Daniela-Mariana Sezonov Ţane was fascinated with the teachings of the Hindu epics, and studied Hindi at the University of Bucharest before joining the Romanian foreign service. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
In between, she served with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in Nepal in 2007, the year after the ceasefire. Ţane is now Romania’s ambassador to Nepal, Bangladesh and India and is in Kathmandu this week to launch her book, Twilight Chronicles of which two chapters are about her time in Nepal. &nbsp;She spoke to Nepali Times about her impressions. &nbsp;
Nepali Times: How did you land up in Nepal with the ICRC?
Ambassador Ţane: My work with the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) lasted some eight years and took me to several countries affected by conflicts or in post-conflict time. The mission in Nepal was the third one, after one year in the Tigray region of Ethiopia and 10 months in refugee camps in Eastern Tanzania. In Nepal, initially I was assigned to work on the missing people file. In June 2007 there were still some 1,200 people unaccounted for. I did some field work for families of the missing affected by conflict, recipients of a small assistance program which was meant to help them out of dire poverty.
The last months of my mission were spent mostly in Tarai, preparing the ground with the Nepali Red Cross for the<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14692"> first elections in 2008</a> after the king’s abdication. If you remember, there was a lot of tension at that time because the Madhesi people felt underrepresented. We were making contingency plans in case there were violent clashes.
My most memorable moment is presented in this book, in the chapter Solukhumbu. Together with my Nepali colleague, Roshan, we went to search in a very remote area for the family of a minor girl who had been separated from her loved ones a few years before. She was rescued and kept by a humanitarian group in a shelter for unaccompanied minors supported by ICRC. She expressed the wish to go back home, so we needed to see if the family was still there. After three days of trekking, we found them in a remote ward, living in a very poor house.
In the meantime, more siblings had been added to an already very poor family. But the reaction of the parents, when they saw the photo of their missing daughter, now a teenager, was a very emotional moment, as well as the insistence of one of her schoolmates to give us a letter for her, next day early morning, before we would start our long journey back.
What I loved the most in my mission in this amazing country were the people. A real bond with my Nepali colleagues at the office was created, and I keep in touch with some of them even today.
After that you became ambassador, how did the book come about?
I started writing my Indian diaries, while posted in India as third secretary and cultural attaché at the Romanian Embassy in New Delhi, beginning of 2000. My friends wanted to know more than the emails sent sporadically. It also came out of the need I felt to make India easier to grasp by my fellow citizens. After being the guide of many delegations, I realised there is a need to better explain the countless puzzling, contradictory expressions and manifestations of India. I noted in my diary the people and the moments which marked me the most.
The entries about Nepal and Sri Lanka came naturally after that somehow. Writing made me explore the various cultural, religious and social aspects of those countries where, by staying longer than a tourist, I became adopted and felt like a local. I hope the readers will like the chapter dedicated to Nepal, a country that will always remain in my heart as one of the most beautiful places I have visited, with warm people and an amazing culture.
How is being ambassador to Nepal in peacetime different from when you were here with ICRC?
Working as a humanitarian comes with a lot of field work and direct contact with people at grassroots level. Time spent in the office alternates with time in the field. There is no diplomatic glamour, just hard work, sometimes in dire or extreme conditions, to which one needs to constantly adapt. As an ambassador, the perspective is totally different.&nbsp;
It means to run both an embassy, as a manager, cultivate the contacts in all areas and at all levels with the countries where you are accredited, and work towards the deepening of ties and economic cooperation. It implies a lot of protocol aspects, and the only common ground with the humanitarian word lies in the 100% requested dedication, leaving almost no time for one self.
Romania is now in the Schengen group, how will it affect Nepalis going to work there?
Belonging to Schengen means we have to apply strictly by the book the Schengen regulations for granting all types of visas. There is no exception from the need of physical presence at the interview and of presenting all the required documents demanded for every visa type.
Nepalis will continue to go to Romania for work, provided they have a valid work permit, and they pass the interview. Nepali workers are highly appreciated in Romania, they are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/europe-now-favoured-destination-for-nepalis">currently more than 20,000 there working</a> in many sectors like hotels, restaurants, pubs and clubs, agriculture, supermarkets, construction. They are appreciated for their seriousness, hard work, good behaviour and pleasant personality.
How much interest do Romanian trekkers and mountaineers have for Nepal?
With the increase of living standards and of wages, the past decade witnessed a growing number of Romanians coming to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/ever-gone-wildlife-trekking-in-nepal">trek in the Himalaya</a>. I do not have any exact figures, but during the second wave of the pandemic in June-July 2021 we managed to evacuate some 60 Romanian and Moldovan trekkers and tourists with the help of our Honorary Consul General, Narayan Bajaj.&nbsp;

