I once asked <a href="https://chomsky.info/">Noam Chomsky</a> how he manages to remember so many facts and figures and hold audience attention. He replied that he did not convey any new information, that his talks are based on materials already in the public domain, he simply joins the dots.&nbsp;
Chomsky teaches us that it is not necessary to be loud and sensationalist in order to be heard. His clear and courageous moral compass over decades is a most valuable lesson.
On 17 June, some media reported that Chomsky, 95, had died after a stroke he suffered last year. He was in hospital in Brazil, and his wife has since said he is continuing treatment at home.&nbsp;
<a href="https://time.com/6987747/noam-chomsky-stroke-brazil/">Noam Chomsky</a> was already a legend when I first met him over two decades ago in December 2001 when he visited Pakistan for the inaugural Eqbal Ahmad Memorial lecture series.
Eqbal Ahmad had been an anti-Vietnam War activist in the US in the 1960s and later taught at Hampshire College and was among Chomsky's circle of friends, which included other legendary figures like Howard Zinn and Edward Said.
He had returned to Pakistan after the death of Gen Ziaul Haq in 1988 and was prominent in the peace and anti-nuclear weapons movements in the region. He died in May 1999, on the first anniversary of India's nuclear test, that Pakistan had followed.
In November 2001, Chomsky did a lecture series in India. Another fellow-traveller, the well-known physics professor and activist Pervez Hoodbhoy invited Chomsky to Pakistan for the Eqbal Ahmad Memorial lecture series. These events were organised months earlier, and Pervez was initially worried about whether there would be an audience.
The 11 September 2001 attacks had just taken place and Chomsky cut through America’s outrage to point out that the attacks were historic not for their scale but because of where they took place, mainland America, which had not been attacked before.
Also, this was not the first, but "the second 9/11". The earlier, <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1MjQxMTc1NDMsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiJjNjNkNDc0NGI5NzBjMTU3In0" target="_blank">“far more serious"</a> 9/11 was the one in 1973, he said, the violent coup against the elected government of Salvador Allende in Chile.
Many in America were uncomfortable with such statements, but in progressive circles here and around the world, his popularity soared.
I asked the organisers if I could follow Chomsky around Pakistan for a documentary. They agreed to let me tag along to his room at the Avari Hotel in Lahore. Noam Chomsky and his wife Carol had arrived in Pakistan to a celebrity welcome that discomfited them. Chomsky politely conveyed that we were welcome to film his public events but that he and Carol were uncomfortable being followed around by a camera.
We put our equipment away until he entered the venue where he was speaking. He walked through the packed hall to a standing ovation. A few days later, he addressed a larger audience at another packed venue, an indoor stadium in Islamabad. In both places, people listened in pin drop silence as he spoke, low key and without histrionics.&nbsp;
There was a shameful exception, when he spoke at the Nieman Foundation for Journalism at Harvard University when I was an international Fellow there in 2005-2006. In that intimate setting, another international fellow and her husband, both from Israel, kept interrupting Chomsky, despite being admonished by the moderator and other fellows.
Chomsky didn’t lose his cool, but I heard later that he vowed never to come back to Lippman House. I was glad to hear that the Nieman Fellows prevailed upon him to return in 2017 and that it went smoothly.
In September 2006, John ‘Jack’ Trumpbour, a Research Director at the Center for Labor and a Just Economy (CLJE) at Harvard Law School invited Chomsky as a featured speaker for the <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1MzA0MDkwMDAsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiI2ZDhlOTE5YzNjZTdkOTFkIn0" target="_blank">launch of a collection of essays,</a> The Selected Writings of Eqbal Ahmad (Columbia University Press), September 2006.&nbsp;
I was a speaker, along with Margaret Cerullo, Eqbal's colleague from Hampshire College and one of the book's editors. Stuart Schaar, Eqbal's college buddy from the 1950s at Princeton University was also a speaker. Like Chomsky, he has paid the price for his support of the Palestinian cause, sidelined in the mainstream academia as Eqbal himself was.
