'Write a couple of paragraphs to describe the physical appearance of your English teacher.' This is a 6-mark writing prompt in a Grade 9 question bank for an English exam meant to evaluate the quality of students’ use of language.&nbsp; Nepal’s textbooks have long earned a reputation for being sloppy, unrevised, and filled with content that ranges from comical to outrageous.&nbsp; New Gateway to Computer Science textbooks for Grades 8 and 9 define computers as ‘100% accurate machine’, adding ‘computer never feels tired or boring but a human being does’, while also blaming computers for ‘creating unemployment problem’, ‘being non-intelligence devices’ and alerting students that ‘damage may occur anytime’. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/teaching-nepali-teachers-to-teach-better">Why do so many Nepali students underperform?</a>, Anita Shrestha  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230919140956_228175995d0ecdbd519d03589314f21db2c69aabf2967278318e45591507020a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230919140956_228175995d0ecdbd519d03589314f21db2c69aabf2967278318e45591507020a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1585" height="603" loading="lazy" alt="Textbooks"> <figcaption>New Gateway to Computer Science textbook, Grade 8 (left) and Grade 9 (right), 2077 edition </figcaption> </figure>  To make matters worse, these modern day computer textbooks have several pages dedicated to tautological descriptions of ancient computers and obsolete devices, and only a single cursory reference to artificial intelligence. Green Books’ Health, Population and Environment Education for Grade 10 offers an easy solution to overpopulation: ‘When females have job opportunities, they have less time in rearing and bearing children. Ultimately, the population is controlled.’ Government-directed exam questions are no better. An SEE science question asking students to reason out why the energy crisis can be ‘pushed up to the next generation’ poorly phrases what it is actually trying to ask. As a result students are left questioning the concept of sustainable development that they have spent hours memorising.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230919140956_06c897c3c7a790de291a38adddf3fce55b3349875055cf7649656c144939f674.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230919140956_06c897c3c7a790de291a38adddf3fce55b3349875055cf7649656c144939f674" data-rendition-name="original" width="1423" height="477" loading="lazy" alt="textbook"> <figcaption>A question from the 2019 Sudurpaschim Province SEE Science exam</figcaption> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/digital-divide-exposes-class-divide-in-nepal-schools">Digital divide exposes class divide in Nepal schools</a>, Nunuta Rai Rajendra Dahal, editor of the Shikshak Monthly magazine for teachers blames the poor quality of government funding in education. “Those who are entrusted with developing the curriculum as well as writing and approving content in both government and private textbooks should be experts in their field, not unmotivated officials who cut corners,” he says. Outdated content creeps into compulsory English and Nepali exams as well, where time and again students are required to write and design lengthy letters and postcards in exams. Add pretty borders, a stamp, and a neat envelope illustration, and you will get bonus points. Moreover, not only are questions poorly framed, they are also flawed in how they are asked. As a result, teachers have to decipher questions to students alongside teaching how to answer them. The stark difference between the English and Nepali versions of this SEE science question, where half of the question is lost in translation, says it all.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230919140956_be411c8ff560c239759608df30f963a6bda32aa555049b26dbf1f6d1233d6240.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20230919140956_be411c8ff560c239759608df30f963a6bda32aa555049b26dbf1f6d1233d6240" data-rendition-name="original" width="1722" height="288" loading="lazy" alt="textbook"> <figcaption>A question from the 2019 Lumbini Province SEE Science exam</figcaption> </figure>  &nbsp;With such poorly revised content in books and exams, the authors only promote confusion and frustration among students. Sentences are rife with grammatical errors, proofreading and fact-checking are thrown out of the window, and rote learning is entrenched in the fabric of every chapter, every model set, and every question. Admittedly, every five years, the Curriculum Development Centre (CDC) revises its textbooks, and completely rewrites them every ten years. This academic year, the updated curriculum for Grades 5, 8 and 10 rolled out along with all-new textbooks, but the quality of content is no better. When questioned about the deplorable quality of school textbooks, CDC Director Kunti Adhikari was indifferent. “Minor errors in textbooks within the first year of publication are normal, and we regularly correct them,” she said. “Besides, our review process is rigorous and extends beyond CDC to a wider group of experts and professionals.” That is not reflected at all in the content. The CDC-issued Grade 8 English textbook, in the name of ‘speaking activity’ asks students to read out pointless dialogues that do not match the level of intellectual stimulation their age requires. Absent are prompts that ignite critical thinking, and meaningful discussions that allow students to voice their views on topics that actually matter to them. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/teaching-nepali-teachers-to-teach-better">Teaching Nepali teachers to teach better</a>, Tom Robertson  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023091915098_fa94d77e28a340701e409c653bd796a3d36cd1111d02f281fd3b4e5578810ec8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="2023091915098_fa94d77e28a340701e409c653bd796a3d36cd1111d02f281fd3b4e5578810ec8" data-rendition-name="original" width="1300" height="1092" loading="lazy" alt="textbook"> <figcaption>Speaking activity assigned to students in the English Grade 8 textbook (2023 version) published by the Curriculum Development Center</figcaption> </figure>  Even more worryingly, the 2080 edition of CDC’s Health, Physical and Creative Arts Grade 8 reduces the cause of mental depression to this inane definition: ‘People sometimes are affected by small things and they become sad. This condition causes depression.’ Over 7 million students go to school in Nepal, of which a majority study in rural schools, 80% of them government-run. For these children, such books are the only source of information and education. “By neglecting the importance of these learning materials, not only do we compromise their right to quality education, we also limit their ability to become competent academics, workers, and leaders,” adds Rajendra Dahal. Over two decades ago, school teacher Perry Thapa had raised this very issue in Nepali Times. What she wrote in this paper in 2000 still holds true: “Too many young minds are being brainwashed with rubbish. Too many hours are being spent memorising gibberish. Too many hands are slavishly penning utter nonsense. Even discerning students are forced to parrot nonsense if they want to succeed.” Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-hard-working-students-overseas">Nepal’s hard working students overseas</a>, Sonia Awale

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Learning rubbish, memorising gibberish

Classrooms in Nepal still follow orthodox instruction methods where teachers spoon-feeds information, encourage memorisation for exams and discourage questioning. Students then become docile and are not motivated to think out of the box. A Kathmandu-based organisation is set to change that. Fun Play Learn works with schools in Kathmandu Valley to make learning especially science and maths fun and accessible through interactive sessions. The non-profit has 580 volunteers who visit 65 poorly-resourced local schools, most of them government run, in Koteswor, Baneswor, Chapagaun, Mahalaxmi, Lalitpur, and Basantapur reaching more than 8,100 students every week. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/practicing-mindfulness-in-schools"> Practicing mindfulness in schools</a>, Basu Gautam  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230710100736_99c3726bda54eb2760851c6604ec2af1c207a568a193d97f9d1437239d2cb476.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230710100736_99c3726bda54eb2760851c6604ec2af1c207a568a193d97f9d1437239d2cb476" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Playing to learn NT"> </figure>  Fun Play Learn was set up last year by Abhay Puri who previously worked at the Indian education NGO Pratham, and Sakar Pudasaini of the Kathmandu-based Karkhana to improve the quality of instruction and the education system in Nepal and the region. Puri is an Indian tech professional formerly with Google in Silicon Valley who is invested in making learning fun and accessible. He says, “Spending on education is the most optimal way to get a high payback for a nation.” Puri himself was not the brightest students before left for the US for higher studies. What he had was a lot of curiosity and questions, but the conventional education system didn’t encourage those qualities, especially if a student fails exams. &nbsp; So for the past two decades, Puri has dedicated himself to making education more accessible and learning more for fun so that children like him would be interested in instructions. He chose Nepal because it shares many cultural as well as education system similarities with India. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-learning-in-nepali-schools"> Improving learning in Nepali schools</a>, Barbara Butterworth  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230710100740_490f7108882ac3bba1b9a5b2120a53ac9a9d1f367722015a12575ecfb3f72c95.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230710100740_490f7108882ac3bba1b9a5b2120a53ac9a9d1f367722015a12575ecfb3f72c95" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Playing to learn NT"> </figure>  The key is to introduce and implement various kinds of games relevant to their instruction. Explains Puri: “Discipline often squelches your learning. It was a waste to not use play for children because playing allows children to be focused, passionate, and curious.” Puri likens his method to that of learning in the pre-industrial world. “I’d like my children to play with real mud, real pots and pans. See how cement is made,” he adds. “Learning is a continuous process of experimenting and failing. The community should provide a vehicle to do that.” Fun Play Learn uses a range of creative practices to integrate fun. During one of the sessions recently at a local school, volunteers passed around a pre-made origami fish and gave the children time to be creative with sheets of paper. Sure enough, the children immediately copied the complex folds to make their own paper fish. “Our methods are unorthodox, as we do not tell children how to do something. We act just as children and encourage them to ask questions so that they navigate the game along with us,” says team lead Ravi Timsina, adding that they are not trying to teach something entirely new but get children curious and excited. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/growing-appetite-for-school-lunches">Growing appetite for school lunches</a>, Marty Logan  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230710100740_d7b2e4786fb289b137da6414065bd126cc6951ffe37682511b9875881fb4dd48.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230710100740_d7b2e4786fb289b137da6414065bd126cc6951ffe37682511b9875881fb4dd48" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Playing to learn NT"> </figure>  Fun Play Learn also trains local volunteers to become leaders, a grassroots organisation that encourages young people to take agency over the change they wish to make. Individual volunteers, their unique way of dealing with children, and their personal motivations are emphasised. One of their volunteers in the Anamnagar area is Payal Agrawal, a third-year Bachelor in Social Work student. She joined Fun Play Learn to utilise the time she would have otherwise wasted by procrastinating at home. She says: “Interacting with the kids and seeing them focused, independent, and curious gives me a sense of purpose and fulfillment.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/teaching-nepali-teachers-to-teach-better">Teaching Nepali teachers to teach better</a>, Tom Robertson

