>, Monika Deupala<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hippinis/">Hippinis</a>, Lucia de Vries<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-gangster-of-love/">The  Gangster of Love</a>, Lucia de VriesKanwar (pictured below) does not just examine the price women pay for the wars men fight, but also how the atrocities are resisted and remembered. We watch the story of a mother who weaves her murdered daughter’s courage into a shawl – the red background standing for women’s beauty and rebellion, ant-like patterns for her relentless pursuit of justice. <figure><img width="2000" height="1333" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171116/63692fd19c7e80680e03c0c6jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The body itself becomes a symbol of dignity and protest. Theatre artist Sabitri Heisnam enacts a real-life drama in which Draupadi, an indigenous woman, refuses to be clothed after being raped by police, shaming the rapists with her nudity. Heisman has been performing the play for decades, but in 2004, real life mothers in Manipur also protested naked in support of a woman murdered after rape.Kanwar’s film is from 2007, but is relevant today as an epidemic of rape sweeps the Subcontinent and #MeToo gathers velocity on the Internet. The woman’s body continues to signify honour and humiliation, political disputes and caste wars are still settled by physically humiliating women. The film does not offer solutions, but links us to the past so we can contemplate present day violence of violation.Women through history have been trapped between honour and shame. A look back at this history may help us understand the brutality so it is not repeated in future. This is an overwhelming installation, and the most searing in this year’s Photo Kathmandu festival.Kanwar says he projected eight separate screens at once because it is important to see what happened in history and what is happening today at the same time. He adds: “I hope it will help us understand what women go through during any conflict.”--The Lightning Testimoniesby Amar KanwarPhoto Kathmandu 201811AM – 7 PM6th floor Chhaya Centre, ThamelTill 12 April, 2019

The violence of violation

India and Pakistan are twins separated at birth. Tensions between them have been at a hair trigger ever since independence and has erupted into full scale conflict at least four times in the past 80 years.
The 22 April terrorist attack in Kashmir that killed 25 Indian tourists and a Nepali citizen, threatens to escalate tension between the two nuclear-armed nations. India has squarely blamed Pakistan for the attacks, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given his military “operational freedom” to respond. Pakistan has said it has credible intelligence of an Indian military strike and its officials have promised a “full spectrum” response — a code for a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/thinking-the-thinkable">nuclear retaliation</a>.
For Nepal, the killing of its national in the Pahalgam attack comes as another stark reminder that in conflicts from Afghanistan to Iraq, from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-to-agree-an-armistice-in-ukraine">Ukraine</a> to Israel, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/10-nepalis-from-one-town-fighting-in-ukraine">Nepalis are getting caught in the crossfire</a>. The last time full-scale fighting broke out between <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/peacemongers-at-india-pakistan-border">India and Pakistan</a> on Kargil in 1999, at least 22<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-s-trial-by-fire-for-soldiers-from-nepal?%27%5C%22="> Nepalis fighting for the Indian Army</a> were killed in action.
Three of Nepal’s immediate neighbours (China, India, Pakistan) have nuclear weapons, and they do not have good relations. With China supplying weapons, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/war-and-warming">missile technology</a> and other support to Pakistan, this triangular friction could set off a regional conflagration.&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s43016-022-00573-0" target="_blank">Research at Rutgers University</a> has calculated that even a week-long tactical nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan would throw up so much smoke and debris into the atmosphere that it would block out the sun for years, and lead to a collapse of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/grow-nourish-sustain-together-world-food-day">global food system</a>. This does not take into account the radioactive fallout that prevailing winds would blow up to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lives-on-the-line-in-the-himalaya">the Himalaya</a>, contaminating glaciers that are the sources of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-what-is-left-of-himalayan-rivers">Asia’s main rivers</a>.
The impact of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">climate breakdown </a>on High Asia was already ringing alarm bells about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/himalayan-icecap-melting-faster-than-thought">shrinking ice cap</a> reducing the dry season flow of water downstream. Water was going to be the next strategic commodity, geopolitical experts warned, and the next wars in Asia would be over water.
