<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfc579c7e80680e0a0b83jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="639"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Cricketing legend <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/i-am-not-leaving-cricket-i-will-still-play-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Paras Khadka</a>'s decision last week to retire from international cricket and pursue ‘sport politics’ has disappointed fans, and spurred speculation about his future plans.“My journey as an international cricketer ends here but the cricket dreams for my country have just started,” Khadka wrote on Twitter on 3 August, leaving the door open to a potential administrative role in the sport that could elevate Nepal as a Test country.For many, Khadka stepping down came as a shock, and nearly a week after his announcement social media is still resonating with fans imploring him to play for a few more years, with some even urging him to be ‘Nepal’s Imran Khan’ and running for political office.<blockquote><a href="https://t.co/btB0k11Xqe">pic.twitter.com/btB0k11Xqe</a>— Paras Khadka (@paras77) <a href="https://twitter.com/paras77/status/1422372649783627777?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 3, 2021</a></blockquote>Former captain Binod Das says Khadka has at least two more years left in his tank. “Had he chosen to stay on, Nepali cricket and the nation would have benefited greatly,” says Das.Khadka has previously stated that many other players and non-playing staff are contemplating retirement to work at the Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN), which has been plagued with scandals that cricketers like Khadka have blamed for Nepal lagging behind in the sport.Khadka is one of Nepal’s greatest cricketers, combining astute middle-order batting with a mixed bag of deceptive bowling. The anchor of an often-chaotic batting line-up, Khadka scored 315 runs in 10 One Day Internationals (ODIs), 799 runs in 33 Twenty-20 internationals and 1,497 runs in 44 first-class matches.Capable of bowling both off-spin and medium pace, Khadka also took nine wickets in ODIs, eight in T20s and 26 in first-class games. He holds the record with 15 other players of taking the most wickets, four, on ODI debut, a feat he achieved against the Netherlands in 2018.Nepal received five-year long <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-cricket-comes-of-age/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ODI status in 2018</a>, allowing it to go head-to-head against established international outfits like the Netherlands. However, political meddling in CAN and a subsequent ICC ban followed by the Covid-19 pandemic meant that only a handful of games have been played in three and a half years since.With just one-and-half years left on its membership, fixtures will come in thick and fast for the Nepali team. At such a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-ball-is-in-nepals-cricket-court/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">critical juncture</a>, losing their talismanic skipper will hurt the game.“He should not have stepped back at this time, without experienced heads like him in the pavilion, Nepali cricket is sure to suffer,” adds Das, claiming that Nepal’s ODI status itself may now be at risk.Despite the loss of a cricketing stalwart, there is also much to be gained from Khadka’s retirement. A player of Paras’ experience entering sports administration is bound to be constructive, says former chair of CAN Binay Raj Pandey.“How will Nepali cricket flourish if it is administered by people who don’t know their fours and sixes? Paras understands the game and the problems plaguing it, so CAN could do with a capable leader like him,” he adds.Khadka has time and again proven himself. Under his leadership, Nepali cricket has leapfrogged from International Cricket Council (ICC) World Cricket League Division-5 minnows to narrowly missing out on the knockouts of the T20 World Cup, in just four years. His calm and calculated approach to the captaincy was credited as the driving force behind Nepal’s surge.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfc5a9c7e80680e0a0b84jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="675">Khadka’s reputation on the pitch will translate into results off it in an era where sports administration demands sectorial knowledge and technical expertise, explains Pandey. “Nepali cricket is desperate for managers and overseers who have cricketing nous and know-how.”The former national captain's on-field experience will be crucial in getting Nepal to play Test cricket, the most revered format of the game. This means Nepal will need concerted and transparent administration to supplement the conveyor belt of talent it produces.“Paras’ stunning credentials as a player and his undergrad degree in management will combine to contribute effectively heading into sports politics,” notes former CEO of CAN Bhawana Ghimire. “His first innings has finished, and the next one is just starting.”Ironically, Khadka has already been accused of playing politics in the past, as he used his considerable leverage within and outside the game to influence CAN office bearers.Under his insistence, in 2018 the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) filed a case in the Special Court against 10 senior CAN officials, including then Chair Tanka Angbuhang, Vice Chairs Chatur Bahadur Chand and Binod Mainali and General Secretary Ashok Nath Pyakurel. CAN’s membership to ICC was subsequently revoked.Chand returned to CAN as President when the investigation acquitted him, prompting Khadka to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/paras-resigns-as-cricket-captain/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">relinquish the national team captaincy </a>on 15 October 2019.Khadka has the skillset, passion and reputation as well a taste of Nepal’s cricket politics to propel him forward in the industry. All he needs is support to help implement his vision onto Nepali cricket.Says former chair of CAN Binay Raj Pandey: “He has excelled as a player, and so we must support and trust him in whatever path he pursues next.”Translated by Kaustubh Dhital from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125341">Himal Khabar</a>.