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“The most amazing thing about Nepal are its people”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110915114/636bb3d19c7e80680e07bb66jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="360"/><figcaption>Stranded Nepali workers who have been unemployed since March, staging a protest in a labour camp demanding to be repatriated home.</figcaption></figure>Hundreds of Nepali migrants working for a Saudi Arabian supply company staged a protest against the Nepal government and embassy in their employer’s camp in Riyadh on Tuesday, demanding more flights to go home.The workers have been unemployed for the past six months, and accuse the Nepal government of not providing enough flights even though their employer, Smasco, is willing to sponsor their air fares and pay for PCR tests.“The company points at the embassy, the embassy points at the company. Where do we go?” an exasperated Nepali worker said on the phone. In response to the protest, 50 of the workers were sent to the Nepali Embassy in a company vehicle where they were assured that their concerns will be addressed.In fact, the embassy in Riyadh has also been asking the government to increase the number of repatriation flights since Saudi Arabia had one of the highest numbers of workers who wanted to go home, and no carrier (except Nepal’s Himalaya Airlines) operate regular flights from Saudi cities to Kathmandu.The Nepal government has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/flights-to-nepal-limited-by-airport-capacity/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/flights-to-nepal-limited-by-airport-capacity/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHi1rviPPwKe7a4QdPytranLsRicw">put a cap of 800 arriving passengers per day</a> at Kathmandu airport after limited regular flights were allowed on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-allows-limited-international-flights/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-allows-limited-international-flights/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFf85Bt0Gp97ihl_e-wgv0nKcrA3A">1 September</a>, which means the number of repatriation flights are restricted.Because of this quota, the Nepal government turned down a request by the UAE to fly 1,120 stranded Nepali workers home for free on Etihad Airways. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/to-many-stranded-nepalis-not-enough-flights/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/to-many-stranded-nepalis-not-enough-flights/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHXTov8AyEBJ5RNs3ct-M2_n0l0Kg">Transguard in the UAE</a> has also not been able to get permission to charter flights to transport its Nepali employees home.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110915114/636bb3d39c7e80680e07bb67jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="455" height="259"><figcaption>The crowded hall where many Nepali workers in Saudi Arabia have spent the past months to get on flights home. Although regular flights have resumed, Kathmandu airport can only take 800 arriving passengers a day.</figcaption></figure>“They say the daily quota at Kathmandu airport is because of quarantine limitations, but if we are going home with PCR negative reports how does the 800 cap make sense?” asks an exasperated Nepali worker with Transguard in the UAE, who like others did not want to be quoted by name.Things are going to be more difficult for foreign nationals with expired visas in the UAE after 11 September because they will be required to start paying hefty overstay fines.Another worker in the UAE who does not have employer support is worried about the high fares for flights to Kathmandu of up to AED2,500 (US$680), which is more than double the pre-pandemic flight cost. He said: “The embassy’s priority list is now useless. They are no longer deciding the passenger list like they did earlier when the most vulnerable workers were prioritised for repatriation flights. Tickets are sold to those who can pay.”Another worker added that those who had their jobs and were paid regularly also flew to Nepal on annual leave, when unemployed Nepalis like him who have been waiting for six months have not been able to because of the high airfares.“That really hurt,” he said. “It is the well-paid worker with regular salary who gets to go home on vacation. What are we to make of this?”<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/flights-to-nepal-limited-by-airport-capacity/">Flights to Nepal limited by airport capacity</a>, Nepali TimesThe government’s much touted scheme to use the Foreign Employment Welfare Fund (FEWF) to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/helping-hand-for-repatriated-nepali-workers/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/helping-hand-for-repatriated-nepali-workers/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGeuCwJgcePWcSMT27uE353EFGMGw">pay for the tickets of really desperate workers</a> has not worked. So far, only 86 workers from Malaysia have received support under this scheme. The government has also not made any arrangement to use its own Covid-19 relief budget to support stranded undocumented workers who are the ones most in need of help but are ineligible for the FEWF supported scheme as they did not contribute to it.Meanwhile, undocumented Nepali workers in Lebanon who had paid US$800 for tickets home in March are still stuck there because of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-in-cyprus-wait-out-cancelled-flights/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-in-cyprus-wait-out-cancelled-flights/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHobgME7G0fN4hn7BXrFQNQxihzqQ">cancelled flights</a>. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/repatriation-regular-flights-to-nepal-to-resume/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/repatriation-regular-flights-to-nepal-to-resume/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG_SddFlOig9JmNlUwtOjtSZIrN8w">Repatriation flights</a> from Beirut by Nepal Airlines were announced, but never happened.Most of those stranded in Lebanon are female household workers, who have also been affected by Lebanon’s faltering economy, especially after <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-caught-up-in-beirut-blast-recount-horror/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-caught-up-in-beirut-blast-recount-horror/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHrHsIYitRhvIzQMYIAGdLory50bw">the Beirut blast last month</a>.Said one of them: “As stay-out domestic workers, we do not get cleaning jobs as often anymore. And no one has come forward to help in the midst of this pandemic, the economic crisis and the blast.”The root of the problem is the high cost of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/to-many-stranded-nepalis-not-enough-flights/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/to-many-stranded-nepalis-not-enough-flights/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1599722630367000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHXTov8AyEBJ5RNs3ct-M2_n0l0Kg">limited number of flights</a>, and the month-by-month schedule which makes it difficult for employers to organise the paperwork for returning workers. An embassy official says missions do not have a role anymore on who gets on a plane. The travel agencies and the airlines decide, based on the daily airport arrival quota in Kathmandu, which means the most desperate workers cannot get home.Some employers who were earlier willing to pay for repatriation are now proposing cost-sharing with workers because the fares are higher than normal. But many of the workers have been unemployed for six months, and have run out of savings.Says a Nepali worker involved in the protest in Riyadh on Tuesday: “We staged the protest out of desperation because no one was paying any attention to us. Our video went viral, but we don’t just want people to like and share it, we want to be rescued and brought home as soon as possible.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-workers-returning-to-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali workers returning to India</a>, Upasana Khadka

