“Yesterday I heard a song called Yo Man Ta Mero Nepali Ho by the band 1974AD. Do you know what happened in the year 1974?” asks South Korean Ambassador Taeyoung Park as he sat for an interview with Nepali Times. “It was the year Nepal and the Republic of Korea established diplomatic ties.” South Korea is one of the most sought-after labour destinations among Nepalis. Salaries are higher, labour rights are guaranteed and working conditions are much better than elsewhere. There are now nearly 100,000 Nepalis in Korea, working primarily in agriculture and manufacturing. At the same time, Korean pop culture, food and fashion have increasingly taken over the lifestyle of urban youth in Nepal. Korea’s soft power has become a powerful draw for Nepali youth. As Nepal and Korea prepare to mark 50 years of diplomatic relations, Park spoke to Nepali Times, reflecting on five decades of bilateral cooperation as well as the potential for tourism, trade, and better-paying jobs for Nepalis in Korea. Excerpts of the interview: Nepali Times: How have the 50 years been for Nepal and Korea? Taeyoung Park: It has been a journey of solidarity. We have been sharing prosperity between the two countries especially after we started taking migrant workers from Nepal through the Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2007. Nepali migrant workers have been helping the Korean economy prosper and Korea has shared its skills and knowledge. That exchange, I believe, solidified the foundation of friendship between the two countries. It was through this exchange that we started to understand each other better and share prosperity. Tens of thousands of Nepalis spend 5-10 years of their life in Korea gaining skills, knowledge and experience. Just last year, 20,000 Nepalis went to Korea for foreign employment, the record highest annual number to date. For 2024, there is a national quota of 165,000 foreign workers, and we hope to increase the number of Nepali workers. Nepal is also the biggest contributor among 16 EPS partner countries in Asia. Korea has a labour shortage due to its low birth rate, so we will continue to draw low-skill migrant workers from Nepal and prioritise human rights and labour rights providing them with the same conditions and protection that domestic workers enjoy. As of now, our need is for low-skilled Nepali workers, but bilateral relations between the two countries have also opened a wider window for skilled labourers. We would be happy to have more talented Nepali workers, they are known in Korea to be hardworking and reliable.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024012702010_63b4098fcc2a714644b344392d889b7a2313170f9123bfed22043dc84f1bff9b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024012702010_63b4098fcc2a714644b344392d889b7a2313170f9123bfed22043dc84f1bff9b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="2667" loading="lazy" alt="Taeyoung Park"><figcaption>Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>  Last month, two Nepalis were killed during an EPS protest in Kathmandu. How can the system be better regulated? We were very saddened by the incident. I would like to share my sincere condolences to the families of Mr Rawat and Mr Shah who lost their lives. We have a separate EPS office that has been working closely with the Nepal government trying to sort out the problem. We will continue the practice of working closely. That being said, what we also have to understand is that there is a huge demand and supply gap. We are working with headquarters to increase the quota for Nepali workers, but the demand for jobs is much higher than supply of labour in Korea. When the demand and supply do not match, managing human resources does become a problem. The problem arises when there is too much demand, there have to be measures to calm down the demand. What do you think is the potential for closer Nepal-Korea bilateral ties? There are 3Ps in diplomacy: peace, people and prosperity. In terms of peace, our two countries have had no problems. There has always been a cooperative relationship between Korea and Nepal. Second is the people. Through the EPS system for labour and with tourism, people from both countries have had the chance for cultural and economic exchange. Citizens of both our countries have an affinity with each other. As for prosperity, there are many ways to prosper. Korea’s post-war prosperity rested on private-sector led growth. Investment by the private sector can be the new arena that can help Nepal’s economy flourish. Nepal is a priority country for Korean development cooperation. Foreign investors are entirely business people, not so much NGOs or philanthropists. Korea is the fourth largest investor in Nepal, and I see much potential for foreign investors here in Nepal. Although it might be too early to say, we are working on drawing up a bilateral investment treaty. Meanwhile, the Nepal government can also work on building a base to attract more Korean investors. What sectors have been of interest to the Korean government and private sector investors? We believe in the power of human resources, it is what our country is built on. Our initiatives in capacity building and vocational training in provinces like Bagmati, Gandaki and Lumbini is a reflection of our focus on human resources. We intend to have at least one vocational training centre in each province. Nepal’s energy sector is also something Korea is interested in. Korea has already invested in three hydropower plants: Modi Khola which was completed in 2000 and the Chameliya in 2018. The most recent investment was on the Upper Trisuli-1 hydropower plant which is to be completed in 2027, and this is the biggest project so far with 216 megawatt generation capacity. And then, there's the manufacturing sector. Samsung Electronics has been operating a tv Factory here in Nepal for almost a year now. Hyundai Motors of Korea and Nepal’s Laxmi Group have collaborated to assemble up to 5,000 automobiles a year from a factory in Nawalparasi district. Hi-mo's Nepal Mandumo is a Korean wig company which has opened a factory here creating job opportunities for 680 Nepali women. At the same time, Nepali herbs, tea, organic coffee and pashmina are things have a potential market in Korea. How can Nepal be made a more attractive destination for Korean tourists? Statistics show that Korea falls in the ninth position in terms of tourist arrivals. Last year the number of Korean tourists was around 24,000, and it is likely that we can reach the pre-pandemic number of 40,000. The spiritual link that connects Korean Buddhists to Nepal does increase the probability of more Korean tourists arriving in Nepal. Nepal being the Buddhist pilgrimage site has historical importance for the Korean Buddhists. The other link can be hiking and trekking. Koreans love to hike. Hiking and trekking in the Everest region is a dream for Korean hiking enthusiasts. The civil aviation authorities of the two countries are working to increase flights between Seoul and Kathmandu, including for Nepal Airlines. How can Nepal and Nepalis benefit more from Korea’s labour market in future? Two-thirds of the migrant workers from Nepal in Korea work in manufacturing industries and the rest in the agricultural sector. They are contributing greatly to Korea’s economy. But we do not want the benefits of their labour limited to our country, we want the returnees to utilise the skills and knowledge they gained over the years for their own entrepreneurial ventures when they return to Nepal. That is why, apart from other sectors, fostering education and entrepreneurship have also been our areas of interest. It is education that will pay off in the long run. Nepalis deserve better opportunities and high quality education. Our KOICA office is also helping with the Returnee Integration Program to help Nepali workers coming back from Korea get a new start. In the near future, we want to see Nepal as a country with a self-sustained economy. I would love to see Nepal where Korea is today.