Another friend, the journalist David Barsamian, who runs Alternative Radio and speaks Urdu and Hindi, flew in from Colorado for the event. In his speech titled Confronting Empire: Eqbal Ahmad’s Legacy and the Contemporary Crisis, Chomsky talked about how Israeli attacks actually mean “Israeli and US attacks, since the USA supports Israel with weapons as well as diplomatic and ideological support”.
We were then witness to an “unusual historic event” — the destruction of a nation” as Israel punished the Palestinians for “a terrible crime they committed: in the last free election they voted in the wrong people”.
Chomsky commented that the real reason for the Israeli (US-Israeli) aggression is that the then Hezbollah provided the only meaningful support for Palestinian rights, and also because they wanted to eliminate Lebanese deterrents that stand in the way of an attack on Iran.
The aggression has two consequences, he said. First, it deters negotiations. Second, it makes the dissidents and reformers more vulnerable, as regimes under attack tend to become harsher.
In April 2011 the <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1Mzc3NDkwMzQsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiI3ODZjNjVlYjMzZDZkOTViIn0" target="_blank">American Friends Service Committee</a> invited Chomsky to <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1NDA4OTQ3NjMsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiI2ZGQ4OGQ4ZWI5NzFmNjBjIn0" target="_blank">address a seminar</a> at Boston University titled ‘Days of Hope and Challenge’, where I was the other speaker.
I felt privileged to have been invited to contribute towards a compilation for his 90th birthday in December 2018. In my note, I shared some of my memories and thanked him for his vision, courage and consistency over the years, and his principled moral stand that have given strength and courage to so many of us over the years.
Despite his legendary status, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/03/08/opinion/noam-chomsky-chatgpt-ai.html">Chomsky</a> was always humble and accessible. He always replied personally to emails as long as he could, even if it was a one-line response to a question asking him to confirm whether a Twitter account in his name was genuine (‘The twitter account from what I’ve heard is honest and accurate but I have nothing to do with it’).
He was unfailingly generous in lending his name in support of the causes I and others reached out to him for, endorsing resolutions ranging from human rights and democracy to peace between India and Pakistan. In 2018 he joined many public intellectuals in urging Bangladesh to <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1NDQwNDA0OTIsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiI0NGJhNGUxMzRkZjYxOWJmIn0" target="_blank">release the photojournalist Shahidul Alam</a>. He was also among the public intellectuals including Amartya Sen who <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1NDcxODYyMjEsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiJjNzg1NTFiZDVmMmNmM2I3In0" target="_blank">endorsed a letter</a> calling on Pakistan to release the jailed publisher-editor of the Jang Group Shakilur Rahman, in 2020.
My last interaction with him was in September 2021 when I had invited him to address an online seminar hosted by the <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1NTAzMzE5NTAsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiIwZTFjOWIzZDNkYWJjNDM0In0" target="_blank">Southasia Peace Action Network</a> (Sapan) that over 80 of us had launched in March that year to build a narrative for a Southasian Union along the lines of the European Union, or at the very least, regional dialogue and collaboration between all the countries of the Subcontinent.&nbsp;
But by then Chomsky had moved to Arizona. He agreed to join but didn't show up, which was not like him. The meeting ended. We stopped the recording and were chatting among ourselves, when Noam Chomsky appeared. We asked him to speak and began recording again.
As always, Chomsky <a href="https://yawmle.clicks.mlsend.com/ty/cl/eyJ2Ijoie1wiYVwiOjU4NTIxOCxcImxcIjoxMjQ3MTY4MTY1NTU1NzQ4MzIsXCJyXCI6MTI0NzE2ODE3MDAwMTcxMzQxfSIsInMiOiJmMDU0YjI1MzExYTE1ZjgzIn0" target="_blank">put the issue into perspective</a>, arguing for the need to put people first. This would mean engaging with the governing authorities to mitigate and overcome human rights violations, while working with Afghans on the ground especially in rural areas rather than focusing on Kabul.
He advocated pressuring Afghans to shift the economy from opium cultivation to mineral resources, encouraging trade, development, and their integration into the region — “these moves can’t be made through sanctions”.
Uppermost should be the fate of the Afghan people, he said, but engagement “does not mean overlooking the abuses”.