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Second innings for Nepal's captain

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce5579c7e80680e096700jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"/><figcaption>Photo: ICC</figcaption></figure>It was the final of the 2018 ICC World Cricket League in Windhoek, and Nepal was in dire straits. Needing 195 runs to win, the team was down to its last wicket at 144.Sandeep Lamichhane and Karan KC then pulled off a heroic and historic last stand of 51 runs to snatch <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-Canada-cricket-victory-miracle%20,4187" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">victory from the jaws of defeat</a> (pictured above). They won the coveted One Day International (ODI) status,  and Nepal was in the same league as cricketing heavyweights England and India.“I was a proud coach witnessing history unfold,” recalls Jagat Tamata, who now coaches the Nepali women’s team. “I will never forget those incredible moments.”But three years after the miraculous win, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-cricket-comes-of-age/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali cricket’s meteoric progress</a> has hit a snag.Nepal is competing internationally in April after a 13-month pandemic-induced pause. Coaches and players alike have bemoaned the lack of international exposure, and its impacts on the game’s development.To be sure, there are age-old problems plaguing Nepali cricket. The International Cricket Council (ICC) suspended the country's cricketing body Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) from 2016 to 2019 for politicising the sport.Corruption and infighting is rampant within governing bodies but crumbling sports infrastructure has not been able to support local talent either.“Unnecessary meddling is an obvious problem, but we are taking small steps to rectify that,” assures CAN President Chatur Bahadur Chand. “With the backing of fans, media and sponsors, we hope to continue important tournaments and increase exposure.”One such tournament, the Everest Premier League, is due to resume in September 2021. Headlined by marquee players like <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/i-am-not-leaving-cricket-i-will-still-play-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">former national captain Paras Khadka</a> and New Zealand pinch-hitter Corey Anderson, the tournament is expected to usher in a new era of fast, exciting and competitive cricket to the country.The sudden rise of cricket in Nepal has transformed the game from an elite pastime to a beloved sport of millions of fans. Imported from Britain in the late 1940s, cricket was first played on four pitches across Tundikhel. CAN was set up in 1946, and soon tournaments under Rana patronage (pictured below) attracted established players from India.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce5599c7e80680e096701jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="939"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“We first started out at Tundikhel, then fanned out to every empty space available,” recalls former cricketer Raju Basnyat. “Cricket really took off once the Tribhuvan University turf ground was completed.”Towards the end of Panchayat, the Royal Nepal Army restricted access to the grounds. Tournaments were cancelled and cricketers started fading into obscurity as international exposure decreased.Cricket made a comeback with Nepal’s first-ever international tournament, the 1996 ACC (Asian Cricket Council) Trophy in Malaysia.  Captain Uttam Karmacharya recalls: “We were excited and nervous, and unsure if we could compete. But as a whole we performed well, as we beat Brunei and Japan and narrowly lost out to Bangladesh, Fiji and Hong Kong.”Nepal’s increasing potential was rewarded with hosting rights for the 1998 ACC Trophy. With no proper cricket ground available, the ACC aided the construction of ground in Pulchok Engineering Campus, St Xaviers’ School and Tribhuvan University, which was soon leased by CAN. This helped raise professionalism in the sport.But while the team performance improved, the system and infrastructure remained primitive. Players had no multi-day match experience, the domestic season was not long enough, and junior cricket had no school tournaments.Despite failings, youth teams propelled Nepal onto the international cricket scene. The country progressed to the second round of the Under-19 World Cup in 2000 and qualified for four successive editions, beating star-studded teams along the way.“Defeating established teams like New Zealand and South Africa are moments I will always cherish,” says current national team Captain Gyanendra Malla. However, Nepal’s performance over the 2012 and 2014 editions were disappointing.“While Test cricket-playing nations get better, we remain static," explains Malla. "We have to make the base strong before expecting results at the senior level."<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce55c9c7e80680e096702jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1265"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Nevertheless, Nepali cricket has improved significantly over the last decade. Under the tutelage of noted Sri Lankan coaches Pubudu Dassanayake and Roy Dias, Nepal jumped from lowly minnows to just missing out on the Twenty-20 World Cup knockouts in 2014. Another celebrated coach, Aussie Dav Whatmore, has recently been appointed head coach, much to the delight of fans and team members.The next logical goal is achieving Test-cricket status--the most revered format of the game.Nepali cricket has all the ingredients to get there. A conveyor belt of young talent, a wealth of experience and passionate fans must now be supported by a system focused on rebuilding infrastructure and keeping politics and corruption off the cricketing pitch.Says Jagat Tamata: “Coaches cannot perform miracles. The fans have their hearts in the right place, but a supportive cricketing system must be in place.”Watch Saglo Samaj tv magazine program every Monday at 8:30pm on DishHome Channel 130.