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“Yo Man Ta Mero Nepali Ho”

Korean Ambassador to Nepal Park Young-sik, spoke to Sangmin Kim of Nepali Times about tourism, Nepali workers, development assistance, investment, trade and tourism.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22949c7e80680e041797jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="606" height="455"/><figcaption>Photos: SANGMIN KIM</figcaption></figure>Nepali Times: What is the perspective of the current Moon Jae-In government on Nepal?Park Young-sik: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/New-Korean,3710" target="_blank" rel="noopener">President Moon has visited Nepal twice</a> on a personal trekking trips. During his last trek to Langtang in 2016, he volunteered in the rehabilitation efforts of a school damaged by the earthquake in Nuwakot. Many Koreans feel the need for taking the current partnership with Nepal to a higher level. I hope to try to make this happen by exchanging mutual visits of high-level leaders. This is the right time since the Korean government is trying to strengthen relations with South Asian and ASEAN countries within our ‘New Southern Policy’.What has been the support to Nepal from Korea post-earthquake? Before taking up my official duties as Ambassador, I met many Koreans to discuss what could be done to help Nepal after <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/05/27/a-month-that-felt-like-a-year/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the 2015 earthquake</a>. The focus is on rehabilitation, the Korean government is building a hospital and ten health posts in Nuwakot through the Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA). The Korean private sector is also involved in rehabilitation.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-Korean-ambassador-Choi-Yong-Jin,2767" target="_blank" rel="noopener">"Hope Nepal's difficulties end soon"</a>, Seulki LeeWhat is KOICA’s main area of focus? The Korean government has assisted in building two vocational training centers in Nepal: Korea-Nepal Institute of Technology (KNIT) in Butwal and Kathmandu University Technical Training Center (KUTTC). Nepal cannot rely only on remittances by sending workers abroad. Nepali workers should remain in Nepal to lift the domestic economy, while technology and experience of returnee workers should be fully utilised. We welcome two policy initiatives introduced by the Nepali government: Establishing technical schools in all seven provinces and 753 local units and establishing start-up business ventures by returnee workers by providing a maximum of $10.000 loan at less than 6% interest rate. Korea University of Technology and Education is conducting a project to enhance the quality of CTEVT (Council for Technical Education and Vocational Training) through capacity building of instructors which will contribute to the development of Nepal’s technical schools under the guidance of CTEVT.https://youtu.be/3TVnpKfyRVEWhat do you see as the main constraints and challenges of operating the EPS (Employment Permit System)?I had an opportunity to meet members of ANKUR, the organisation of Nepali workers who have returned from Korea who wish to make use of the skills and technology which they learned for the development of Nepal. The Korean government will try to find suitable ways to implement industrial technology transfer. EPS has been running successfully, but we still need to see how we can improve this system. For example, some Nepali migrant workers are not able to adjust to life in Korea, and some have committed suicide. Both governments are trying to provide psychological care at worker’s orientation before leaving for Korea and after arriving in Korea. Another constraint is the shortage of air tickets which is causing problems for some Nepali workers to reach their destination in time in Korea.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/hiking-up-the-benefits-of-tourism/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Hiking up the benefits of tourism</a>, Sangmin KimThe Nepal government wants to encourage Korean tourists, what can be done to promote tourism? More than 34,000 Korean visit Nepal annually in order to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/hiking-up-the-benefits-of-tourism/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">go trekking</a> or to visit <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/lumbinis-unholy-mess/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lumbini</a>. There is great potential for attracting more Korean tourists if Korean travel agents are allowed to provide tailor-made tour programs for Korean tourists. More promotion is needed if the Nepal government wants to promote Buddhist pilgrimage tourism in Korea.Do you have plans to build on cultural diplomacy using the popularity of Korean pop in Nepal?The Embassy of the Republic of Korea in Kathmandu has been organising various <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/k-pop-in-k-town/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cultural events</a> every year such as Korean traditional food exhibition, Korean Speech Contest, K-pop song, and dance performances and Korean cooking classes. We also find that about 100,000 Nepalese are currently enjoying the game of taekwondo. The Embassy will organise ‘Korean Ambassador Cup’ taekwondo Champion later this year and hold it every two years. Nepal has a huge potential to obtain medals in taekwondo in Olympics, South Asian Games, and SAARC games.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/k-pop-in-k-town/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">K-pop in K-town</a>, Sangmin Kim-<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101132/636a22969c7e80680e041798jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="480">Nepal is trying to attract more foreign investment through the Investment Summit. What can Nepal do to make it happen?Nepal has great potential in tourism, agribusiness, education, health, and information technology. However, Nepal’s domestic economy does not have enough resources for large infrastructure projects. To attain middle-income country status by 2030, Nepal would have to attract Foreign Direct Investment. The  Investment summit will be successful only if the Nepal government can create a business-friendly environment. One of the areas that need to be addressed by the Nepali Government’s hedge fund. Many people are talking of great potential of Nepali hydropower sector, but foreign capital is not coming yet. The Pakistan government is taking 100% of currency risk, while the Nepali government is demanding excessive burden on foreign developers. I hope that the hedge fund issue will be soon settled in a mutually beneficial way.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/South-Korea-aid-to-investment,2770" target="_blank" rel="noopener">From aid to investment</a>, Seulki LeeHow closely were you involved in search and rescue after the tragic avalanche that struck the Korean expedition on Mt Gurja last October? Just before the Dasain Festival, the Korean embassy was informed about <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/gurja-himal-tragedy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the tragedy</a>. Since then, we were heavily engaged in the search and rescue of the Korean expedition over three days and finally were able to dispatch bodies of five Korean mountaineers to Korea. The Korean government greatly appreciates the effort of Nepal Police, Bir Hospital, helicopter rescue companies and mountain tour agents for their active participation. Our Embassy and the Korea Tours and Trekking Operators Association of Nepal (KTTOTAN) signed MOU on cooperation. This MOU is useful, especially for providing security for Korean mountaineers and trekkers.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/trails-less-travelled/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Trails less travelled</a>