The best way we can pay tribute to Noam Chomsky is by following his example: Stand firm, keep calm, keep speaking out, put information in context, and keep doing our work.
Beena Sarwar is a journalist from Pakistan currently based in Boston. She is the founder and editor of Sapan News. This tribute is <a href="https://beenasarwar.com/2024/06/21/what-ive-learned-from-noam-chomsky/">excerpted from her column</a>, Personal Political.&nbsp;
<a href="mailto:beena@sapannews.com" target="_blank">beena@sapannews.com</a>

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Keep calm, keep speaking out

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141156/636d036a9c7e80680e0a36d1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1666" height="1018"/><figcaption>Noam Chomsky at the webinar 20 Years After 9/11: Impact on South Asia and South Asians organised by Sapan this week.</figcaption></figure>Prominent American author and activist Noam Chomsky has urged the United States and India to engage with the Taliban, work towards overcoming differences with other regional powers, and help the Afghan people.Rather than blocking “the best of the options that are available”, Chomsky said Washington and Delhi should play a role in getting the Afghan Taliban to mitigate and overcome human rights violations, especially in rural areas.Chomsky advocated pressuring Afghans to shift the economy from opium cultivation to mineral resources, encouraging trade, development, and their integration into the region. “These moves can’t be made through sanctions,” he told a webinar 20 Years After 9/11: Impact on South Asia and South Asians, organised by the <a href="http://www.southasiapeace.com/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.southasiapeace.com/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH30gINJiXOjznQxlrNow95l6uXcQ">South Asia Peace Action Network</a>, Sapan.Chomsky was among the thought leaders and activists from across South Asia and the diaspora who gathered virtually to discuss the impact of 9/11 on the region and its people.Journalist Raza Rumi moderated the panel discussion including human rights advocate Radhika Coomaraswamy, Chair of <a href="https://www.southasianrights.org/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.southasianrights.org/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG-UXkJk-7KBptaQQyLMoLDQS8okw">South Asia for Human Rights</a>, Afghanistan’s Former Minister of Women’s Affairs Sima Samar, peace activist Rais Bhuiyan, Khushi Kabir of the rights organisation Nijeri Kori in Dhaka, Arsalan Iftikhar, human rights lawyer and author of the recently published book<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Fear-Muslim-Planet-Global-Islamophobia/dp/151076187X/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.amazon.com/Fear-Muslim-Planet-Global-Islamophobia/dp/151076187X/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJRSS3ViPA2OZ1ha0umGcLV7sk7Q"> Fear of a Muslim Planet: Global Islamophobia in the New World Order</a>. and others.“It is not about being optimistic. It is about finding the best of the options available,: Chomsky told the webinar. “Uppermost should be the fate of the Afghan people. Engagement “does not mean overlooking the abuses.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141156/636d036d9c7e80680e0a36d2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1110" height="602"><figcaption>Participants at the weibnar.</figcaption></figure>Earlier, journalist Beena Sarwar played a clip from her documentary<a href="https://vimeo.com/614161820" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://vimeo.com/614161820&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHBtBN6tBKj-mKtCcm6ZshuKrKL6Q"> Chomsky in Pakistan</a>, broadcast on VPRO Dutch television, documenting Chomsky’s November 2001 visit to the country for the third Eqbal Ahmad Memorial Lecture series in honour of his old friend.Rumi is himself survivor of an assassination attempt that killed his driver, one of many events in the spiral of violence unleashed in the aftermath of 9/11.The 9/11 attacks led to a “seismic and epistemic shift” in global consciousness, said Radhika Coomaraswamy. She added: “The first impact of 9/11 was fear – fear that would be manipulated, assuaged by appealing to national security, and the most draconian laws would be passed. We need to de-programme the system of criminal justice.”She said 9/11 spawned endless wars, endless hate, and a military-industrial complex of armies, defence contractors, private contractors, and mercenaries for whom war has become a way of life.Former Minister of Women’s Affairs of Afghanistan Sima Samar also paid tribute to victims of the 9/11 attacks and subsequent war in her country which has received the brunt of the pressure.The ongoing repercussions are visible not only in other South Asian countries but around the world, with a visible change being harassment and extra screening for travellers. But more dangerous are the laws and regulations made in the name of the counter-terrorism activities which are violating fundamental human rights, she noted.A former Air Force pilot in Bangladesh Rais Bhuiyan moved to the United States shortly before 9/11. He shared how his race and ethnicity made him a target after 2001. The man who shot him in the face ten days later had already killed an Indian and a Pakistani.