Nepalis in Saudi Arabia stage protest

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a66d39c7e80680e0599a7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="720"/><figcaption>Photos: DARJEELINGTIMES.COM</figcaption></figure>After India recently amended its laws regarding citizenship, Nepalis living in Northeast India are terrified. Both of India’s Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2019/12/11/asia/india-citizenship-amendment-bill-intl-hnk/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener">passed the Citizenship Amendment Bill</a> (CAB) which tightens laws regarding citizenship.Assam’s National Register of Citizens (NRC), published on 31 August 2019, generated protests all over India because it was missing 1.9 million residents. About 100,000 Nepalis, whose ancestors have been living in the northeast Indian state for up to 200 years, were among those excluded from the list for technical reasons like marriage, migration, differences in last name, mistakes or lost documents. They are now terrified that they will not be counted as Indian citizens. They are listed as ‘D Voters’ meaning ‘Doubtful’ Voters.In November, Indian Home Minister Amit Shah declared in parliament that the list would be expanded over the entire country, and his ruling BJP appears determined to implement NRC countrywide. It has amended the constitution and got CAB passed by both Houses which will make it easier to implement the NRC, which will ultimately affect the status of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Connecting-dots/Darjeeling-and-the-idea-of-Nepal,944">Indians of Nepali origin</a> at present and future.Since 1951, Assam has been the only Indian state to have created and updated its register of citizens. The NRC is said to be an attempt to discover ‘foreigners’ residing illegally in the state. The concept of the NRC came up in 1951, after India became independent and held its first census. Its purpose later was to differentiate between Assam natives and Bangladeshi refugees.During British rule, many people from Bihar, Bengal and Nepal migrated to Assam to work on its tea estates and settle on empty land. After Partition and the breakup of Pakistan there was a large influx of as many as 1 million refugees from Bangladesh, first due to the language struggle and crackdowns by the Pakistan Army in 1971. After Bangladesh became independent some returned home, but many stayed on in Assam.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a66d59c7e80680e0599a8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="720">The Citizenship Amendment Bill makes it easier to implement the NRC across the country. Opposition parties are protesting strongly against it, and a dozen people have been killed in <a href="https://time.com/5752186/india-protests-citizenship-act/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">violent demonstrations across the country</a>. The Indian National Congress and the Mamata Banerjee-led All India Trinamool Congress and the Marxist Communist Party are spearheading the protests, but many of the student demonstrations in universities have been spontaneous.Protestors claim the bill undermines India’s democratic system and secularism. CAB has provisions to provide citizenship to Hindu, Christian, Sikh, Persian, Jain and Buddhist refugees who have fled persecution in the neighbouring countries of Pakistan, Afghanistan and Bangladesh, but <a href="https://time.com/5746688/india-citizenship-amendment-bill/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">denies Muslims the same facility</a>. Many also fear that the bill endangers the identity, language and culture of the natives of Assam and neighbouring state, Tripura.Mamata Banerjee, chief minister of West Bengal, has already declared that she will not let the NRC be implemented in West Bengal. People in northeast states including Assam, Tripura, Sikkim and Darjeeling, have held many protests against the bill.Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram and Nagaland in Northeast India are exempted from the bill because they are restricted states, where even Indian visitors need permits to enter. That ‘Innerline Permit’ will also be implemented in Manipur eventually. But Sikkim falls under the new law, which has created confusion.Sikkim was a sovereign country until 1975, becoming India’s 22nd state after annexation in 1975. Sikkim Chief Minister PS Gole has declared that the CAB and NRC will not be implemented in the state. Supported by Sikkim’s opposition parties, he has requested the Indian government to also exempt Sikkim.In Darjeeling, the Vinay Tamang and Anit Thapa-led Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJM), and the Dr Harkabahadur Chhetri-led Jana Andolan party have opposed the CAB, but the Gorkha Rashtriya Mukti Morcha and another faction of the GJM support both CAB and NRC.When he presented the CAB in parliament, Home Minister Shah claimed that all those who were excluded from Assam’s NRC were infiltrators, not Indian citizens. The GJM’s Tamang issued a press statement refuting that allegation, and demanded that before the NRC is implemented Indian Nepalis  should be included in the list of ‘Original Inhabitants of India’ and be a protected community.Nepalis have been <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2053#.XfsquJMzaUl">living in Indian states like Darjeeling and Assam</a> for more than 200 years, working on tea estates and farms. In fact, Nepali speakers are better settled in northeast India than many Bengali speakers, but many of the Nepalis do not yet have land deeds and it will be even more difficult for them to get the rights if the NRC is implemented.The 1950 Nepal-India treaty gave Nepali and Indian citizens the right to freely come and go in each other’s countries, although India requires visas from Bangladeshis and Pakistanis. The issue of the identity of Indians of Nepali origin has fuelled an agitation for autonomy in the Darjeeling hills for many years. Subhas Ghising proposed that they be called ‘Gorkha’ to differentiate them from Nepali citizens. But this is not legally, or widely, accepted. There are no Nepali refugees in India.During the election campaign, Home Minister Shah assured people that the NRC would not affect ‘Gorkhas’. But they are still confused regarding citizenship bill and register. The Nepalis of Assam, where the NRC has been implemented, are especially concerned about how to be counted as Indian citizens.