“Nepal can create a business-friendly environment”

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigned on Wednesday following increasing coverage of and criticism over his investment in companies linked to controversial Nepali business figures Sulav Agrawal and Deepak Bhatta, who are currently under investigation for money laundering.
‘I am resigning from the position of Home Minister effective today to ensure impartial investigation into matters associated with me, and to make sure that there is no conflict of interest,’ Gurung wrote, saying that morality and public trust mattered more to him than office.
Gurung ended his message to the nation in English as he invoked the security forces, writing: &nbsp;‘For my country and For the respect of our security forces and For the youths of Nepal.’
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Gurung has become the second member to depart the Cabinet, serving for less than a month, despite the Nepali electorate’s hopes that Nepal would finally get a stable government after the RSP’s sweeping victory in the March elections.&nbsp;
Prime Minister Balendra Shah had sought clarification from Gurung on Wednesday after new details emerged about his shares in two micro-insurance companies, Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life, which are said to have been issued their licence by the Nepal Insurance Authority at the behest of Bhatta and Agrawal.
Gurung denied financial misconduct, saying that his investment in the two companies was included in his asset disclosure and insisting the misunderstanding is because of how the shares have been categorised.&nbsp;
Leaders within the RSP had called for an internal investigation into Gurung as they sought to maintain the party’s platform of clean governance and transparency. As such, Gurung’s position had become increasingly untenable, especially since former Labour Minister was sacked without being given an opportunity for clarification over a disciplinary breach involving his wife’s appointment to the Health Insurance Board.&nbsp;
On social media, Sah on Tuesday seemed to express dissatisfaction over the PM’s request for Gurung’s clarification.&nbsp;
Judging by the comments under Gurung’s resignation post, a significant part of the Nepali public seems to be firmly on Gurung’s side, blaming the mass media and what they call mouthpieces of old parties for driving him out of the Cabinet.&nbsp;
This is a reflection of his meteoric rise and the continued support he has maintained since he stepped into the spotlight as the leader of Nepal’s youth movement in the aftermath of the September protest.&nbsp;
Gurung has made headlines constantly ever since he burst onto the national stage, which includes questions over the degree of his and his organisation Hami Nepal’s involvement in the September 9 unrest, calls to divulge details behind Hami Nepal’s finances, and not paying five years of rent for an illegal lakefront property in Pokhara.&nbsp;
There have also been unsubstantiated claims, despite Gurung’s denial, about his ‘ties’ to the Free Tibet movement, which has made the Chinese— as well as Nepalis— wary.&nbsp;
As Home Minister, Gurung cultivated an image of a tough but approachabe leader, overseeing a series of high-profile arrests of previous political leadership and business figures even as he posted photos of sleeping in a sofa in his office, and engaged with the public on the streets and on social media.&nbsp;
As it stands, the Home Ministry was a bone of contention between Shah and RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane before it was awarded to Gurung, who is a close ally of PM Shah. Analysts had noted that with Gurung in charge, the Home Ministry would be a hook for Shah if Lamichhane, with his share of controversies, stepped out of line.&nbsp;
Following Gurung’s resignation, the Prime Minister’s secretariat has said that the PM would take charge of the portfolio for the time being. But it will be interesting to see if and how fresh negotiations for the Ministry unfold within RSP.&nbsp;
And with his supporter base largely intact, it remains to be seen how much of an impact this setback will have on Sudan Gurung’s political aspirations.&nbsp;