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141156/636d03709c7e80680e0a36d3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="980" height="504"><figcaption>Former Bangladesh Air Force pilot Rais Bhuiyan who was shot in a reprisal attack 10 days after 9/11 in the United States, where he had settled.</figcaption></figure>Bhuiyan made a promise to himself that if he survived, he would spend his life to support peace and humanity. It has been a struggle. He lost sight in one eye, his home, job, fiancé, and sense of security. With no medical insurance, he paid $60,000 in medical bills. “I felt discarded and dehumanised,” he added.But from this pain emerged his non-profit <a href="https://worldwithouthate.org/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://worldwithouthate.org/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGT6AjaWDVPDERVlojZMsbn1Tdt-g">World Without Hate</a>, with the hope that together we can build a world without fear, without violence, without victims. He not only forgave Mark Stroman, his attacker but also campaigned to overturn his death sentence.The effort moved Stroman, who was<a href="https://www.huffpost.com/entry/mark-stroman-execution-texas_n_905579" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.huffpost.com/entry/mark-stroman-execution-texas_n_905579&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEMu2NPQCQ1FaAUtxThP3MQxsCJTg"> executed in 2011</a>, to call for hate to stop, saying that “hate causes a lifetime of pain”.The power of forgiveness also came across strongly in remarks by Mejindarpal Kaur, who remembered Balbir Singh Sodhi, one of the first victims of the post-9/11 hate crimes.For Sikhs, the world changed forever, with their articles of faith being equated with “terror” as they were mistaken for Muslims. The Sikh community has taken a stand with Muslims instead of disassociating themselves.It is an ongoing struggle, said Kaur, and we can’t give up. Those perpetuating evil are not going to look for answers about how to stop the hate.Khushi Kabir from Dhaka said 9/11 led to South Asian states using ‘anti-terror’ laws to curb democracy and free speech. Highlighting the rise in bigotry and othering of minorities.People’s Union of Civil Liberties activist Kavita Srivastava in Jaipur noted that India is reeling from hate crimes and criminalisation of Muslims. Given India’s massive population, she said its actions reverberated in the region.Facebook Live is at <a href="https://fb.watch/8ghBojsp7R/">this link</a>.The section with <a href="https://fb.watch/8gsSLP0ZJD/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://fb.watch/8gsSLP0ZJD/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1633086401819000&amp;usg=AFQjCNErnnCVG5abneOvDS_5rOG8tXK1Nw">Chomsky is at this link</a>.

South Asia after US exit from Afghanistan

Sometimes, we need to take a step back to realise what a tectonic movement Nepali politics witnessed this month.
In a region and world ruled by elected authoritarians, Nepalis &nbsp;went to the ballot box freely to express a collective will for change.
These faces in this group photo of the RSP’s 180 freshly-minted MPs at the ballroom of the Royal Tulip Hotel on Wednesday is symbolic of what Nepal has come through.&nbsp;
The ship of state righted itself after the September Storm, installing an interim government that held an election within six months in which voters banished obsolete politicians and their parties into oblivion.
Nepalis, fed up with the inept kakistocracy of the past three decades, took the country into a post-ideological phase — replacing Marxists, Maoists and monarchists &nbsp;with a belief in a new governing culture that rewards delivery and accountability. And they have trusted the RSP to carry it through.
Nepal’s history has never been linear, it jerks ahead in lurches. The polity also tends to take one step forward and two steps back, so the public’s great expectations is tempered by a sense of cautious optimism and guarded pessimism.