Indian Nepalis alarmed by Citizenship Amendment Bill

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108121140/636a40439c7e80680e04a60ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1150" height="668"/><figcaption>Sharecast Initiative</figcaption></figure>More than 26% of Nepali households have someone working outside the country. This includes 43.4% of families in Far-Western Province, where most migrate to India. Gandaki Province is next with 38.3%, while the number is 18.3% in Province 3, which includes Kathmandu.A nationwide survey by <a href="http://www.sharecast.org.np/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sharecast Initiative</a> shows that most of the $6.6million that the 4 million Nepalis working abroad sent home is used for basics like food (60%), clothing (42%), medical treatment (36%) and children’s education (35%). Only a small amount (10%) is invested in land and just 6.5% is saved in a bank.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=26317&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Can't get no satisfaction</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=26348&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Survey is wakeup call for Nepal government</a>, Rameshwar BohoraThe proportion of households with at least one person working abroad is highest among Muslims (36%) and Hill Dalit (34%) families, while ‘High Caste’ Tarai and Tharu households have the fewest members abroad.The survey found that most workers (48%) used bank transfers to send their earnings home, while a third still use the informal hundi channel. Only 1% say they send money home with friends. Hundi transfers are lowest in Province 3 (24%), while bank transfers were lowest in Far-Western Province (21%).Thanks in part to these foreign earnings, the survey reports a number of positive developments: 94% of respondents had electricity, 95% had latrines, 74% (which is still low) had a drinking water supply, 75% now live near some kind of road, and 70% of households use LPG for cooking.Nepal’s poverty rate has fallen dramatically due to remittances, which could be why survey results show that 41% of Nepalis feel the country is headed in the right direction. What should shock Nepal’s politicians is just how low an opinion the people have of them. More than 54% of respondents said they did not believe what political leaders said, and half did not trust the parties. More than a quarter did not trust the Federal Parliament, and 26% were not satisfied with local governments.

Outward bound

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108121140/636a40469c7e80680e04a60fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="861" height="688"/>On the face of it, when 41% of Nepalis in a public opinion poll say the country is headed in the right direction it could be taken as a decent level of approval of the government’s performance. Indeed, the way the question is framed in the Nepali language gives broad leeway for interpretation: if we should be going north, any course bearing between 270 degrees to 90 degrees would mean we are more or less on the right track.The question was part of a public opinion survey carried out by Kathmandu-based <a href="http://www.sharecast.org.np/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Sharecast Initiative</a> in January among a statistically representative sample of 4,129 respondents in Nepal’s 42 districts. The survey takes the pulse of the nation, showing the general mood of Nepalis two years after local governments took office, and a little over a year after the federal and provincial governments were formed. In all three tiers of government, it is mostly the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) that holds sway – only Province 2 and a handful of municipalities are with other parties.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=26316&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Outward Bound</a><a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=26348&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Survey is wakeup call for Nepal government</a>, Rameshwar BohoraAs with Himalmedia <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/hoping-against-hope-himalmedia-poll" target="_blank" rel="noopener">polls in previous years</a>, the results show that the Nepali people are alert and aware of what is going on – they also seem to be short-term pessimists and long-term optimists. Even if 41% of respondents felt the country was on the right course, a full 27.1% felt Nepal was headed in the wrong direction, and 22.6% were undecided (see chart above).One of the more positive outcomes of the survey was the response to a question on which facilities people have in their homes. The government’s initiatives over the past four decades on safe drinking water, sanitation, rural electrification and infrastructure appear to be yielding results. Well over 90% of Nepalis now have access to electricity and latrines. Three-quarters live near a road, or use gas cylinders for cooking. Although the 74% with access to safe drinking water is still quite low, and only 5% of mountain dwellers live near a black-topped road, overall the country is making progress. Which may be why so many seem to think that Nepal is headed more or less in the right direction.However, there is growing public dissatisfaction with the government: only 4.2% were happy with the functioning of the federal government, 35% were dissatisfied and nearly 61% said they were neither satisfied nor dissatisfied. The greatest discontent is in Province 3 and Far-Western Province. People in the centre and the periphery both give Kathmandu failing grades.People do not seem to have faith in the federal Parliament either: more than a quarter of respondents said they did not trust the legislature, only 7% said they trust it, and 43% were ambivalent. Neither was there much approval of the performance of local governments: more than 26% were dissatisfied, and only 7% satisfied with the way provinces and municipalities were going about their business; 66% were apathetic.Read also:<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/himal-poll-expectations,4153" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Great expectations</a>, Editorial<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/himal-media-public-opinion-survey-2015-outcome" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Himalmedia Public Opinion Survey 2015</a>, Ayesha ShakyaThe survey also proves just how important migration for work overseas has become for Nepalis. More than a quarter of respondents said they had a family member working abroad, with the highest percentages among Muslims and Hill Dalits, and in Far-Western Province. Tarai 'High Castes' in Province 2 and Tharu households had the fewest members abroad. Most of the money sent home by overseas workers goes into subsistence (food, clothing, children’s education and medical treatment), and very little of it is invested in land, saved in banks or ploughed into productive sectors.Opinion surveys are a way for a democratic country’s rulers to gauge the public mood between elections. They should also be a wake-up call so course corrections can be made. They are a tool available to politicians, the bureaucracy and other agencies of the state to see if their actions fulfil the aspiration of citizens. Many of these checks and balances in a country are performed by democratic institutions and the mass media, but when the performance of other sectors of the state (legislature, judiciary, executive, bureaucracy and the security agencies) is not at an optimum, opinion surveys directly reflect the public’s frame of mind.It is clear from some of the results of the survey in this edition that citizens’ faith in government is faltering, that a large section of the public does not trust politicians and that they are unhappy with the slow pace of development. Yet, they have not given up hope and hold out the expectation that things will get better. It is still not too late for the NCP government to go beyond slogans, deliver more than rhetoric, and walk the talk.