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigns

Sudan Gurung is dancing. It is 2009. He has an emo fringe falling over one eye and is spinning on a polished floor. His dance shows dedication — moves that take years of bruised elbows to land. The clip is 16 years old, and had been sitting in the dead archives of YouTube and old Facebook pages, watched by almost nobody. This month <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@4gr4j/video/7621892206902725909">it has 1.9 million views</a>. Gurung became Home Minister on 27 March and resigned on Wednesday, barely a month into office. His<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@aayvik/video/7626069452177542408"> pre-political life had been put back into circulation</a> at industrial speed -- the b-boying, the DJ sets, and the YouTube video of him dancing in a music clip.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026042202040_71df4d531423e7c941abde95fb8106346c70ab0afb71bbeb520cc570f14ba178.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026042202040_71df4d531423e7c941abde95fb8106346c70ab0afb71bbeb520cc570f14ba178" data-rendition-name="original" width="2300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit"> </figure>  The youth of Nepal, well-versed in snappy TikTok edits and aura compilations, turned the archive into a meme economy almost overnight. TikTok remixed the footage to trap beats. The comments settled on a nickname that crossed into everyday speech within days: 'Homie Minister'. <div class="embed-block"><blockquote class="tiktok-embed" cite="https://www.tiktok.com/@yalexthwreal/video/7622325255792512276" data-video-id="7622325255792512276" style="max-width: 605px;min-width: 325px;" > <section> <a target="_blank" title="@yalexthwreal" href="https://www.tiktok.com/@yalexthwreal?refer=embed">@yalexthwreal</a> <a title="sudangurung" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sudangurung?refer=embed">#sudangurung</a> new home minister of Nepal😎 <a title="fyppppppppppppppppppppppp" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/fyppppppppppppppppppppppp?refer=embed">#fyppppppppppppppppppppppp</a> <a title="sudangrg" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sudangrg?refer=embed">#sudangrg</a> <a title="home" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/home?refer=embed">#home</a> <a title="minister" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/minister?refer=embed">#minister</a> <a target="_blank" title="♬ original sound - •⪨н є α я т ❤н α ¢ к є я ⪩• - Music Universe 🎧" href="https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-•⪨н-є-α-я-т-❤н-α-¢-к-є-я-⪩•-7308733170064231170?refer=embed">♬ original sound - •⪨н є α я т ❤н α ¢ к є я ⪩• - Music Universe 🎧</a> </section> </blockquote> <script async src="https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js"></script></div> As Home Minister, Gurung was in charge of the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Department of Immigration, and the country's internal security apparatus. Calling him 'homie' collapsed the distance between that office and the Discord server where the movement that brought him into power had organised itself. What is harder to explain is why the nostalgic clips did the narrative work for Gurung's political standing right up until the moment the paperwork did not. A teenager on a dance floor in a Thamel club, filmed before smartphones had decent cameras, was functioning as political currency for a powerful home minister, while a share registry was quietly filling the other column. The footage was not an argument. Gurung was not doing anything in it that related to home affairs. He was just dancing. The comments compared him to <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@4gr4j/video/7621892206902725909">Korean film heroes</a>. A separate <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@tandavyt7/video/7622151050128018708">48,000-like edit</a> was captioned 'Our New Home Minister Aura'. The replies were full of people saying they got chills listening to him speak. Even after his resignation, most comments on his Facebook page were supportive, saying he had been punished for pursuing truth and justice.&nbsp; Political legitimacy in Nepal has been built out of many things over the last 70 years, but it has never been built out of this. The question was always: what happens when the job starts demanding things his style, boldness, and swag cannot provide. Political aura in Nepal used to be a slow harvest, now it isn't. B P Koirala spent eight years in prison under the Panchayat. He wrote fiction at Sundari Jal. The writing survived, the prison sentences survived, and that experience became the template for what a serious Nepali politician looked like: someone the state had tried to break and failed. Legitimacy was accumulated by having their lives taken away, and refusing to bend the knee. The old mechanics of legitimacy produced politicians who could be audited. The record was made of words, dates, votes, and years behind bars. A voter who wanted to know what a leader stood for read his writings. A journalist digging for inconsistency could find it. The system was slow, often corrupt, and frequently boring. But boring was part of the job description. A minister was supposed to be slightly dull — evidence that the person was doing the unglamorous work of reading files and sitting through committee meetings. Today, boring is a disqualification. The attention economy rewards velocity and visual charge, and a politician who cannot generate either does not exist in the feed, and that means does not exist at all. The legacy parties are still issuing press statements criticising the new guard in the grammar of paper trails and procedural failure. But the audience has stopped reading, users scroll for their next viral bite. Sudan Gurung, unlike the old parties, understood exactly which grammar the feed rewarded. On his first evening as Home Minister, he posted a photo of himself sleeping on a sofa inside the ministry. Caption: creation cannot be greater than the creator, government is not above the people. The image travelled further in 12 hours than any ministerial press release has ever done.