Playing to learn

Many students in Nepal do not even learn half the content of the school curriculum in various subjects because of teachers without adequate training and motivation. The 2020 report <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1J1ZmZgigpoOPtrRW05wzp7N4kZYZUB3H/view">National Assessment of Student Achievement (NASA) in Mathematics, Science, Nepali and English for Grade 8</a>, published recently by the Education Review Office (ERO) showed that students are struggling to acquire even minimum learning. The report draws from its assessment of 43,886 students from 1,800 schools across the country, and concluded that the majority of students are not able to learn even half of the content of the subjects they are taught.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230329150352_4f54a4bd8b361f57e915abccca760ac5d8fefd6ed9bd8338a553a11f6145f776.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230329150352_4f54a4bd8b361f57e915abccca760ac5d8fefd6ed9bd8338a553a11f6145f776" data-rendition-name="original" width="796" height="1060" loading="lazy" alt="Student performance in Nepal"> </figure>  Three versions of standardised tests, together with the background information in the questionnaire to the sample students, the teacher questionnaire to subject teachers and the school survey questionnaire to the head teachers, were administered in each school.&nbsp; Only 32.1% of eighth graders in Nepal passed the basic proficiency level in mathematics. The numbers for science, Nepali and English stand at 37.7%, 58.8% and 51.1% respectively.&nbsp; In the case of mathematics, the national average of learning achievement in 2020 decreased by 17 scale scores from 500 in 2017. Similarly, the national mean of science was 470, which is 30 scale scores below the national mean from the NASA 2017 study.&nbsp; And while the students from Bagmati, Gandaki and Kosi scored above the national average, the report adds that the performance of Madhesh, Karnali and Sudur Paschim students was lower in all four subjects than the national average. “The increased number of students with minimum learning achievement shows problems in the teaching-learning strategies, remedial actions and the role of head teachers,” says Devi Ram Acharya of ERO. The assessment was designed to prepare baseline data for the School Sector Development Plan (SSDP), as well as to compare the learning achievement of 2020 with the previous cycle of NASA in 2017 to ensure quality school education. Since 2011, ERO has published four reports, all of which have found lower-than-average learning achievements. "We have been suggesting the government and policymakers to formulate practical and implementable educational policies at national and sub-national level for the much-needed educational reforms,” adds Acharya. “But the government has failed to address the problem.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230329150352_7fa0b2ef65c148899547f715806dc7ef9b32827b81f226ee26e3b912babbb3b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230329150352_7fa0b2ef65c148899547f715806dc7ef9b32827b81f226ee26e3b912babbb3b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Students in government schools"> <figcaption>Photo: NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption> </figure>  The factors considered in the research are age, home language, school type, distance between home and school, career aspirations, parental education and occupation, family size, teacher's regularity, permanent head teacher, and subject teachers. The president of Nepal Teachers Federation, Kamala Tuladhar, believes that one of the reasons behind the poor level of learning of Grade 8 students is the promotion of failed and weak students from lower grades.&nbsp; The government in the 1990s introduced the Liberal Promotion Policy which allows students from Grades 1 to 7 to be promoted to higher grades even when they fail the final exam. But teachers and parents are also said to be equally responsible for the lower proficiency level.&nbsp; Education expert Shyam Shrestha, on the other hand, blames the ignorance of the government. “Most public schools don’t even have enough subject teachers to begin with,” he says.&nbsp; Shrestha was a member of the High Level National Education Commission in 2019 which published a report recommending the government to fill the vacant post of teachers to improve school education. Shrestha’s team found that out of 650 public schools, only 71 had the required number of teachers.&nbsp; “In our report to the government, we recommended that enough teachers should be hired, even suggesting the ways in which the student’s learning achievements can be improved,” he says. “If there are no adequate teachers, including subject teachers, how can the students learn?” Teachers were involved in politics, they lacked infrastructure and textbooks, and there was unequal distribution of students in class. “The government itself is promoting private schools rather than thinking about the improvement of public schools,” he adds. The Curriculum Development Centre (CDC) however says there is no link between the students’ learning achievement and the curriculum. Director-General Baikuntha Aryal says, “We have been analysing the recommendation of ERO and we have changed the curriculum as per the students’ point of view.”&nbsp; But the difference in basic-level learning achievement affects not only the students and their future, but also the country's human capital and knowledge economy, especially as Nepal continues to rely heavily on labour migration even as the world advances rapidly in all the sectors. &nbsp;“There is a noticeable gap in monitoring and evaluating school governance, empowering head teachers,” he adds. “Proper systems for reward and penalty should be in place to improve the situation, and local government should also play a crucial role in the improvement of governance in the school.”