Can't get no satisfaction

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108101136/636a23089c7e80680e0417c4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1133" height="720"/>Nepali restaurants in Finland have become so popular in the past 20 years that in many places they have started replacing Indian diners in Helsinki and other cities. It now looks like there was a dark side to this success: four Nepalis restauranteurs in Finland have been found guilty of human trafficking, discrimination and tax evasion.One of the Nepali migrant restaurant workers, Maila, was brought to Finland by an accused to work in Mount Sherpa restaurant in the town of Kuopio in Varkaus district court. Police started investigating the establishment after he filed a complaint, and found two more Nepalis were also underpaid.After the verdict, Maila has had to endure threatening messages from his former employers. “I was aware enough to know my rights, but most Nepalis who come here are not. I wanted to show fellow Nepalis that they have to be aware of the risks,” he says.There are a range of Nepalis in Finland from engineers and managers, teachers, as well as students who sometimes work on the side as cooks and waiters. Earnings are good, and Nepali restaurants have become popular in Finland with their modified menus that combine naan and curry combined with dal bhat and momos.But beneath the surface, there have been indications that all is not well. There was no problem if they worked in Finnish companies as the labour laws are clear and strict. But when workers are brought to Finland through personal connection, they have to accept the salary offered so they can pay back loans.  Few Nepali workers are not willing to talk for fear of losing even the jobs they have, but the Finnish press has reported on South Asian restaurants selling work visas, trafficking, and violating Finnish labour and tax laws.Last month, Finnish District Court Judge Minna Koskinen from North Sawo District Court found four Nepalis Basanta Adhikari, Purna Adhikari, Srijana Ghimire and Ava Pokhrel  guilty, fined them a total of € 227,199 and sentenced the main employer to prison for 1 year and eight months and another to six months. They also had to compensate Maila, Kancha and Saila with back pay.Maila has a masters degree in Business Management, but could not find a job so took cook training to work abroad. When a friend approached him to go as a cook to Finland where his brother owned a Nepali restaurant, he readily agreed to migrate.An agreement he signed with the owner set a full salary as per Finnish government rules, and working hours stipulated by local labour laws with weekends off. However, he was made to work round the clock with no weekends. The employer also opened two accounts in Maila’s name, one having salaries as per the contract to show the Finnish authorities. But he kept bank cards which he and his wife used for personal expenses. He deposited some money into Maila’s other account. Police used evidence from the two bank cards in their investigation, and presented it to the court.Maila says he learnt this was standard operating procedure in many Nepali restaurants in Finland. After a year-and-half, Maila filed a complaint, but first had to prepare to be ostracised by the Nepali community. He says he wanted to make his employers and other South Asians here accountable to their workers who were mostly not educated, not aware of their rights, or afraid to raise their voices against their employers.“As laws in Finland are very strict, we do not get involved in legal issues of Nepali workers here,” explains Basanta Gautam of the Non-resident Nepali (NRN) National Coordination Council of Finland, “however, we think there is a need of awareness to both employees and employers regarding employment rules and regulations in Finland.”As per Finnish law, since all five perpetrators admitted to their crimes and agreed to pay all financial obligations together with interest and taxes, they have been exempted from imprisonment, but will remain under probation.Another Nepali in Finland says many migrant workers have come to Finland on verbal agreement from a restaurant owner, but they are desperate to get a toe-hold in Europe. Employers think they are actually doing the workers a favour by bringing them over, and some restauranteurs say not all worker complaints are valid and they “play the victim card”.NRN CEO Hemant Dawadi says: “Safe Migration and respectable foreign employment concerns us, and we provide advice and counselling whenever approached.” He admitted that NRN had no figures for the number of Nepalis who work in establishments owned and managed by the diaspora. Although the organisation gets frequent complaints, Gautam says the NRN Associaton is not a policing authority.After the verdict, Maila has had to endure threatening messages from his former employers. “I was aware enough to know my rights, but most Nepalis who come here are not. I wanted to show fellow Nepalis that they have to be aware of the risks.”Some names have been changed.