This could be the great leap forward that Nepalis have waited for and deserve, but it could also be a Gramscian interregnum in which the old is dead and the new is not yet born. We will have to wait to see whether this transitional period will also see ‘morbid symptoms’.
As disruptor-in-chief, it was the Balendra Shah ‘wave’ or ‘craze’ that propelled the RSP to power. The former Kathmandu mayor needed a party platform, and the RSP’s tainted leader Rabi Lamichhane required a booster. Nepal's voters were looking for a saviour.
Personality-wise Shah and Lamichhane are poles apart: one is Type B and the other Type A. One is enigmatic, the other phlegmatic. But yin and yang do also tend to complement each other.&nbsp;
Kathmandu’s chattering class is already making self-fulfilling prophecies about the two falling out, and are fishing for hints that they already have. Shah’s absence from the RSP’s orientation this week was taken as a clue.&nbsp;
Closing the two-day tutorial on Wednesday, Lamichhane delivered a fiery 30-minute speech that laid out the RSP’s main agenda: to function differently from the old parties, serve the people, avoid middlemen, become true lawmakers without taking the law into their own hands.&nbsp;
“The old political parties contributed to history, we will build the future with a new political contract with citizens,” he said, trying to rise over past controversies and his abrasive rhetoric to sound statesmanlike.&nbsp;
GIVE AND TAKE
Lamichhane is said to be in touch with the reclusive Shah to announce a compact cabinet next week. Its composition will be an indication of how much give-and-take there was, and whether the criteria for selecting ministers is competence or loyalty.
Will RSP ministers behave like rulers or service providers? The new government will dive right into the economic fallout of the West Asia war with soaring fuel &nbsp;prices, inflation and uncertainty about remittance inflows.
On Thursday, Gagan Thapa resigned as NC chair, taking moral responsibility for the party’s election loss. The UML’s unrepentant K P Oli does not share the same sentiment about who is responsible for his own party’s historic downfall.&nbsp;
NCP chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was luckier than his cross-party cohort, is now a comparative relic in a Parliament largely comprised of freshmen and sophomore lawmakers.
But the NC, UML and NCP still control provincial and most municipal governments. The old parties could try to make things difficult for the RSP at the centre, but it is also an opportunity for them to clean up their act ahead of local elections next year.&nbsp;
Another test for the RSP will be dealing with a heavily-politicised klepto-bureaucracy which has to frontend its policy decisions. &nbsp;

People’s power

Nepal’s new political wave has been described in many ways: a generational shift, a technocratic shift, a shift in ideas, and a shift in political behaviour. Young leaders now sit in Parliament, many with international education and policy experience.
But amid this excitement, a quieter truth risks getting lost: this political transformation is also the ascent of people who, until recently, were the grassroots themselves.
For the first time, many of the people now sitting in government are not distant elites. They are people I have marched with, argued with, worked with, and been inspired by for more than a decade.
They are people who once stood ankle‑deep in floodwaters, not in front of press conferences. As optimism rises around the new government, we must not forget that the climate crisis has not slowed down. 
The monsoon is at our doorstep again. And if the disasters from previous years taught us anything, it is that climate impacts do not wait for political transitions. And our mountains and rivers do not care who sits in Singha Darbar.
What is different this time is who holds power.
During the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/flood-of-despair" target="_blank">September 2024 floods in Kathmandu</a>, the first responders were not the state or development machinery. It was ordinary young people. A loosely formed WhatsApp network coordinated everything from dispatching mountain bikers to landslide‑stranded areas, to pooling relief supplies, to delivering materials to army bases for airlifting. These were citizens acting out of necessity, not mandate.
Many from that very network are now part of the government. As I have argued before in Nepali Times, top‑down climate responses in Nepal have always been too little, too late, and too disconnected from lived experience. The only proven path is bottom‑up, community-led adaptation where those who face the risks daily shape the solutions. 
International research backs this: community-based adaptation has been central to success stories from Bangladesh’s cyclone shelters to Vietnam’s mangrove restoration to the Philippines’ barangay disaster committees. The world has repeatedly learned that resilience grows from the ground up, not the top down.