Why do so many Nepali students underperform?

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110711110/6368d75a9c7e80680e0314d9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="495"/>Ncell Private Limited honoured outstanding students of various faculties at the Central Campus Pulchowk, Institute of Engineering (IoE) with Ncell Scholarships and Excellence Awards on 30 May, as a part of its CSR initiative aimed at promoting young talents and contributing to nation by nurturing skilled human resources.Under the initiative, Ncell has been awarding Ncell Scholarships to students securing highest annual scores and Ncell Excellence Awards to students graduating with top scores in Bachelor of Engineering Electrical, Electronics and Communication, and Computer faculties since 2014.This year the Ncell scholarships were rewarded to 12 toppers while Ncell Excellence Awards were awarded to 4 students who graduated securing highest marks. Campus Chief Professor Dr. Gokarna Bahadur Motra, Assistant Campus Chief Jitendra Kumar Manandhar and Ncell representatives handed over the scholarships and awards.Since its inception a total of 60 students have been honoured with Ncell Scholarships and 20 students have received Ncell Excellence Awards of Rs8 million till date.Ncell Scholarship receivers: 1st Year Toppers<ol><li>Shishir Lamichhane (Electrical)</li> 	<li>Nishesh Awale (Electronics and Communication)</li> 	<li>Baibhav Bista (Computer engineering)</li> 	<li>Shristi Shrestha (topper among all female students of these faculties)</li></ol>2nd Year Toppers <ol><li>Aditi Gajurel (Electrical)</li> 	<li>Jayshree Rathi (Electronics and Communications)</li> 	<li>Saramsha Dotel (Computer)</li> 	<li>Saloni Shikha (topper among all female students of these faculties)</li></ol>3rd Year Toppers<ol><li> Avishek Sapkota (Electrical)</li> 	<li>Selina Shrestha (Electronics and Communications)</li> 	<li> Prakriti Dumaru (Computer)</li> 	<li>Shreeti Shrestha (topper among all female students of these faculties)</li></ol>Ncell Excellence Awards winners:<ol><li>Bibek Rai (Electrical)</li> 	<li>Pranjal Dhakal (Electronics and Communications)</li> 	<li>Brihat Ratna Bajracharya (Computer)</li> 	<li>Himali Aryal (topper among all female students of these faculties)</li></ol>

Ncell confers scholarships and awards to students

Jazz as healing music

7:30pm Tuesday, 9 September.&nbsp; I was driving my daughter back from a relative’s house in Baneswar where she had taken refuge after a curfew was declared the previous day while she was in school. She was riding pillion on the back of my moped. We drove past Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">where 19 people had been killed by police </a>the previous day. We passed Thapathali, where the Kantipur highrise was on fire. The sky had gone dark, and the stinging smoke made it hard to breathe. A gas cylinder exploded, and the crowd dispersed briefly. The blast provided a moment to escape the raging mob. By myself I may not have been so scared, but my daughter’s safety made me more afraid. I had never been this frightened in my journalism career, even while covering the Maoist insurgency 20 years ago. At the Tripureswor intersection there were more angry crowds. The further we got from the epicentre of the GenZ demonstration, the more elderly the protesters looked. Many were muscular gentlemen with tattooed arms. Prime Minister K P Oli had just <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">resigned</a>, but the crowd was still chanting “के पी चोर, देश छोड”. Soon, we were surrounded by an enraged mob. &nbsp;My survival instinct took over, and I started shouting “के पी चोर” and my plucky daughter screamed from behind “देश छोड”. Father and daughter waved at the &nbsp;protesters, and gave them a thumbs up. &nbsp;We finally got home, scared and smelling of burning rubber and smoke.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031028_c5c04095cdb6f0b24cdc2cc60bf627f49c15e0cf9b509ad149df35a2e73e1d3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251007031028_c5c04095cdb6f0b24cdc2cc60bf627f49c15e0cf9b509ad149df35a2e73e1d3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September"> <figcaption>A building in Baneswar was damaged by protesters. </figcaption> </figure>  ARSON AND LOOTING I was born in the remote mountains of western Nepal in Rukum, the district that was the stronghold of the Maoist guerrillas after they launched an armed struggle in 1996. I moved to Kathmandu for higher studies, and as a student witnessed the popular uprising of 2006 against Gyanendra’s absolute monarchy. I have covered violence and chaos. I have been caught in the crossfire between the rebels and state security. I covered the violent <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-historic-youth-dissensus">street protests</a> of the 2006 People’s Movement that ended the war, the Madhes movement and the Indian blockade of 2015.&nbsp; But never was I more scared than during the 30-minute drive home through the city with my daughter at the back of my moped.