&nbsp; A minister napping on a sofa, phone-shot, zero production, read by the public as evidence of a minister who had skipped the motorcade and got straight to work. Gurung used Facebook to announce the names of former ministers and businessmen he intended to arrest. The feed was used to pre-announce state security action.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260422010456_2fa1918e1dd031d01f38b4001ee306d9414073cec0b795fa43a75cb5a8deb8c7.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260422010456_2fa1918e1dd031d01f38b4001ee306d9414073cec0b795fa43a75cb5a8deb8c7" data-rendition-name="original" width="926" height="868" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit"> </figure>  INFLUENTIAL INFLUENCER This is not how the Ministry of Home Affairs has ever operated. It is how a YouTuber releases a series. Sudan Gurung was a political content creator. As home minister, he was an influential influencer kinetically doing something in the visual medium. Much like Prime Minister Balendra Shah's sunglasses, Gurung's aura, authenticity and swag were a brand asset, instantly recognisable at thumbnail size. Balen's rap career supplies a pre-political archive that authenticates him the same way Gurung's DJ sets and b-boying clips authenticated him. The aesthetic is doing the work a manifesto used to do. The work is authenticity, and the strategy is auramaxxing. The emo fringe predates the ministry. The DJ sets predate Hami Nepal. The b-boying predates the earthquake, the NGO, the September uprising, the interim cabinet, all of it. Whatever Gurung is now, he was already that person before the office existed. This was the real spectacle of the Homie Minister: authenticity. Nepal's youth have grown up watching heavily-polished, talking-point ministers speak in a language aimed at nobody in particular. But that grainy archival clip of the Home Minister from 2009 was honest.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260422010456_5d6dff3a09e8b7e77dc60c3aa567c9e02b6bd5f90f94e20737ec05cc9a09023b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260422010456_5d6dff3a09e8b7e77dc60c3aa567c9e02b6bd5f90f94e20737ec05cc9a09023b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1800" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit NT"> </figure>  The effect transcended GenZ. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@ektapokharel/video/7623242573481561365">A TikTok trend</a> captioned NOT ONLY OUR HOME MINISTER, WE ARE ALSO FROM THAT ERA <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@sonykhadka/video/7624106790266948872">has millennials posting their own</a> archive photos from the same period, aligning themselves with Gurung's pre-political aesthetic. The aura did <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@_thakuri/video/7623397397556645141">cross-generational work</a>. It was a shared legibility, spanning at least 15 years of Nepali youth culture, with the Home Minister standing at its centre.&nbsp; The traditional politician's entire adult life is a performance of identity. Every photograph is lit for the media, every statement is vetted. The persona is the product, and the product has been in development for 30 years. This makes the old guard legible but suspect in the attention economy. A generation raised on authenticity-as-currency reads the decades of careful performance as evidence of something to hide. The polish is the problem. The nostalgic Sudan Gurung party clips inverted this. The polish was absent. The footage could not be performance aimed at the viewer, because the viewer did not exist in 2009 and neither did the political stakes. The clip was therefore read as real, in a way a press conference can never be. It was just a kid dancing, and he happened to grow up to be the Home Minister. But Sudan Gurung's job was never to go viral. The Ministry of Home Affairs requires the person running it to file a complete asset declaration and to avoid holding financial interests in crony entities.&nbsp; None of that work is content. A correctly filed asset declaration does not get remixed into a trap beat. A functioning immigration database is not a TikTok. The paperwork that constitutes actual governance is structurally boring in exactly the way the old parties are structurally boring, and for the same reason. It is the slow, procedural, checkable apparatus that the old system was built to produce and that the new system has not yet learned to replace. And it is painstaking follow-the-money paper trail investigative journalists in the legacy media who uncovered the evidence. You cannot auramaxx your way out of a share registry. You cannot post your way past a conflict-of-interest statute. No amount of fire outfits and wild DJ transitions does anything for you when a journalist pulls the initial shareholder list of Star Micro Insurance and finds your name at number 49, with Rs2.5 million in shares alongside investors linked to Deepak Bhatta and Sulav Agrawal — two men currently at the centre of a Rs 3.7 billion money laundering investigation. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@blox.drop/video/7622173520981658900">Auramaxxing was engineered</a> for the mechanics of reaching office. It is the reason Sudan Gurung became Home Minister and Gagan Thapa did not. The question that had not yet been tested, until this week, was whether the same weapon works when the terrain changes. The terrain does change when you assume power. This week, the answer arrived. TWO CLOCKS Two clocks had been running, and they did not sync. The first clock was built for auramaxxing. A clip posted at eight in the morning peaked by noon. A sofa photo was remixed before the minister had left the building. The feedback loop is fast and legible, and a politician playing this clock gets real-time data on what to post next. The old guard never learned to read it, which is a large part of why they lost the election. The second clock was the one the ministry actually runs on. It measures in quarters, court calendars, and the slow grind of investigation files moving between offices. A share registry takes weeks to pull. A money-laundering case moves at the speed of the prosecutor's office, which is to say, it often does not appear to move at all, until one morning it does. The legacy mass media is fed leaks, and the second clock does not care whether the minister is currently trending. The two clocks collided this week, and the second clock got there first. Faster than anyone expected. The first clock put Gurung in the Home Ministry in weeks. The second clock put him out of it in less than a month. On Sunday evening, Diyopost and Janaastha published documents showing Gurung as a founding shareholder in Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life — companies licensed by the Nepal Insurance Authority in 2022 following what reporting identified as political lobbying by Bhatta and Agrawal. A photograph also surfaced of Hami Nepal, the NGO Gurung chairs, honouring Bhatta as a donor on 21 December 2021. Gurung's first response was auramaxxed. A Monday Facebook post distinguishing ‘rumours’ from ‘facts’, insisting the shares were disclosed within his broader Rs20 million securities portfolio, promising to cooperate with any investigation. "Allegations and truth are not the same thing," he wrote. "Decisions should be based on evidence, not sentiment." It was a coherent clip, but it did not stop the clock. By Wednesday, Prime Minister Balendra Shah had sought written clarification. Leaders within the RSP itself were calling for his resignation. The opposition Nepali Congress had framed the question as one of democratic transparency.&nbsp; Gurung resigned, posting his decision to Facebook as he did everything else. Ethics, he wrote, hold more weight than any position. There is no power greater than public trust. He ended in English, invoking ‘my country … the respect of our security forces … the youths of Nepal’. Even the exit was content. And this is the asymmetry the office exposed. A politician whose legitimacy is built on fast 30 second videos is structurally exposed to a process that runs slower than the news cycle, because the archive of aesthetic proof was not engineered to answer documentary evidence.&nbsp; It was engineered to displace the demand for documentary evidence in the first place. When that demand returns, as it always does once a politician takes office, the digital archive keeps performing, but the documents keep getting uncovered. And the two tracks do not communicate. The old guard knew this clock because they had no other clock to know. What they lost in charisma they gained in durability: a politician built over 20 years of parliamentary record is harder to dislodge with a single document because they have already survived thousands of documents. The new guard has not been stress-tested against its own paper trail. Sudan Gurung has now been tested, and the test is over, and the template has been written in his exit rather than his survival.&nbsp; A politician can enter office on the strength of a dance clip, and the same class of evidence — share registries, company filings, founding-shareholder lists at number 49 — that would have ended the career of a politician in a previous era of Nepali politics has ended his. The second clock got there. The feed did not save him. Or not entirely. Because the resignation itself is now in the feed. The Facebook post. The 46 brothers and sisters. The epic sign-off. Within hours of stepping down, Gurung had already re-enrolled his exit into the same register that put him in office. The clip of the Home Minister dancing in 2009 is still in circulation. The sofa photo still reads as sincerity. The investigation into the micro-insurance shares will move at the speed of Nepal's prosecutor's office, which is to say, at a speed the feed has long since outrun. The movement that installed Gurung in the name of ending elite capture has had its answer about whether its own hero is subject to the same audit it demanded of everyone else. He walked — or was walked — before the audit ran its course. The resignation was framed as moral choice rather than forced exit, and the framing is already winning. Whether that framing holds is the next test. Auramaxxing, it turns out, is a weapon that works in one direction only: it got him the job, and when the documents arrived, it did not save him. But it may yet save the person. These are not the same thing. If the technique is wounded, it is not yet dead. The next Nepali politician with a pre-political archive and a phone is watching how Gurung exits, not just how he entered. And the answer is: you exit the same way you entered: on Facebook. In your own voice. Before anyone else writes the caption. Whether he comes back is the thing to watch. Whether the technique does is already decided. &nbsp; &nbsp;