RARE MOMENT
Nepal now has a rare political moment where people with lived experience of crisis sit in positions of authority. The real test is whether this lived experience becomes policy and immediate action.
The expectation should not be that these new leaders deliver because of their degrees. It should be because they remember where they come from and use their privilege to strengthen and fund local institutions, networks and people who kept this country functioning long before governments did.
The monsoon that starts in June will test the government’s commitment to governing from the bottom up. Will these new leaders govern the way they once volunteered — listening first, acting fast, improvising where needed, and involving those closest to the danger? Or will the weight of the state push them back toward the familiar comfort of top‑down plans and consultant reports?
The challenges are complex. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/a-pre-monsoon-deja-vu" target="_blank">Climate change is driving displacement</a>, deepening poverty, and exacerbating gendered vulnerabilities. Climate adaptation, therefore, needs cross-sectoral solutions that understand how these issues intersect.
Long-term transformation is essential. Our major cities like Kathmandu desperately need a future where rivers are protected instead of mined, where an urban forest cools our heat‑trapping city, and where mobility focuses on sustainability, not just shiny EVs. Our mountain villages and terai lowlands deserve a community resilient to climate impacts, with livelihoods protected.
These require years of work. But immediate, life-saving measures cannot wait.
Will the government finally rein in the sand mining and quarrying upstream of the Rosi and Nakkhu Khola? Will someone sit down with the communities on the riverbanks and listen to the early warning signs they’ve learned through pain? Will climate adaptation be prioritised amidst political noise and competing crises?
Or will we find ourselves, yet again, mourning damage that could have been prevented? I have been inspired by many of the individuals now in government — they questioned old hierarchies, challenged worn‑out norms, and believed that things could be done differently. 
But while the faces in Parliament have changed, the bureaucracy has not. Development organisations and civil society groups have not. And those systems are slow: too slow for the speed at which our climate is changing.
So something has to give. And that shift must begin with remembering where this political movement came from: the grassroots. Those now in power must not forget the urgency they once carried in their bones. They cannot forget the feeling of wading into murky floodwater, holding a bag of rice over their heads. 
And it is our responsibility — mine <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/turning-green-policies-into-greenbacks" target="_blank">as a writer</a>, yours as a reader, and ours as citizens — to remind them. The real spark for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/measuring-climate-impact-on-culture-and-heritage" target="_blank">climate action</a> comes from personal stories of loss, fear, survival, and solidarity. And suddenly, those stories are no longer outside the halls of government. They are inside.
The question is no longer whether our leaders understand the stakes. They do. They lived it. The real question, as the skies grow heavier again, is this: What will we do with this moment?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/a-pre-monsoon-deja-vu">Rastra Raj Bhandari</a> is a co-founder and fellow at the Himalayan Water Project, where he leads the research on climate finance opportunities for the Himalaya. He contributes regularly to Nepali Times on climate change.

Soon, the monsoon

This week, the RSP held a two-day closed orientation camp for its newly elected members of Parliament. The party has also decided to assign parliamentary and Cabinet roles to leaders only after the new MPs are sworn in on 28 March.&nbsp;
This means the new prime minister and his cabinet of 15 ministers are likely to be installed closer to the Nepali New Year, and the expectation is that it will also usher in a new era of governance and politics in Nepal.&nbsp;
Between now and then, there is much speculation regarding who will become new ministers and from which camp—Balendra Shah's or Rabi Lamichanne’s. Meanwhile, the final argument in the petition against the Rabi Lamichanne case revision is set for Thursday, with a verdict expected on the same day.
“In the past, parties did anything to form coalitions and to keep them from splitting ministries and appointing anyone they wanted to, even going against the spirit of the Constitution, but the RSP doesn’t need to partake in any such activities,” says political analyst Indra Adhikari.
Adhikari notes that governance failures in the past was often the result of coalition governments formed through political bargaining that meant the primary party often had to compromise on their agenda.&nbsp;
“But nothing is stopping the party from fulfilling its election manifesto,” she says. “And if they aren’t able to deliver, we know Nepalis are prone to protests, so another revolt is also a possibility.”