That water war is already happening. India retaliated to the Kashmir attack by suspending the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/24/world/asia/india-pakistan-indus-waters-treaty.html" target="_blank">Indus Waters Treaty</a> of 1960 mediated by the World Bank that has withstood at least three wars between India and Pakistan. The treaty gives India control over the three eastern tributaries of the Indus (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beas_River" target="_blank">Beas</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ravi_River" target="_blank">Ravi</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sutlej" target="_blank">Sutlej</a>), while Pakistan got water from the Indus and two of its western tributaries (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_River" target="_blank">Indus</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chenab_River" target="_blank">Chenab</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jhelum_River" target="_blank">Jhelum</a>.
Pakistan was assured of 70% of the annual flow, and India could use a reasonable amount of water for<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15231"> irrigation and hydropower</a>. &nbsp;Within days of its threat, India stopped water flowing down to Pakistan from the Chenab river and is reportedly preparing to do the same on the Jhelum.
The sabre-rattling has reached a crescendo. Besides threats and counter-threats there are also symbolic drills, with the Indian Air Force practicing landing on an expressway in Uttar Pradesh by its Rafale, Su-30 and Jaguar fighter jets to demonstrate ‘operational readiness’. In response Pakistan test-fired its Abdali ballistic missile that can carry a nuclear warhead and has a range of 450km.&nbsp;
The danger is that with ultra-nationalist rhetoric and the beating the war drums by both sides, India’s government and Pakistan’s military may have to ‘do something’ to appease domestic public opinion. But any tactical strike, an artillery exchange, or territorial incursion could quickly escalate out of control.
Expecting an Indian retaliation for the Pahalgam killings, Pakistan is using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/interfaith-collaboration-for-nuclear-disarmament"> nuclear deterrence </a>and warning of “catastrophic consequences”. The two neighbours came close to a nuclear exchange in 2019 after an attack on the Indian military in Kashmir, and prompt international intervention led by the United States cooled tensions.&nbsp;
This time, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump administration</a> is too distracted and not as engaged. Pakistan has denied it was responsible for the terrorist attack and called on Washington to stop a possible Indian retaliation. India and Pakistan have stopped overflights by each other’s airlines, and some international carriers have even stopped flying over Pakistan fearing an air war.
Washington, Beijing, the UN and the EU have all urged restraint. Iran, which has good relations with both India and Pakistan has sent its foreign minister to urge both countries not to go into a tit-for-tat war. Iran has its own nuclear flashpoint to worry about with tensions in Israel, &nbsp;Yemen and Syria.
India and Pakistan both share similar problems of joblessness, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepal-s-poverty-rate-is-stuck">poverty </a>and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/climate-change-new-threat-to-nepal-s-rhinos">environmental threats</a>. Neither side needs the threat of a senseless war, and we in the neighbourhood do not need it either.&nbsp;
Kunda Dixit
This Editorial is brought to you by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">Nepali Times</a>, in collaboration with <a href="https://inpsjapan.com/en/" target="_blank">INPS Japan</a> and <a href="https://sgi-peace.org/" target="_blank">Soka Gakkai International</a>, in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.