&nbsp; Last month’s protests were initially led by youth groups which had loosely banded together as GenZ to protest corruption and impunity. On 8 September, I drove to the Mandala in my trusty moped to cover the rally, some protesters were in school uniform. There was singing and chanting. Just before noon, a slightly older group of protesters peeled off from the sit-in in front of Everest Hotel, broke through the half-hearted police cordon and moved towards the intersection outside Parliament. Most of the original young demonstrators remained at the sit-in, while the grownup protesters who were clearly not a part of the GenZ, started to break the perimeter wall of the Parliament complex. The young protesters looked a bit confused about what to do next as they also neared the Parliament gates. Violence was not a part of their plan, and the infiltration had begun in earnest. A group of organised older rioters broke through the western wall, even as police were concentrated along the main south gate. These agitators seemed focused on a single mission: to burn down the Parliament building, and they went about it purposefully.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031032_1fcd474774c8e110e833485cf54a7e63e8c8388ec78c2b4d3ae6e830c203c183.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20251007031032_1fcd474774c8e110e833485cf54a7e63e8c8388ec78c2b4d3ae6e830c203c183" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September NT"> <figcaption>Blood seen in Baneswar.</figcaption> </figure>  Too late, the police used water cannons to disperse those by the south gate. I went closer, my press card dangling from my neck. A tear gas canister whizzed past my head. I was not able to see clearly, and backed away to safety. The police opened fire at point blank range, killing 19 protesters. Hundreds of injured were carried to the nearby Civil Hospital. There are many video clips on social media of task force police kneeling, taking aim with SLR rifles and shooting, they show protesters being hit and falling. The riot police fled, and the Armed Police Force and Nepal Army soldiers came out, but remained close to the trucks that had transported them to the intersection. Seeing that the security forces were not stopping them, the crowd then went on an arson rampage — it became a free-for-all as government buildings were set on fire one after another. Most of the arsonists were not GenZ, they were in the mid-30s, and I heard many shouting slogans for the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/why-the-monarchy-still-sways-nepal-s-republic"> restoration of the monarchy</a>. Others were there simply to vandalise and loot. After having chased the police away from the Parliament building, they posted pictures and videos, having the run of the premises, instigating new arrivals to continue with the arson, and also brandishing looted automatic weapons. A curfew was declared, but this did not stop the rampage throughout that evening and into the night. Unable to return home, I spent the night in a friend’s office, and returned to the Parliament area the next morning. The black asphalt was dyed red with blood. Shoes, slippers and pieces of clothing littered the street. The next day, 9 September the much-feared and expected revenge attacks ignited. There was hope that the Army would be able to protect government buildings and provide public security, but the arson, vandalism and looting went unchecked — even when the seats of government were set on fire. The military did make an appearance, but only after 10pm to enforce the curfew, but by then the mob had already gone home.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251007031032_578cfa7c9e56f6ffcf1ca9b148e114a87b5332268cf97720584b70906823c074.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251007031032_578cfa7c9e56f6ffcf1ca9b148e114a87b5332268cf97720584b70906823c074" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Reporter's diary of 8-9 September NT"> <figcaption>A protester receiving treatment at Civil Hospital.</figcaption> </figure>  That was the moment I asked myself: Where have the students gone? Has the GenZ movement been hijacked? I could not see any of the GenZ-ers anywhere on 9 September. It was around midday of 9 September that millennials, including from groups like Hami Nepal came forward to the media, claiming to speak for the GenZ. They claimed to have led the protests. Others claiming to be GenZ said they were for the restoration of the monarchy, but they did not look the age.&nbsp; Mobs were out of control, burning down the prime minister’s office, the Supreme Court, the CIAA and the official and private residences of ministers. Within 27 hours Nepal became a country without a government, and leaders without homes. Important official documents went up in flames with the buildings that housed them. PM Oli resigned, too late to save the day. The Army occupied itself airlifting ministers from their official residences. Former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife foreign minister Arzu Rana Deuba were dragged out, beaten up and their home set on fire. They were rescued and taken to an army base. It became hard to tell over the next few days if the Army was providing them security, or keeping them incommunicado in detention. The Army was negotiating with GenZ as well as pro-monarchists at its headquarters, but moved the talks to President Ram Chandra Paudel’s office on 11 September.