When Aura meets Audit

Just three weeks in, Prime Minister Balendra Shah has already shed two ministers, and is having to contend with the economic fallout of the West Asia war plus the global order that it has upended.&nbsp;
The new dispensation in Nepal has aroused interest in New Delhi, Beijing as well as Washington. The ouster of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, whose first act in office was to arrest former prime minister K P Oli, has foreign policy wonks scratching their heads.
The US sent Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Samir Paul Kapur on a special mission to figure out what is happening in Kathmandu. In town at the same time was Cao Jing, Deputy Director General of the Asian Affairs Department of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And Prime Minister Shah is preparing for an official visit to India.
For the Americans, it is mostly about containing China and looking after the welfare of Tibetan refugees, while pushing its own MCC Compact and State Partnership Program (SSP). Beijing is mindful of the post-Dalai Lama era, and does not want instability in Nepal to encourage free-Tibet activities. India lately seems more wary of American activity in what it considers its backyard.
The Chinese appear relieved to see Sudan Gurung go. Only last week, Ambassador Zhang Maoming met Gurung during which he raised the issue of Tibetan and Taiwanese activities in Nepal, seeking firm commitment that Kathmandu would not harbour activities hostile to Beijing.
“Geographically we are close to Tibet and not to the Mainland, so China remains suspicious of us, especially after the TOB and free-Tibet components that emerged from the GenZ protests,” says geopolitical analyst Indra Adhikari.
Kapur, for his part, met RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane, Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle and Foreign Minister Shishir Khanal. Although investment and infrastructure was on the agenda, the main issue seems to have been about Tibetan refugees. In nearly parallel meetings with ministers, Cao Jing warned Nepal not to be too cosy with the Americans.
For Indian academic and Nepal watcher Sukh Deo Muni, all this harks back to American activity in Nepal during the height of the Cold War. He tweeted: ‘US senior diplomat Paul Kapur's statement in Kathmandu must be understood carefully in New Delhi. He said the US does not want China or any other country to dominate Nepal.’&nbsp;
‘Any other country’ could be a pointed reference to India, and what this means is that Nepal may now have to navigate even more carefully a tri-polar world order reshaped by the West Asia war.&nbsp;
Nepali journalist based in New Delhi Akanshya Shah agrees that the United States may not be seeing Nepal through the Indian lens anymore, while New Delhi does not want heightened US activity in what it considers its sphere of influence. All this is further complicated by recent frostiness in Washington-New Delhi ties.
“New Delhi doesn’t have that familiarity factor it used to with old leadership in Nepal, but it is curious about what the young Balen Shah will do and what kind of relation he will pursue with India,” she adds. “Certain decisions of the Balen government such as ending VIP culture and delivering passport at homes have hugely resonated with the Indian people, he has in some ways become a role model among the youth in India as well.”
India has invited Prime Minister Shah for an official state visit, which will be his first foreign trip as per tradition. Shah graduated in structural engineering from a college in Bengaluru, and knows India well. Shah has injected religious elements into his public exposure as prime minister and this could help project Nepal’s ‘soft power’ in dealing with India.
But he has also been a nationalist on the Limpiyadhura map dispute, and there are other thorny issues like air connectivity, river projects and power exports that need to be ironed out.&nbsp;
Sukh Deo Muni warns that the old Indian diplomatic approach based on religio-cultural stakeholders in Kathmandu may not work anymore. He wrote: ‘India's Modi government must prepare itself well to deal with new Nepalese leadership and their empowered support base, which is self-confident, highly nationalist, aspirant and impatient.’
The RSP’s 22-page National Commitment document said Nepal should abandon its historical ‘buffer state’ identity to serve as a ‘vibrant bridge’ between regional and global powers. Much of this debate is theoretical, and there is much navel-gazing that distracts from regional realpolitik.&nbsp;
“Whether we are a buffer state or a vibrant bridge, in today’s heightened geopolitical scenario we have to have good relations with good neighbours,” explains Akanshya Shah. “What is of paramount importance is that our ties are based on the aspirations of the young generation, so that they are engaged.”
Indra Adhikari goes as far as to say that the concepts of “buffer state” and “vibrant bridge” have both failed and Nepal is neither. “We have had zero roles in mediating or de-escalating the tensions between India and China to call ourselves a buffer state. As a vibrant bridge, we cannot facilitate trade of the two countries. The new government should have researched and consulted more before proposing the same outdated and failed foreign policy concepts.”&nbsp;
What will be much more important for Prime Minister Shah is to continue Nepal’s traditional policy of ‘equidistance’ and convince his interlocutors that it is not an anti-Indian stance.&nbsp;
“At a time when there is increased interest of big powers in Nepal, we need to do a bit of our own homework for the systemic reforms we want,” says Akanshya Shah. “As for India, we first need to clearly define what we want on connectivity, energy and culture. But most importantly, we have to capitalise on the goodwill of India which we haven’t been able to in the past.”
Adds Indra Adhikari: “When it comes to fundamental aspects of foreign policy that ensures and enhances the well being of our citizens, national parties should all have one unified voice that doesn’t change when the government does. Only then the future generations can own it.”