Nukes in the neighbourhood

The streets of Patan are alive this month with lavender jacaranda trees under rain-washed skies as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-red-god-rises-again-in-patan">the chariot of Rato Matsyendranath</a> is pulled across town. This is the festival of the rain god, and inevitably the heavens opened up and pre-monsoon showers pelted the chariot as it started being pulled in Pulchok last week. Thousands of devotees, onlookers and the chariot procession organisers thronged the streets on the first day last week. The rhythmic cymbals and drums exuded a vibrant energy as the enormous four wheels turned and the chariot lurched.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025051007050_81df97744db16f732a419dc1f1579d235ce3df37642b078f50b83bd4bd026688.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025051007050_81df97744db16f732a419dc1f1579d235ce3df37642b078f50b83bd4bd026688" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1503" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  The<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Red-rain-god,3141"> red rain god</a> has Hindu and Buddhist antecedents, alternatively called Bungadya and<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-gravity-defying-chariot-festival"> Karunamaya</a> — reflecting Kathmandu Valley’s syncretic mixture of the two religions.&nbsp; “Bungadya is a profoundly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/marketing-the-intangible">intangible form of heritage</a>,” explains heritage expert Monalisa Maharjan. “It embodies traditional knowledge,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/reviving-nepal-s-craft"> artisanal skills passed down through generations</a>. Local communities and specific families have specified roles in being custodians of the heritage, ensuring their survival over the centuries.” There are many legends and stories about this annual tradition. Lichhavi king Narendra Dev is supposed to have brought Rato Matsyendranath from Assam to Kathmandu Valley to convince Guru Gorakhnath to lift a spell that created a two-year drought in Kathmandu.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250510050520_347a9a398f8a9abc4a7fb4e2774fde8264cccbdce8bdab23851ab3f0e73c3e8a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250510050520_347a9a398f8a9abc4a7fb4e2774fde8264cccbdce8bdab23851ab3f0e73c3e8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1503" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  Matsyendranath was Gorakhnath’s mentor, and upon seeing him, the serpents were released, unleashing the rains. The chariot festival honours the return of this life-giving rain. The deity is seen as an icon for thriving agriculture, t<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/before-the-next-monsoon">he arrival of monsoon</a> showers, and the welfare of the community. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-reign-of-the-god-of-rain">The reign of the god of rain</a>, Vidhu Prakash Kayastha Till this day, the Rato Matsyendranath festival is no ordinary celebration. Patan does not sleep for a month as the chariot is pulled through various neighbourhoods. It unfolds at a state level with the president (formerly the king) attending the climax of the Bhoto Jatra in Jawalakhel later this month.&nbsp; The intergenerational transmission of tradition is unique in the world, and the reason the festival is one of the most vibrant cultural expressions that thrives despite inroads of modernity. The other unique aspect is that it is a transnational festival, binding Patan with Guwahati in the Indian state of Assam.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025051005058_8bc685ada13045d863b28e3eed91c931da2b510714586af6fd7eb5d1e298a24a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2025051005058_8bc685ada13045d863b28e3eed91c931da2b510714586af6fd7eb5d1e298a24a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1503" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  “Unlike Nepal, where the deity commands grandeur and devotion, many in Assam are unaware of Rato Matsyendranath,” says Khagen Sharma of Gauhati University, which convened <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-assam-connection-revived">a symposium in February in Guwahati on the rain god</a>. Attending was a delegation led by Lalitpur Mayor Chiribabu Maharjan, organisers of the festival, and builders of the chariot. After the symposium, a committee was formed to explore and revive the tradition in Assam as well. Although the team had planned to visit Nepal this month, logistical challenges delayed the trip. Still, there are plans to build a Guru Matsyendranath statue in Assam to reestablish regular worship practices in the Guwahati shrine.&nbsp; The vines used to build the chariot in Patan are sourced from the jungles of Assam. But Sharma notes that in recent years unclear regulations have blocked the official import of the vines, although they are still brought to Nepal informally. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/makers-of-machhindranath,2204">chariot making</a> has also had a taste of modernisation in recent times. In the past, even a single nail or piece of steel was avoided. But over time, the wooden structure, particularly the shaft between the wheels, has been replaced with bronze. When that too proved unstable, metal clamps were introduced, which have become a pragmatic compromise.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250510050524_b2a819a5791612f14c81d30fc393dbd3f99f0c64b90a9110e8b0855d944bfa93.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250510050524_b2a819a5791612f14c81d30fc393dbd3f99f0c64b90a9110e8b0855d944bfa93" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="998" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  Another welcome change is the focus on safety. Builders climbing the chariot’s tower now wear harnesses and there are efforts in crowd control. The most visible change in recent years has been the involvement of Patan’s enthusiastic youth in the festival — the tradition is now passing to a new generation. Says Matsyendranath expert Vidhu Kayastha: “There is more energy, the young people in red t-shirts this year were very organised, these modern touches aren’t diluting our culture, they’re keeping it alive in new forms.” He adds, “We are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/searching-for-a-homeland-away-from-home">reconnecting with our roots</a>, we have more resources, more awareness than ever before. We must not be swept away by western values that may not serve us, and in some ways, cause more harm than good. We must revive our own culture.”&nbsp;

Divine chariot

In 2025, two seemingly disconnected acts of violence shattered the illusion of stability in the region. In March, <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/16f7f947-1e96-4206-9844-891378adc683" target="_blank">militants hijacked a passenger train</a> near the Bolan Pass in Balochistan, executing soldiers in cold blood. A month later, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/22/world/asia/kashmir-terrorist-attack.html" target="_blank">gunmen in Kashmir’s</a> Pahalgam Valley massacred tourists. 