Journalist and author Mohan Mainali agrees that the everyday Parliamentary proceedings should go smoothly for new government because of their majority.&nbsp;
But there are questions as to what a near two-thirds majority allows the RSP to achieve in Parliament. Its 182 seats in the Lower House allows the party to enact and amend laws without hurdles and bypass Upper House’s request for Bill revisions. But the RSP has no presence in the National Assembly, and that means that its majority in the Lower House is not enough to amend the Constitution.&nbsp;
“The Constitution poses no obstacles for the RSP to work on improving governance, development and delivery,” says Mainali. &nbsp;“If they do show some performance, it will be easier for them to go into the next election and ask for a two-thirds majority to also amend the constitution,” he adds.
The last coalition government of the UML and Nepali Congress before the GenZ protests had been built upon a primary agreement to make amendments to the Constitution. So, depending on the nature of amendments, the RSP might find some support within the National Assembly at a time when some of the older parties, such as the Nepali Congress, have committed to supporting the new government as well as internal party reforms.
“What we need is a structural overhaul, from our laws and foreign policy to economy and security apparatus, and for this the RSP needs to champion collaboration and consultation for the sake of nation building,” says Indra Adhikari. “So it all comes down to the understanding and judgment of the RSP’s leadership. If they try to go at it alone, it will lead nowhere.”
To be sure, the provincial government could also clean up their act before the next local and provincial elections, which would help the older parties to regain some of their lost footing and rebuild trust.
As it stands, RSP lawmakers will also have to learn to work with each other. Mainali notes that the RSP not being bound by one clear ideology might lead to future problems, including the rumoured animosity between party president Rabi Lamichhane and prime minister-in-waiting Balendra Shah.
“Parties that came before the RSP had an ideology, whether they followed them or not, but the RSP is made of different kinds of people,” says Mainali. “If they are not motivated by a common goal of achieving something tangible in the next five years, it might be difficult for them to stay together.”
Adds Adhikari: “Balendra and Rabi don’t seem to be compatible. Rabi has already failed when it comes to the matters of governance, and Balendra won’t carry that burden. Additionally, there is a struggle between the two in terms of party hierarchy.”
Speaking at the closing of the two-day orientation, from which Balendra Shah was noticably absent, Rabi Lamichanne said that the RSP’s image as intolerant needs to be changed, and that the country is not heading towards totalitarianism but is in the hands of good, new people.
Regardless of the assurance, the general public has seen Balendra Shah and Lamichanne’s disposition in the last several years, and analysts are worried that their personalities and ambition might lead to an environment of increased intolerance.&nbsp;
As it stands in absence of a strong opposition, the responsibility falls on the media and the civil society to be the watchdog and play an effective check and balance role.&nbsp;
“Seeing how Balendra has ignored the media so far and Rabi has made inflammatory remarks in the past, they are probably more intolerant than the likes of Trump and Modi,” says Mainali. He notes that the party does not just have technical human resource and cyber army but a large number of dedicated supporters.&nbsp;
The media must thus continue to build trust by highlighting good work, educating the public on the importance of impartial journalism in democracy and debate any Bill purposed in Parliament, Mainali adds.&nbsp;
Says Adhikari: “The media should praise the government when they do well, motivate them, but it should also point out wrongdoings without fear, and provide recommendations to do better. Otherwise, absolute power corrupts absolutely, which we have seen happen happen in America with Trump and in India with Modi, where extremism has taken over and democracy has been curtailed.”