Love thy neighbours (and America)

Krishna Bahadur Ramtel was returning home after visiting a temple when his family insisted on climbing the Dharara viewtower in Kathmandu. He climbed up the narrow steep stairs with his mother-in-law and sister-in-law. His wife was nine months pregnant and chose to stay behind. At the top, Ramtel was holding the balcony bars when the tower started swaying at 11:56AM on 25 April 2015. The 62m tall Dharara, built and rebuilt after previous earthquakes, then collapsed into a jumble of bricks and masonry. “I heard screams everywhere, I told my mother-in-law and sister-in-law not to panic,” recalls Ramtel after regaining consciousness on a pile of rubble (pictured, below). Rescuers extricated his legs from under a brick arch and rushed him to the hospital, which was already crowded with patients writhing in pain.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_76bbf4eefc3b54464f585ac4fac81ac602cc10f7be56871860114724074847bb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260423120420_76bbf4eefc3b54464f585ac4fac81ac602cc10f7be56871860114724074847bb" data-rendition-name="original" width="801" height="399" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: KRISHNA BAHADUR RAMTEL / FACEBOOK(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption></figure>  His wife survived, but his in-laws did not. Ramtel was devastated, more so for his wife who was going to be a new mother, but lost two family members. His right leg needed an operation, but he made a complete recovery. His child was born soon after, and Ramtel’s wife had to take care of her baby as well as her injured husband. But tragically, she lacked the help of her mother and sister. The 7.8M earthquake 11 years ago this week killed 8,962 people in Central Nepal. Because it was Saturday, Dharahara Tower was more crowded than usual, and at least 180 bodies were later retrieved from the ruins. Most like Ramtel who miraculously survived were on the balcony, while those climbing or descending the staircase were killed. Built by Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa in 1832, there were originally two towers. But one collapsed and other was damaged in the 1834 earthquake and rebuilt. Exactly 100 years later, another earthquake brought it down again. It was again restored only to collapse in 2015.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_25be3e1f9f78a3c08dcf16d5ac6663f8fbb860073d1eaf740c02b8dd18e1ea21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260423120420_25be3e1f9f78a3c08dcf16d5ac6663f8fbb860073d1eaf740c02b8dd18e1ea21" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: ADITYA KHARE(Photo: Aditya Khare)</figcaption></figure>  Only the base of the original tower remains as a memorial inside the Dharahara complex, where a reinforced concrete tower now stands. Dubbed ‘Seto Tower’ by Prime Minister Balendra Shah when he was mayor of Kathmandu is broader than the previous tower and even has a lift that goes up to the viewing deck. But Ramtel says he not going anywhere near Dharara. He says, “That place holds memories that I do not want to remember, but I cannot forget either.” Soon after his operation, Ramtel returned to his hometown in Dhading where more members of the extended clan offered support. But now he lives in Kathmandu with his family, his son is now 11 and he recently had another child.. “Being alive is a blessing. As long as one is living, there will be struggles, and I am ready to face them all,” he tells us.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_4a205fcd45f87cf1251742f6ed09f447d5f3ff363f1c65c646da46c9c456339d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260423120420_4a205fcd45f87cf1251742f6ed09f447d5f3ff363f1c65c646da46c9c456339d" data-rendition-name="original" width="640" height="427" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI / NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption></figure>  NO PREPAREDNESS While 25 April serves as a reminder of the last major earthquake in Nepal, 16 January is marked annually as Earthquake Safety Day, coinciding with the 8.3M megaquake of 1934. Seismologists say the 7.8M disaster was not the big earthquake that Kathmandu experiences every 80-100 years, and the Big One is yet to hit. Building standards are still regularly flouted in densely populated parts of Kathmandu, which worries Ramtel. “The government acts only after the disaster has happened, people and the authorities forget quickly and move on. There is little preparation, and we expect God to save us,” says Ramtel, who also survived because of divine intervention.

nepal-korea-relations

“Yo Man Ta Mero Nepali Ho”

“Nepal can create a business-friendly environment”

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigns

When Aura meets Audit

Love thy neighbours (and America)

Living to tell the tale