In both Islamabad and New Delhi, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/25/were-cursed-kashmiris-under-attack-across-india-after-pahalgam-killings" target="_blank">the reaction was reflexive:</a> condemn the violence, <a href="https://www.economist.com/asia/2025/04/22/india-and-pakistan-could-come-to-blows-over-kashmir" target="_blank">blame external enemies</a>, declare the situation contained. But South Asia’s leaders are not fighting terrorists alone. They are fighting the consequences of their own betrayals.
Across <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-26272897" target="_blank">Balochistan</a>, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-south-asia-11693674" target="_blank">Kashmir</a>, <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-asia/india/346-finding-way-out-festering-conflict-indias-manipur" target="_blank">Manipur</a>, and beyond, decades of <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/projects/enforced-disappearance-in-south-asia/" target="_blank">enforced disappearances</a>, broken promises, and brute militarisation have hollowed out the social contracts meant to hold these nations together. The grievances that drove rebellions from the 1940s through the 1990s – demands for dignity, recognition, and political agency – were never meaningfully addressed. They were buried beneath asphalt and propaganda, paved over by development projects and security checkpoints.
States may claim victory. But their victories are mirages, dissolving the moment anyone looks too closely. South Asia’s unfinished wars are not relics of a violent past. They are live ammunition, loaded into the future.
<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/24/he-only-wanted-revenge-the-bloody-insurgency-in-balochistan-gaining-lethal-momentum" target="_blank">Balochistan</a> has been at war with Pakistan for most of its modern history. Rich in gas, minerals, and coastline, the province has been plundered for decades under the language of national development. 
Projects like the <a href="https://eastasiaforum.org/2020/11/26/pakistans-three-evils-cpec-and-good-governance/" target="_blank">China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)</a> promise progress but deliver exclusion: minerals are mined, ports are secured, but Baloch homes are raided. 
The insurgency endures not because of foreign conspiracies, as Islamabad endlessly insists, but because the Pakistani state remains incapable of seeing its <a href="https://thebalochistanpost.net/2025/01/enforced-disappearances-in-balochistan-in-december-2024-tbp-report/" target="_blank">Baloch citizens</a> as anything other than a security problem to be managed.
In <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/ranisingh/2016/07/12/kashmir-in-the-worlds-most-militarized-zone-violence-after-years-of-comparative-calm/" target="_blank">Kashmir</a>, the Indian government claims to have <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/08/world/asia/kashmir-village-defense-committees.html" target="_blank">“normalised” the valley</a> after revoking its autonomy in 2019. It <a href="https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/conflict-between-india-and-pakistan" target="_blank">looks a lot like occupation</a>. Soldiers outnumber local leaders, dissent is criminalised, internet shutdowns suffocate public life. Tourism campaigns and investment summits cannot erase a generation raised under curfew and surveillance.