The ball is in Nepal’s cricket court

<img width="1042" height="750" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60389c7e80680e056e6ajpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Paras Khadka has stepped down as the captain of Nepal’s national cricket team, making the announcement via a Twitter post on 15 October. The resignation comes a day after the International Cricket Council (ICC) restored Nepal's membership by provisionally lifting a ban on Nepal Cricket Council (CAN)."Great to know that the suspension of Nepal cricket has been lifted and would like to wish the new committee to work for the betterment of Nepal cricket, players and its stake holders," wrote Khadka in his social media post.    <img width="624" height="509" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a603b9c7e80680e056e6bjpeg.jpg" alt="">However, Khadka seems to have made the announcement without consulting CAN officials, raising suspicion that all was not well in his relationship with the cricket governing body. The newly-elected chairperson of CAN Chatur Bahadur Chand and General Secretary Ashok Nath Pyakurel  said they had no information of Khadka's decision prior to the public tweet."There was no consultation. In fact I'm finding about it through media," said Chand.Added Pyakurel: "I heard he resigned via social media. We do not know if it is official or not. Once there is an official resignation then there would be further steps."Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-cricket-comes-of-age/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali cricket comes of age</a>, Santa Gaha Magar<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/miracles-happen/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Miracles happen</a>, Marty LoganKhadka debuted in the senior team in the year 2004 and was appointed captain in 2009 when he was just 22. Immediately under his captainship, Nepal won ICC World Cricket League Division 5 for the first time. Since getting ODI status in 2018, Nepal has played 6 matches, win-loss record of 3-3. Of the 28 international T20 matches, he was captained 27 with win and loss record at 12-14.Khadka is the most celebrated and the most successful player in the history of cricket in Nepal.