&nbsp; Former chief justice Sushila Karki was nominated interim head of government by GenZ delegates voting on Discord, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/march-to-5-march">mandated to hold elections</a> on 5 March.&nbsp; Will that happen? Things are too fluid at the moment. And my mind is still reeling from the fear and panic of that moped ride with my daughter through rampaging mobs. Did all that really happen in front of my eyes, or was it just a nightmare?&nbsp; Bhadra Sharma is a reporter for The New York Times based in Kathmandu.

Reporter's diary of 8-9 September

The annual United Nations General Assembly is always an occasion for taking stock of the state of the world. But this year, on the 80th anniversary of the UN’s founding, it was also an occasion to take stock of the organisation itself.
By any measure, the UN’s situation is dire. While Russian aggression against Ukraine and mounting tensions between the United States and China cannot be blamed on the UN, they do highlight a fundamental problem. The UN Security Council – where China, Russia, and the US each wield a veto – is locked in a permanent confrontation over one issue or another, blocking the rest of the organisation from moving forward on almost anything.
Consider the situation in the Middle East, where the UN has played a central role in conflict resolution and peacemaking ever since the State of Israel was established (under a UN resolution). Numerous UN peacekeeping operations in the region have helped to alleviate tensions, and massive humanitarian efforts, primarily aimed at Palestinian refugee communities, have saved countless lives. While the UN has not forged a lasting peace, it has certainly helped prevent some wars and shorten others.
In recent years, however, the UN has increasingly been sidelined. The so-called Quartet – the UN, the US, the European Union, and Russia – is now a distant memory, and numerous UN operations have come under direct attack, primarily by Israel. The Israeli government not only questions the humanitarian efforts of UNRWA (the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) but now also blocks the organisation’s work whenever it can.
Before Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, the UN was essential to keeping the situation in Gaza relatively stable. Though it couldn’t overcome divisions among the Palestinians, especially after Hamas assumed power in Gaza in 2006, it could, and did, help provide the basic means of survival for the enclave’s two million people. But now Israel has questioned or attacked virtually every aspect of the UN’s work on this issue, and it could not have done so without America’s tacit support. US President Donald Trump, in particular, has proved willing to accept virtually everything that Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s extremist government does.
Meanwhile, the UN has struggled to mobilise an effective response in South Sudan, a semi-failed state, and in Sudan, where a devastating civil war is entering its third year. Similarly, from the Katanga secession in 1960-63 to the recent peace operations in northeastern Congo, Central Africa continues to preoccupy UN peacekeepers and mediators.
Around the world, there is no shortage of crises that demand UN engagement – from Gaza and Sudan to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Myanmar, and Afghanistan, to name just a few. But with the larger powers fixated on their confrontations with one another, and with the Trump administration withdrawing not only active support but also funding, the outlook for the UN appears grim.
The US provides 25% of UN funding, but it has <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/united-nations-must-adapt-or-die-by-adekeye-adebajo-2025-09" target="_blank">stopped</a> sending its contributions. It also traditionally accounts for an even larger share of voluntary financing for humanitarian operations, but these funds, too, have been cut. Making matters worse, China, the UN’s second-largest contributor, is also behind on its payments.
With its financial situation growing desperate, UN Secretary-General <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/antonio-guterres" target="_blank">António Guterres</a> warns that staff across the organisation will need to be cut by <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/sep/18/united-nations-un-2026-budget-job-losses-us-funding-cuts" target="_blank">one-fifth</a>. Morale is said to be low, as is the prospect of a change for the better. With his recent address to the General Assembly, Trump made clear that he has nothing but contempt for the organisation. The only role he seems able to see for it is to help him get a Nobel Peace Prize. The Trump administration’s forthcoming review of America’s multilateral commitments is almost certain to deliver more bad news.