<a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-66260730" target="_blank">Manipur’s descent into ethnic bloodshed</a> in 2023 exposed another fault line Delhi prefers to ignore. Long-simmering tensions between the Meitei and Kuki communities erupted into violence that shattered any illusions of northeastern integration. The central government’s delayed, politicised response made clear what many Manipuris had always suspected: they are citizens of India only when convenient.
Even the <a href="https://msf.org.au/rohingya-worlds-largest-stateless-population" target="_blank">Rohingya, stateless and exiled from Myanmar</a>, find themselves entangled in South Asia’s ethnonationalist calculus. Fleeing genocide, they are criminalised anew in Bangladesh and India – trapped between the countries that reject them and the memories that refuse to let them go.
South Asia’s states have excelled at suppressing rebellion. But failed at extinguishing the reasons rebellions rise in the first place. And the wars South Asia tries to forget at home have found new life abroad.
Across <a href="https://www.abc.net.au/news/2024-06-17/modis-indian-government-accused-of-spying-silencing-critics/103974414" target="_blank">Canada, Australia, Britain, and the United States</a>, diasporic communities have become memory-keepers and, increasingly, <a href="https://www.business-standard.com/world-news/khalistan-supporters-hold-protest-outside-indian-consulate-in-vancouver-123092600087_1.html" target="_blank">the agitators</a> for the struggles their home states would rather erase.
Khalistan flags fly outside Indian consulates in Vancouver and <a href="https://www.tribuneindia.com/news/punjab/perturbed-over-waving-of-khalistani-flags-at-an-event-in-melbourne-india-warns-australia-of-khalistan-separatists-and-their-links-with-terror-groups-458320/" target="_blank">Melbourne</a>. Tamil activists march through London, demanding accountability for the <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/5/19/grim-reminder-sri-lankas-tamils-mark-15-years-since-end-of-civil-war" target="_blank">massacres in Mullivaikkal</a>. Kashmiri protests in Washington and New York refuse to let India’s crackdown slip into diplomatic amnesia.
For host countries, these movements pose uncomfortable questions. Freedom of expression collides with fears of extremism. Clashes erupt between communities carrying wounds that their new homelands.
Meanwhile, South Asian states pursue their adversaries across borders. India faces allegations of <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/canada-says-india-home-minister-ordered-campaign-against-sikh-activist-rcna177972" target="_blank">targeting Sikh activists for assassination in Canada</a> and the <a href="https://www.npr.org/2024/10/27/g-s1-29561/sikh-separatist-assassination-india" target="_blank">United States</a>. Pakistan continues to court Kashmiri separatists abroad while crushing Baloch dissent at home. <a href="https://apnews.com/article/sri-lanka-tamils-civil-war-dead-5b372b0bba567837c5a4d94250040e7d" target="_blank">Sri Lanka</a> lobbies furiously to brand Tamil diaspora organisations as fronts for terrorism, even as it stonewalls investigations into its own wartime atrocities.
The old insurgencies have not been defeated. They have been globalised. South Asia’s governments have long mistaken silence for stability.
In Punjab, India broke the back of the <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2023/10/06/india/india-canada-sikh-khalistan-analysis-intl-hnk/index.html" target="_blank">Khalistan insurgency</a> through brute force. The fields grew green again, the trains ran on time. But the wounds were never closed, the <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/why-is-indias-khalistan-separatist-movement-on-the-rise/a-65081729" target="_blank">movement’s heart beats</a> not in Amritsar but in Brampton and Surrey.
In Sri Lanka, the <a href="https://www.academia.edu/4738983/The_Man_Who_Destroyed_Eelam" target="_blank">military crushed the Tamil Tigers</a> with <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2011/01/17/death-of-the-tiger" target="_blank">overwhelming brutality in 2009</a>. <a href="https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/politics/article/3264148/we-want-our-children-back-sri-lankan-families-still-demanding-justice-their-missing-loved-ones" target="_blank">Tamil families still search for their missing</a>, still mourn their dead – and still organise across the diaspora for justice that remains undelivered.