Paras resigns as cricket captain

<h2>Despite government interference and neglect, Nepal's cricketers are going places</h2><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107101152/6368d6049c7e80680e03145djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1265"/>After a string of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-Canada-cricket-victory-miracle%20,4187" target="_blank" rel="noopener">nail-biting performances</a> and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/nepali-cricket-crosses-boundaries,2090" target="_blank" rel="noopener">momentous achievements</a> the past few years, Nepali cricketers expected more encouragement and support from the government.But they were in for a rude shock: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/image/Open-defecation-free,276" target="_blank" rel="noopener">heavy government interference in the cricket</a> governing body prompted International Cricket Council (ICC) to suspend Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) in 2016.The ICC ban meant that CAN did not have the legitimacy and financial resources to organise domestic leagues and tournaments, which are vital for scouting new talent for the national team. The ban also delayed several sports infrastructure projects.CAN’s General Secretary Ashok Nath Pyakurel says: “The ban pushed Nepal’s cricket back by at least five years.”Despite that and a difficult two years in which skipper Paras Khadka and his team pulled off even more thrilling victories, ICC has finally hinted at lifting the suspension.After CAN agreed to endorse a statute approved by the ICC advisory board, the world cricket body has promised to revoke its decision under one condition: that CAN hold fresh elections under its new statute, effectively ensuring that the government will have no say in its functioning anymore.If the ICC recognises CAN again, Nepali cricket could enter what could be its golden age free from political interference. CAN’s former CEO Bhawana Ghimire says: “The time is ripe for Nepali cricket to strike it big, and it is up to us to remake its future.”Despite all odds, Nepali cricketers have in the last two years <a href="http://www.espncricinfo.com/story/_/id/22777050/biggest-day-nepal-cricket-history-khadka" target="_blank" rel="noopener">earned One Day International (ODI) status</a> with stellar performances, like in Namibia in February, which made headlines not just in Nepal but around the world.To help promote Nepal in the ICC Division 1 status, all-rounder Karan KC played an inning no cricketer had ever played before: as the last batsman standing, KC smashed 42 runs unbeaten off 36 deliveries, securing a one-wicket victory against Canada. ESPN described it as ‘one of the most miraculous endings to an ICC tournament at any level’.<a href="http://www.espncricinfo.com/story/_/id/22450512/cardiac-kids-nepal" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Cardiac Kids from Nepal</a>, as Nepali cricketers were referred to by ESPN after the Namibia tour, travelled to Zimbabwe in March, hoping to qualify for the ICC World Cup. They failed after narrowly falling behind Afghanistan in the run-rate. But they did achieve ODI status till 2022.This international success and support seems to have put moral pressure on CAN’s political appointees to rethink and back off, paving the way for free and fair elections -- a prerequisite for lifting the ICC suspension.The success of Nepali cricketers has in fact spotlighted just how little the government had done to develop the sport. This bolstered the position of those in favour of amending the CAN statute and loosening the government’s grip.CAN General Secretary Pyakurel says: “Even those sabotaging CAN have now understood how important it is to have a strong governing body.”With CAN out of the picture, the private sector had come forward to organise successful domestic tournaments like Dhangadi Premier League (DPL) and Everest Premier League (EPL). Tv channels now pay more than Rs10 million for broadcast rights for each tournament.And for the first time, <a href="http://www.espn.in/cricket/story/_/id/22649032/meet-sandeep-lamichhane-nepal-17-year-old-legspin-prodigy" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian Premier League (IPL) has bought a Nepali spinner Sandeep Lamichhane</a>. He is still struggling to make it to the playing set of the Delhi Daredevils, but he could open the door for other Nepali players in the world’s biggest cricket league.National cricket team coach Jagat Tamata, however, warns that Nepal could easily lose it all again: “We have a tendency to be overconfident and complacent after every major success. We have many more challenges to overcome.”Tamata thinks Nepali cricketers are still not experienced enough for international cricket due to the lack of strong opponents in domestic games.He adds: “If we want good results, there must be more tournaments so there is more choice. I am now mostly selecting the best from among the worst.”

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Nepali cricket comes of age

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigned on Wednesday following increasing coverage of and criticism over his investment in companies linked to controversial Nepali business figures Sulav Agrawal and Deepak Bhatta, who are currently under investigation for money laundering.
‘I am resigning from the position of Home Minister effective today to ensure impartial investigation into matters associated with me, and to make sure that there is no conflict of interest,’ Gurung wrote, saying that morality and public trust mattered more to him than office.
Gurung ended his message to the nation in English as he invoked the security forces, writing: &nbsp;‘For my country and For the respect of our security forces and For the youths of Nepal.’
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Gurung has become the second member to depart the Cabinet, serving for less than a month, despite the Nepali electorate’s hopes that Nepal would finally get a stable government after the RSP’s sweeping victory in the March elections.&nbsp;
Prime Minister Balendra Shah had sought clarification from Gurung on Wednesday after new details emerged about his shares in two micro-insurance companies, Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life, which are said to have been issued their licence by the Nepal Insurance Authority at the behest of Bhatta and Agrawal.
Gurung denied financial misconduct, saying that his investment in the two companies was included in his asset disclosure and insisting the misunderstanding is because of how the shares have been categorised.&nbsp;
Leaders within the RSP had called for an internal investigation into Gurung as they sought to maintain the party’s platform of clean governance and transparency. As such, Gurung’s position had become increasingly untenable, especially since former Labour Minister was sacked without being given an opportunity for clarification over a disciplinary breach involving his wife’s appointment to the Health Insurance Board.&nbsp;
On social media, Sah on Tuesday seemed to express dissatisfaction over the PM’s request for Gurung’s clarification.&nbsp;
Judging by the comments under Gurung’s resignation post, a significant part of the Nepali public seems to be firmly on Gurung’s side, blaming the mass media and what they call mouthpieces of old parties for driving him out of the Cabinet.&nbsp;
This is a reflection of his meteoric rise and the continued support he has maintained since he stepped into the spotlight as the leader of Nepal’s youth movement in the aftermath of the September protest.&nbsp;
Gurung has made headlines constantly ever since he burst onto the national stage, which includes questions over the degree of his and his organisation Hami Nepal’s involvement in the September 9 unrest, calls to divulge details behind Hami Nepal’s finances, and not paying five years of rent for an illegal lakefront property in Pokhara.&nbsp;
There have also been unsubstantiated claims, despite Gurung’s denial, about his ‘ties’ to the Free Tibet movement, which has made the Chinese— as well as Nepalis— wary.&nbsp;
As Home Minister, Gurung cultivated an image of a tough but approachabe leader, overseeing a series of high-profile arrests of previous political leadership and business figures even as he posted photos of sleeping in a sofa in his office, and engaged with the public on the streets and on social media.&nbsp;
As it stands, the Home Ministry was a bone of contention between Shah and RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane before it was awarded to Gurung, who is a close ally of PM Shah. Analysts had noted that with Gurung in charge, the Home Ministry would be a hook for Shah if Lamichhane, with his share of controversies, stepped out of line.&nbsp;
Following Gurung’s resignation, the Prime Minister’s secretariat has said that the PM would take charge of the portfolio for the time being. But it will be interesting to see if and how fresh negotiations for the Ministry unfold within RSP.&nbsp;
And with his supporter base largely intact, it remains to be seen how much of an impact this setback will have on Sudan Gurung’s political aspirations.&nbsp;