Nepali restaurateurs fined in Finland

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171148/636937169c7e80680e03fe17jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="696" height="841"/><figcaption>Bikram Rai</figcaption></figure>Africa marked the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/lest-we-forget/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">end of World War I</a> two weeks after Europe because it took that long to get out the message that the war had ended.Months after the end of World War II, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-time-has-come-for-a-gurkha-peace-corps/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Gurkha soldiers</a> were still in the jungles of Burma looking out for Japanese troops, unaware that a peace agreement had been signed.When British officers asked them how they found their way back, one of them produced a road map of London. Today, they would use Google Maps.In a recent episode of James Corden’s The Late Late Show, the CBS late night talk show had to make a real effort to explain to younger members in the audience what a 'letter', 'envelope', 'postage stamps' and 'mail boxes' were.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-watching-from-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi</a> elaborated on his connectivity strategy in an address to Nepal’s Parliament on his first visit to Nepal in 2014 with the acronym 'HIT' standing for highways, information and transmission lines.This week, the number of people online throughout the world crossed 3.9 billion – more than half the global population. It took 100 years for the first billion people to say 'hello' on a landline phone. In the early 1990s, the only way to get a phone line in Nepal was to pay a hefty bribe or to register a company and to get a landline.In India, the joke in the old days was that 5% of the population had phones, and 95% was waiting for a dial tone. And across the border in India 'ISD, STD' were ubiquitous acronyms because long after Nepal’s telecommunications went digital in the 1990s, India still had analog phones under the ‘Be Indian, Buy Indian’ philosophy. Then it was cyber cafes, and now even those have been replaced by smartphones.In Nepal, the government does not distribute free mobile phones, and there are no donor-funded projects subsidising these devices. Yet everyone, rich or poor, has a phone. On the other hand, the government with donor support has been building toilets and providing free material and training. Yet, many people are still defecating in the open.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/half-full/take-advantage-of-Nepal-connectivity-with-India-China,1074" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Banking on Connectivity</a>, Anil ChitrakarNo one runs a literacy program on how to use a smart phone, yet everyone seems to know how to use one. Connectivity is clearly more important for people than <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/toilet-trained/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">toilets</a>. There is a willingness to pay for connectivity, but that does not seem to apply for anything else. Nepal currently has full phone coverage and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">72% have access to the internet</a>.Now that access is less of an issue, the content and what people use connectivity for is up for debate. The Home Ministry blames the rise in rape cases across Nepal on online pornography. E-banking, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-budding-e-commerce-ecosystem/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">e-commerce</a> and Nepalis reaching family members across the globe on Viber or Skype are all obvious benefits. China’s next great leap forward is to skip credit cards and go straight into the mobile phone payment.The government now wants to provide online services hoping to fight corruption by reducing human contact. People now go online to pay bills, check a recipe, find offices and meeting locations, check on the people they are about to meet, do research, find images and to show off selfies with celebrities.You can listen to a great lecture, read archived articles in far away libraries, video chat and negotiate deals. One wonders how the world even functioned when we were not online. The <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/kundadixit/2015/05/27/a-month-that-felt-like-a-year/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">earthquake of 2015</a> taught Nepalis to make a shift from a downloading society to an uploading one. We simply do not upload enough, but things are changing due to the social media and the trend of sharing images online.It will be interesting to analyse the data to see how many photos will be uploaded in this week’s weddings. And the results will probably show that just like the global digital divide is narrowing due to mobile connectivity, so is the digital divide within Nepal.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/how-nepals-media-landscape-is-being-transformed/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's changing media landscape</a>Anil Chitrakar is President of Siddharthinc