In Kashmir, Delhi boasts of new <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2023/2/4/kashmir-is-bleeding-its-economy" target="_blank">highways and investment corridors</a>, showcasing the region as a trophy of unity. But when the visitors leave and the cameras are packed away, <a href="https://harvardlawreview.org/print/vol-134/from-domicile-to-dominion-indias-settler-colonial-agenda-in-kashmir/" target="_blank">the checkpoints, the raids, and the quiet despair remain.</a>
Victory parades fade. Grievance endures. Suppressing insurgency may end battles. It does not end the ideas that fueled them. In a region where <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/23/world/asia/kashmir-attack-india-pakistan.html" target="_blank">history is rarely past</a>, and memory is rarely voluntary, states that rule through repression are only ever buying time. And often, not very much.
South Asia’s unfinished wars are not accidents. They are the inevitable consequences of states that confuse conquest with consent, and erasure with reconciliation. They cannot legislate memory out of existence.
Every <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c15qyyzz89lo" target="_blank">disappeared son in Balochistan</a>, every <a href="https://medium.com/the-wvoice/the-half-widows-in-kashmir-fef80c6b88e9" target="_blank">half-widow in Kashmir</a>, every <a href="https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/what-we-do/focus/rohingya-refugee-crisis" target="_blank">refugee child born stateless in a Rohingya camp</a> carries forward the memory of betrayal – a memory that outlives soldiers, politicians, and peace accords alike.
The region’s future will not be decided by GDP figures or infrastructure projects alone. It will be decided by whether its governments can summon the political courage to face the truths they have long suppressed – or whether they will continue down a path <a href="https://theconversation.com/india-is-using-the-g20-summit-to-further-its-settler-colonial-ambitions-in-kashmir-205166" target="_blank">where forgetting is demanded</a>, and rebellion becomes inevitable.
Shyam Tekwani is a professor at the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawaii. This <a href="https://dkiapcss.edu/nexus_articles/ghosts-at-the-border-south-asias-unfinished-wars/" target="_blank">article</a> was originally published on <a href="https://dkiapcss.edu/security-nexus/" target="_blank">DKI APCSS Security Nexus.</a> The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of DKI APCSS, the Department of Defense, or the US Government. The appearance of external hyperlinks does not constitute endorsement by the United States Department of Defense (DoD) of the linked websites, or the information, products, or services contained therein. DoD does not exercise any editorial, security, or other control over the information you may find at these sites.

Balochistan to Kashmir

Most Nepalis thought they had seen the last of it after <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/11-56-25-april-2015-wkc9q2an">the 25 April 7.8 magnitude </a>earthquake ten years ago. But the Himalaya had more surprises in store. On 12 May, another 7.3 magnitude tremor that some said was an aftershock, but was strong enough to itself be a major earthquake, struck Dolakha.&nbsp; Not many people had heard of Singati till then — a cluster of houses by the Tama Kosi River along a narrow gorge that is the roadhead to Rolwaling Valley.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_57b6e316656851f71eca56ca6f98d9bbcc820c1a00d62af3c990725b4361244d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250508110520_57b6e316656851f71eca56ca6f98d9bbcc820c1a00d62af3c990725b4361244d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_016534fb2b6a79957402281cda768efb83a146786377e39e11df3e251d37159e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250508110520_016534fb2b6a79957402281cda768efb83a146786377e39e11df3e251d37159e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>  It was here that dozens were killed on 25 April in the first earthquake. Hundreds of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Singati-rising-from-rubble-rebuilding,3703">Singati survivors</a> had lined up for food and relief supplies in the morning of 12 May when the second earthquake triggered a rock slide that buried a nearby camp. At least 50 people were killed. &nbsp; Three hours later, a US Marine Corps UH-1Y Venom helicopter landed in a nearby cornfield to pick up the wounded, and flew off. The aircraft lost contact with air traffic control in Kathmandu and its wreckage was located high on Kalinchok four days later. Six American servicemen, two Nepal Army soldiers, and five wounded civilians from Singati were killed. Today, Singati bears little physical scar of the multiple tragedies that struck the town ten years ago. Most <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/bungamati-builds-back">houses have been rebuilt</a> as urban-style concrete structures, and Singati has become an economic hub on the road leading up to several hydropower plants and a<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/off-the-beaten-trek-in-nepal"> popular trekking destination</a>.