Does the UN have any future? While the demand for it is as great as ever, its ability to deliver has obviously been diminished. There is no way for it to survive without scaling back its ambitions and abilities; precisely how it goes about this will be a central issue over the next few years.
With Guterres’s tenure ending in 2026, the process of selecting his successor will also have to feature a debate about ensuring the UN’s long-term survival. Moving the headquarters out of the US is a natural step, owing not only to the withdrawal of US funding and the need for cost savings, but also to the US refusal to grant visas to those attending UN gatherings (as it did with the Palestinian leadership this year).
Yes, a UN that is no longer headquartered in New York would be different in many ways. But relocation also may be the only way for it to survive. Dag Hammarskjöld, the UN’s second secretary-general, famously <a href="https://ask.un.org/faq/14623" target="_blank">remarked</a> that the body was not created to deliver Heaven, but rather to spare us from Hell. That task remains as important as ever. But for things to stay the same, everything must change. © Project Syndicate
Carl Bildt is a former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.

To survive, the UN must leave the US

Already trying to balance youth demands with legal provisions in the Constitution, Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s interim government faced yet another challenge over Dasain: a receding monsoon dumped unseasonal rain unleashing floods and landslides that killed at least 60, mostly in eastern Nepal.&nbsp; The government was rated positively for its early warning and the ‘visibility’ of its disaster response, with many comparing it to the inaction of the NC-UML coalition during last year’s floods.&nbsp; Government agencies and police proactively closed off hazardous sections of highways as Kathmandu was marooned from the rest of the country in the peak holiday season. Stranded passengers were taken care of, with police, army and local governments in Ilam coordinating rescue and relief efforts. Many of the problems were structural and inherited from decades of neglect and corruption in highway contracts. Shoddy bridges and encroachment of settlements along river banks have increased risk from more frequent extreme weather caused by climate breakdown. With Dasain over Tihar around the corner and the worst of the disaster behind, the Karki administration is trying to balance the separate demands of GenZ movers and shakers who installed her in office with constitutional provisions. It has not helped that the badly-mauled political parties are spoiling for a fight, and the three top leaders show little signs of stepping down. “Nepal’s movement did not happen in a democratic vacuum, so this government walks a very fine line in political legitimacy," says Bidushi Dhungel of the National Democratic Institute in Nepal. "In this fragile space, whatever the work done — or not done— by the interim government within its limited mandate, it may open up avenues for further dissent from old and new actors. They are &nbsp;caught between a rock and a hard place.” Civil society activists issued a statement on Wednesday calling on the main political parties to heed the writing on the wall and reform themselves. Signed by professor Krishna Khanal and former ambassador Keshab Mathema, the statement said: 'The main leaders of the main parties should say sorry, and voluntarily resign ... they must respect public sentiments and work to reform and transform their parties to be more accountable to the public, or risk being irrelevant.'&nbsp; Complicating matters further are the sometimes contradictory demands of various GenZ factions on punishing those responsible for the carnage and rampage of 8-9 September, Constitution and elections. Karki faces calls to immediately detain former PM KP Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their involvement in the massacre outside Parliament. Under pressure from GenZ delegates, Home Minister Om Aryal fired off a letter to the police to arrest Oli and Lekhak. But later at a confrontational midnight meeting at the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar, all four security chiefs advised Karki that arresting the UML and NC ex-ministers could unleash violent confrontation on the streets. The interim government is in a bind. It has formed a committee headed by Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the killings last month as well as the arson and vandalism that followed. The question is: should it wait for the committee to submit its report before punishing perpetrators, or let police arrest those who can easily be identified in social media posts setting fire to Singha Darbar, the Supreme Court and other sites.&nbsp; GenZ’s Sudan Gurung faction has gone beyond its original demand to submit an 8-point ultimatum that includes the sacking of the Chief Justice and officials of the anti-corruption bureau.&nbsp; The Prime Minister is caught in the crossfire between managing the expectations of a movement that appointed her, and working within the framework of her interim government’s mandate and Constitution. But it is not just the government that faces challenges. The lack of clear consensus among youth factions and their outspoken collectives is surfacing.&nbsp; &nbsp;“This has been a leaderless and decentralised movement, and the traditional variables typically seen in a political revolt seem missing here," notes political scientist Sucheta Pyakuryal. “There is no organised structure, nor any ideological pull factor, therefore a big question is how much bargaining power does a movement like this have, and how sustainable will it be.” GenZ leaders seem to be in two main camps. Demands like the one for a directly elected prime minister, and the constitutional processes that can make for such an outcome, have emerged as a major point dividing the movement.