Anil Chitrakar

Landline to online

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714118/636903869c7e80680e037cc9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="616"/><figcaption>Photo: SHRADDHA SABURI HEALTH SERVICE</figcaption></figure>As a married, working woman with a child, it was impossible for Jasmine Bajracharya to take days off to care for her ailing parents. T<a name="_GoBack"></a>hey needed physiotherapy, but her father refused to visit a hospital. So they had to get the physiotherapist at home. Both are recovering thanks to home treatment.<a href="https://doctorsonkall.com/">Doctors on Call Nepal</a>, which provided the service to Bajracharya’s parents, is one of many new home care services that have come up in Nepal as the population ages, and their offspring are either abroad or busy at work.“My father is very talkative, so I was worried that he might offend the doctor on call,” Bajracharya says, “but the whole experience turned out to be very useful both for my parents and me, because of good communication and coordination. Now I know I have someone to turn to if my parents need care again.”Home health care has also helped provide jobs in Nepal for staff nurses and caregivers who may have otherwise have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/migrating-males-and-population-decline/">migrated abroad</a>. In turn, as more and more young Nepalis go abroad to study or work, there is a growing demand for care givers who can take care of elderly parents at home, or take them to hospital for treatment.Another service provider is <a href="http://healthathome.com.np/">Health at Home</a> (see box) which was established in 2009 and has now grown into a nationwide network with units in Pokhara, Chitwan and Biratnagar besides Kathmandu.“In the West, every hospital has a home care unit. Its prospects in Nepal indicate that it is the future of medical care, which needs continuous innovation,” says founder Bishal Dhakal.Health at Home and others provide a range of services from nurses, doctors, physiotherapists and lab technicians on call to caretakers, travel support and appointment management. Many provide full doctoral supervision, while a few outsource nurses and caregivers only.The demand for care-givers is new in Nepal, and has grown exponentially to meet growing demand. Their work includes non-professional assistance which nurses do not perform, and some families prefer male health assistants.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714118/636903889c7e80680e037ccajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="808"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><a href="http://healhomecare.com/">Heal Home Care</a> and <a href="http://www.sshealthservices.com/">Shraddha Saburi Health Service</a> outsource female nurses and caregivers, employing more than a hundred trained personnel each, and one-third of them have been hired by Nepalis living abroad who want their parents cared for.Along with an improvements in physical health, many doctors and clients have also felt that such a service has positive effects on the mindset of elderly people, who prefer not go to a hospital. A simple follow up call or a quick visit brightens up the mood of elderly people who are often lonely, anxious or depressed because of health issues and separation from children.While the increasing demand has led to the mushrooming of home care in Kathmandu, health experts are worried that the quality of care may go down and put the health of the elderly at risk.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714118/6369038b9c7e80680e037ccbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="860"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Ramesh Kadel, Nepal’s first Geriatric Specialist, expresses concern over nurses trained in specialized care of the elderly. He says, “Service providers should keep hospitals and doctors in the loop. Our society is not fully geriatric friendly yet, and negligence of elderly people’s health is still prevalent, we need to be more aware and careful.”For the first time in world history, <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/need-to-prepare-for-ageing-society,3624">the population of people above 60 has exceeded that of children below 5</a>, and in 30 years more proper and holistic health care will be needed for the aging population.“There has been a lot of research and experiment on child health care, but proper research is lacking in the field of geriatrics. What will the future look like for today’s active population when they grow older?” asks <a href="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php%3Fid%3D6370&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiKmsT_-u7cAhXRfCsKHY9xDzsQFggHMAE&amp;client=internal-uds-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;usg=AOvVaw3bqUqf9aY11y1eBubOwlMC">Krishna Murari Gautam</a> of <a href="http://ageingnepal.org/">Aging Nepal</a>, which has started a week-long specialised training for care givers of elderly patients.Doctors on Call Nepal and Health at Home also have a guided selection procedure and orientation program for nurses and caregivers, and a systematic recording of their patients to maintain quality.<h2>Health care at more homes</h2><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714118/6369038d9c7e80680e037cccjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="662">Home care for the elderly is one of their social enterprises that run as a business, while providing a public service. The company <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Doctor,344">Health at Home won the Surya Nepal Award in 2012</a> for the concept of a socially responsible business. It hasn’t looked back.Nine years later, Health at Home has grown into a nationwide network of home care service company with centres in Pokhara, Kathmandu, Patan, Chitwan and Biratnagar providing much-needed home care for Nepal’s rapidly-aging population. With young men and women migrating abroad for work and studies and a growing demand from their elderly parents for health care, Health at Home is planning to open four more centres.“When we started, it was a small idea. With innovation, the idea turned into an industry and today we look forward to be an influencer that provides global standard health facility in the comfort of patient’s own home,” explains founder Bishal Dhakal.As it grew, the company has corporatised its structure with four partners, and CEO Amit Shrestha. The idea is to serve people in their community by building care capacity through an accountable, transparent and predictable process.“The concept of home care ten years ago was just to send nurses home to take care of the elderly. We are trying to constantly innovate and meet demands from patients for specialised care,” says Dhakal.Shrestha says Health at Home is poised to be a global player in virtual health care. The company is partnering with Samsung to invent a virtual platform for data management of home care parameters. This means doctors and the health management team do not need to visit homes, and can monitor patients remotely, making visits only if intervention is required.“We want to redefine health care for the new generation with new technology,” says Shrestha.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714118/636903909c7e80680e037ccdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="960"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Health at Home customers have requirements from postnatal to elderly care, patients with chronic diseases, the terminally ill, and dependent patients. The company ties up with hospitals like Mediciti, Nidan, Nepal Cancer Hospital, Sumeru and Green City, and insurance companies like MetLife, Reliance and Citizen Life and various diagnostic labs and pathologist.And there are additional services like Japanese massage therapy and nurse placements with home care specialization. So far, Health at Home has built up a reputation for reliable and personalised care that is responsive to the needs to patients.With Nepal’s population expected to reach 33 million by 2030 with nearly 15% of them above  65, there will be an ever-greater need for elderly care. Combined with out-migration of the young, this means the field is wide open for innovation and expansion in home care services.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/lets-talk-about-it/">Let’s talk about it</a>, Duksangh Sherpa<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/national-health-insurance-not-as-easy,4028">A national health insurance scheme is not as easy as it looks</a>, Sonia Awale<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/malnutrition-stunting-wasting,3603">Thought for food</a>, Marty Logan