&nbsp; The town looks less like a village and more like a suburb of the Dolakha district headquarter of Charikot, 47km away.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_196f341d1df1403ba133e5dfeb837eec20d7cbcb4c8c56b17cc5598810de5df2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250508110520_196f341d1df1403ba133e5dfeb837eec20d7cbcb4c8c56b17cc5598810de5df2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110524_ae66c4a92430f67db51b5e11e017059eedfbac4cb18c8e073f2a50cca1fe904e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250508110524_ae66c4a92430f67db51b5e11e017059eedfbac4cb18c8e073f2a50cca1fe904e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>  “The demand for construction material, cement, iron rods and bricks peaked after the earthquakes,” says Suresh Khadka, who owns a hardware business here and now supplies material to the 456MW Upper Tama Kosi hydropower project that is undergoing repairs after it was damaged by a landslide last year. The demand for cement boomed since most residents believe, not necessarily correctly, that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/in-a-disastrous-state">cement houses are safer</a>. Although Khadka did well selling construction material after the earthquake, he worries that most new structures do not follow seismic-resistant building codes.&nbsp; The construction boom financed by bank loans has in turn forced many from Singati to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/making-overseas-migration-better">migrate overseas for work</a> so they can service their debt.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110524_50caa4530bd5ff9120cf7ab70a62173846d337ef448ff8bac339f3faa375a9e2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250508110524_50caa4530bd5ff9120cf7ab70a62173846d337ef448ff8bac339f3faa375a9e2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> <figcaption>Suresh Khadka</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_ef8b7d3993fc3b5df852bbf952feb3fbabc96d6883b0d5eb74ee5c60f4123b83.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250508110520_ef8b7d3993fc3b5df852bbf952feb3fbabc96d6883b0d5eb74ee5c60f4123b83" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> <figcaption>Phu Doma Sherpa (right)</figcaption> </figure>  “My family had no choice but to borrow money to rebuild our home since the government compensation was not enough, and ten years later we are still paying off the loan,” says Phu Doma Sherpa, 60. Because of the shortage of qualified masons and proper seismic engineering, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/structural-problems">many of the buildings are of questionable building standards </a>and the traditional architecture has been abandoned, admits Kul Bahadur Budathoki, deputy chair of the municipality. “But these buildings were more expensive than what the government grants could cover, many people here are heavily in debt and the men have <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/every-day-is-closer-to-pay-day">migrated to the Gulf to pay their loans</a>,” Budathoki says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_32f89e97b7e757fc9286c0bbb671f48ea8d4468e9634fa646d7247c650ad8480.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250508110520_32f89e97b7e757fc9286c0bbb671f48ea8d4468e9634fa646d7247c650ad8480" data-rendition-name="original" width="1501" height="1079" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> <figcaption>Kul Bahadur Budathoki</figcaption> </figure>  Singati is in a multi-hazard zone. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Singati,3091">12 May 2015 earthquake </a>could have led to the collapse of Nepal’s largest glacial lake, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/stairway-to-heaven">Tso Rolpa</a>, upstream. Due to global warming, the glacier has turned into an expanding lake 3.5km long, and its collapse would have unleashed a catastrophic Himalayan tsunami down the Tama Kosi Valley, with Singati directly in its path. Singati has literally risen from the ashes of 2015, with its residents beginning to recover from the trauma and financial toll. But it is not out of danger as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">climate breakdown </a>magnifies the risk from future earthquakes.

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