&nbsp; Nepalis both within and outside the youth movement are watching Hami Nepal’s Sudan Gurung closely — especially after his recent interview with Al-Jazeera during which he expressed his interest to run for Prime Minister and seemed to not accept a win by political parties in the March elections.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901" data-rendition-name="original" width="2916" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="One month on NT"> <figcaption>GROUND ZERO: The destroyed centre of Nepal's government with Singha Darbar (in green scaffolding), the Attorney General's Office, Supreme Court, and in the distance, Parliament building. Also seen are the nearly finished new Parliament Complex and the new Supreme Court buildings. Drone shot taken on Thursday morning. Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  Gurung’s participation in the NDRRMA’s disaster management meeting and manner of his interaction with officials at the event was met with both bouquets and brickbats. Interestingly, some of the criticism was youth activists themselves. &nbsp;“There's a lot of self-involvement and self-importance that seems to be guiding a fragmented young leadership, as opposed to constructively engaging in how to concretise reforms,” says Dhungel. “There seems to be very little stocktaking of what's happened in the past, and what's happened in other countries to try identify where lapses could be before they occur."&nbsp; In the absence of unified positions and level-headed leadership, the youth who spearheaded post-protest negotiations, as well as the GenZ movement in general, risk losing public goodwill already dented by the destruction of state property on 9 September. This also leaves an opening for political parties which are on the defensive and licking their wounds to capitalise on youth discord.&nbsp; Says Pyakuryal: “Post revolution, the political landscape becomes extremely unpredictable and therefore there is a risk of co-optation from several Machiavellian political actors including political parties, monarchists, as well as other forces, and that is concerning.” The immediate and visible transformation that Nepal’s youth expect will not manifest right away, and while there is a need for long-term political planning, the caretaker government must also undertake measures that have a palpable impact on the daily life of citizens. &nbsp;&nbsp; “While youth frustrations must be addressed urgently, statecraft isn’t just about fulfilling short-term goals,”says Pyakuryal. &nbsp; Many, including the youth themselves, now see the need for GenZ to have a more united stance and to move beyond making demands that the interim government cannot fulfil and start mobilising for elections — even by forming its own party.&nbsp; A strong showing in elections can enable them to enact the changes they want to strengthen Nepal’s democracy, and make future governments more accountable.&nbsp; This week, the Election Commission announced 16 November as the deadline to register new parties for the 5 March polls.&nbsp; Youth representatives have said that they want to be active participants in the political process, particularly in national-level politics. The Constitution defines ‘youth’ as being between the ages of 16-40. In the 2022 elections, the Election Commission stated that over 41% of locally-elected representatives were from ages 21-40 years.&nbsp; If young Nepalis are to contest the election outside the banner of mainstream parties, this leaves electoral aspirants little more than a month to decide whether to form a loose coalition with existing parties, a separate political party, or to contest elections independently. “This is first of a kind movement, where political language is digital, not ideological, where organising is done through online platforms and where there is no one leader spearheading the movement,”says Pyakuryal. “I don’t know if ‘anti-corruption’ or ‘political reform’ have a strong enough ideological pull to band people together in the long run.” Indeed, the RSP was formed only four months before the 2022 elections and cashed in on anti-incumbent and anti-corruption sentiments of voters — mainly driven by social media. But controversy and strife within their party means it has largely lost its public trust.&nbsp; Nepal’s September Uprising and its aftermath have shown that a majority of young people are entirely disillusioned with establishment parties and politicians, even using ‘ex-political parties’ as a phrase of reference. Any new young political figures that emerge from this movement and this election will have to work with mainstream parties in a multiparty democracy.&nbsp; &nbsp;“The reality of politics is that change is not possible without engaging with existing political institutions and actors,” says Dhungel. “To say that they do not want to engage, negotiate, or identify allies or proactively seek out input from at least the reform-minded individuals within each of those outfits is political naivety, and may lead to a lack of institutionalised reform.” However, Dhungel notes that the youth leadership would have more agency if they are clear not just on what they want to change, but about whether they are interested in active politics or civic engagement. “The window of opportunity that is fast closing is to really negotiate hard and push for internal reforms within political parties and across the electoral system,” she adds. Pyakurel also adds: “GenZ are smart and politically mature, I hope they see these loopholes. I am optimistic about the direction they take.”

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