Balancing act

The sense of sight is front, centre, and everywhere else as hundreds of eyes follow visitors while they move from one painting to the next at Nikhil Bahadur Shakya’s ongoing exhibition at Siddhartha Art Gallery. Shakya has used blank canvases as well as partially-done thangka and paintings as a base for more than 50 works on display. The exhibit takes visitors beyond the physical world into a surreal spiritual realm. Shakya strips the human body down to muscle, tendon, networks of nerves, and skeleton. But all the while, eyes are a constant presence.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708034_dddbfedc57433dc528fbf032642abea4ee67e63875091b06a7804cecdc7716cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026031708034_dddbfedc57433dc528fbf032642abea4ee67e63875091b06a7804cecdc7716cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="Nikhil Bahadur Shakya"> <figcaption>Artist Nikhil Bahadur Shakya with a visitor.</figcaption> </figure>  The central theme is self-reflection and the journey from one’s outward to inward self, and the works offer a glimpse into the artist’s world of mindfulness.&nbsp; Shakya grew up watching his artisan grandfather design jewellery, which he says cultivated in him an interest for art. During the Covid-19 pandemic, confronted by the fragility of life and the stark reality of death, his art took an introspective turn. The paintings have splashes of neon yellow, pink, red, orange, green, and gold, and Shakya combines them with black and white to create the human body, sunflowers, geometrical shapes, and the cosmos — turning these motifs into elements of devotion and spirituality. In Wheel of Life, Shakya adds to an incomplete thangka, contrasting traditional Buddhist devotional imagery with contemporary mosaic art to create a demon holding on to a wheel with a yin and yang symbol.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708034_f2a8e10c73aa83a67e5de06a3f0acff9aa35c1cda278b36fed76ed03e71a7014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026031708034_f2a8e10c73aa83a67e5de06a3f0acff9aa35c1cda278b36fed76ed03e71a7014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nikhil Bahadur Shakya"> <figcaption>Wheel of Life (centre)</figcaption> </figure>  “I wanted to reflect the elements of life and the balance of good and bad in this painting,” explains Shakya. “I took a lot of time to complete this particular piece, but it felt as though my vision flowed out of the brush onto the canvas.” The neon colours used means that visitors can see his artwork under blue light as well, giving viewers a chance to look at a single artwork from two different perspectives. His Sunflower series draws from a field of blossoms, and the eyes stare back at visitors in an almost-hypnotic gaze. In An Ancestral Visit, Shakya goes transcendental to depict the connection of living beings to their forebears.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708038_0fbe465b3af872d04f699030ba093d97aad182221730aef535dbf7d059fb57cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026031708038_0fbe465b3af872d04f699030ba093d97aad182221730aef535dbf7d059fb57cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1431" loading="lazy" alt="sunflower painting"> </figure>  “In my father’s last days, he was unwell and often unable to eat, it left his body very frail,” explains Shakya. “An Ancestral Visit was inspired by a dream in which I saw my father as his former healthy self. That dream made me feel deeply connected to my ancestors.” In another one of his works titled Devotion, a woman prays to a Shivalinga against a background of red-and-white stripes, which was inspired by the tradition of women being at the forefront during religious and spiritual ceremonies.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708038_75e30a4fd339257fbc108e3a326f732fd33d25af0428add0d305b8b7824c558c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2026031708038_75e30a4fd339257fbc108e3a326f732fd33d25af0428add0d305b8b7824c558c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="devotion"> <figcaption>Devotion</figcaption> </figure>  In Sunyata, which shows a skeletal figure meditating as they are surrounded by flames, Shakya captures the chaos of the outside world with peace of the inner self. Shakya was compelled to create Sunyata when he saw a monk, his body thin and face gaunt, meditating peacefully. “Many viewers might find the painting frightening, but when they take it home, I think it will give them strength whenever they feel like they need it,” says Shakya. The exhibit also includes a gigantic painting of Masan Bhairav spread across two canvases, capturing the majesty of the original work housed at Banepa’s Chandeswori Temple. Shakya met the artist who painted it, and asked to reproduce it.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026031708034_0216eac587827b02982f5addbd67c6f852fd7f9f47b477267ea7430d5f862a9b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2026031708034_0216eac587827b02982f5addbd67c6f852fd7f9f47b477267ea7430d5f862a9b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1030" loading="lazy" alt="art review"> </figure>  Geometric figures are another recurring motif on Shakya’s creations, which he says were inspired by mathematics textbooks from his school days. He says, “Art channels the strength of our minds and brings about change in our lives. My paintings reflect the fact that we are all made up of some madness, magic, and love.” Journey to a Visionary Artworld by Nikhil Bahadur Shakya Siddhartha Art Gallery, Baber Mahal Till 6 April 11AM-5PM

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