Caring for those who cared

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/636903279c7e80680e037ca6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="810"/><figcaption>Photo: Kunda Dixit</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110714114/6369032a9c7e80680e037ca7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="819"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>SIGNS OF THE TIMES: A gate in Phidim of Panchthar put up by Limbuwan activists (left) and a traffic sign in Quebec.After many years of working in Nepal, in 2014 I moved to Vancouver for a university job where many of the objectives outlined by Nepal’s adivasi janajati movements are being implemented by the First Nations, Inuit and Métis communities that have lived for thousands of years in what is now Canada.Indigenous nations comprise just over 4% of Canada’s population, whereas <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10776#.W2vvdVUzbIU">adivasi janajati make up more than one third of Nepalis</a><a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10776#.W2vvdVUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">.</a> Yet, Canada is far ahead of Nepal in creating a just society in which indigenous voices are uplifted, indigenous knowledge woven into the public education system and the uninterrupted indigenous connection to traditional territory is recognised and respected.Canada has been no haven for indigenous peoples. Canada’s federal and provincial governments institutionalised racist legislation that dispossessed indigenous peoples from their lands, tearing children away from their parents, lodging them with white foster parents or shipping them off to assimilationist Indian residential schools where many students died and all were prohibited from speaking their ancestral languages.Until 1952, Canadian legislation prevented indigenous people from turning to the courts for help with government injustices. Only in 1960 did the government grant indigenous people the right to vote in federal elections without losing their treaty rights and ‘Indian’ status. Settler colonialism which sought to replace the original and indigenous population with a new and invasive society of uninvited settlers remains Canada’s original sin.The insatiable European appetite for new land and natural resources necessitated the marginalisation, relocation and ultimately the eradication of the original inhabitants of kanata—an Iroquoian word meaning ‘village’ or ‘settlement’ from which the nation of Canada derives its name.Also read: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=434#.W2vvOlUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's last hunter-gatherers</a>, Sagun S LawotiT<a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16971#.W2vvfFUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">he Mongols are coming</a>, Rabi ThapaGiven this painful and recent history, the 150th anniversary of Confederation in 2017, promoted by the government as Canada 150, felt more like Colonisation 150 for many of my indigenous students and colleagues. The story of the resilience of indigenous communities across Canada over the last 150 years is one of local endurance and immense perseverance against the very objectives of the nation itself.Yet, over the last few years, Canada has been experiencing an ‘indigenous moment’. Many are asking how long it will last and whether the pivot is a temporary and expedient response to an emerging political necessity or whether it will lead to lasting change.Since becoming prime minister in 2015, Justin Trudeau and his Liberal federal government have pledged to develop nation-to-nation relationships with the elected governments of First Nations, Inuit and Métis communities (formerly referred to by the unwelcome collective term ‘Aboriginal’) and to implement each of the 94 Calls to Action released by the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/truth-about-truth-commission,3565" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Truth and Reconciliation</a> Commission of Canada.Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4140#.W2vvf1UzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Some reservations about reservations</a>, Naresh Newar<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/As-It-Happens/lessons-for-nepal-from-Indias-patel-movement,559" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lessons from India's Patel movement</a>, Om Astha RaiCanada is receiving international media attention for newly proposed national legislation officialising <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Mind-your-languages,133" target="_blank" rel="noopener">indigenous languages</a>, and renaming public buildings that carry problematic colonial names with more inclusive designations. Across the country, programs that honour indigenous history and understandings are being rolled out at elementary, secondary and university levels.Overall, Canada’s indigenous communities are in the limelight, albeit in sometimes uncomfortably instrumentalised ways. The bitter irony of the current context is inescapable: colonial governments have for centuries marshalled their economic, military and administrative might to extinguish indigenous peoples. Now, in the eleventh hour, they are looking to strengthen and celebrate the very diversity that they set out to destroy.Why is this happening? The simple answer is that much land and many resources are still legally owned and controlled by indigenous peoples in Canada -- land and resources that the Canadian state is eagerly eyeing to exploit, expropriate and monetise. A series of ground-breaking rulings by the Supreme Court over the last few decades have confirmed that indigenous title involves a real and tangible interest in the land, and provides the owner with the right to choose what the land can be used for.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Mind-your-languages,133" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The place of Nepali</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit<a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.15px;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15734#.W2vuj1UzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Mother tongue</a>, Mukta Singh TamangWhile Nepal has not had the misfortune of being colonised by European settlers, some have suggested that the historical oppression of indigenous and other marginalised communities has operated like colonisation. If Nepal has never been colonised, can it ever be, or does it need to be, de-colonised? This discussion is gathering momentum in the scholarly community. A well-attended panel entitled ‘Decolonising Research in the Himalayas’ at the Association of Nepal and Himalayan Studies Conference hosted by the University of Colorado, Boulder, in September 2017 generated heated, if necessary debate.For most of my indigenous colleagues in Canada, decolonisation is not a metaphor. Rather, it involves implementing tangible, measurable and structural changes in who controls, creates and administers knowledge. Decolonising education and research are about substance not symbol, and necessarily involving a sincere commitment to promoting indigenous voices in the academy and in society.Nepal’s federal restructuring provides a unique opportunity for the state to engage deeply with th<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/hail-to-the-chiefs/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">e needs, goals and dreams of the hundreds of indigenous communities </a>who contribute to this richly diverse nation. Celebrating and promoting inspiring indigenous voices (whether in Canada, Nepal or in other multi-cultural federal democracies) helps make a country stronger, more representative and more just. It is a chance not to be squandered. Mark Turin is a linguist and anthropologist who teaches at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver@markturinRead also:<a style="letter-spacing: 0.15px; background-color: #ffffff;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=17961#.W2vv51UzbIV" target="_blank" rel="noopener">ILO 169, Nepal as a model </a><a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15775#.W2v2I1UzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal's multi-ethnic future</a>, Shyam Shrestha

Do Nepali attitudes need to be decolonised?

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

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