Home Minister Sudan Gurung resigns

Sudan Gurung is dancing. It is 2009. He has an emo fringe falling over one eye and is spinning on a polished floor. His dance shows dedication — moves that take years of bruised elbows to land. The clip is 16 years old, and had been sitting in the dead archives of YouTube and old Facebook pages, watched by almost nobody. This month <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@4gr4j/video/7621892206902725909">it has 1.9 million views</a>. Gurung became Home Minister on 27 March and resigned on Wednesday, barely a month into office. His<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@aayvik/video/7626069452177542408"> pre-political life had been put back into circulation</a> at industrial speed -- the b-boying, the DJ sets, and the YouTube video of him dancing in a music clip.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026042202040_71df4d531423e7c941abde95fb8106346c70ab0afb71bbeb520cc570f14ba178.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026042202040_71df4d531423e7c941abde95fb8106346c70ab0afb71bbeb520cc570f14ba178" data-rendition-name="original" width="2300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit"> </figure>  The youth of Nepal, well-versed in snappy TikTok edits and aura compilations, turned the archive into a meme economy almost overnight. TikTok remixed the footage to trap beats. The comments settled on a nickname that crossed into everyday speech within days: 'Homie Minister'. <div class="embed-block"><blockquote class="tiktok-embed" cite="https://www.tiktok.com/@yalexthwreal/video/7622325255792512276" data-video-id="7622325255792512276" style="max-width: 605px;min-width: 325px;" > <section> <a target="_blank" title="@yalexthwreal" href="https://www.tiktok.com/@yalexthwreal?refer=embed">@yalexthwreal</a> <a title="sudangurung" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sudangurung?refer=embed">#sudangurung</a> new home minister of Nepal😎 <a title="fyppppppppppppppppppppppp" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/fyppppppppppppppppppppppp?refer=embed">#fyppppppppppppppppppppppp</a> <a title="sudangrg" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/sudangrg?refer=embed">#sudangrg</a> <a title="home" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/home?refer=embed">#home</a> <a title="minister" target="_blank" href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/minister?refer=embed">#minister</a> <a target="_blank" title="♬ original sound - •⪨н є α я т ❤н α ¢ к є я ⪩• - Music Universe 🎧" href="https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-•⪨н-є-α-я-т-❤н-α-¢-к-є-я-⪩•-7308733170064231170?refer=embed">♬ original sound - •⪨н є α я т ❤н α ¢ к є я ⪩• - Music Universe 🎧</a> </section> </blockquote> <script async src="https://www.tiktok.com/embed.js"></script></div> As Home Minister, Gurung was in charge of the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, Department of Immigration, and the country's internal security apparatus. Calling him 'homie' collapsed the distance between that office and the Discord server where the movement that brought him into power had organised itself. What is harder to explain is why the nostalgic clips did the narrative work for Gurung's political standing right up until the moment the paperwork did not. A teenager on a dance floor in a Thamel club, filmed before smartphones had decent cameras, was functioning as political currency for a powerful home minister, while a share registry was quietly filling the other column. The footage was not an argument. Gurung was not doing anything in it that related to home affairs. He was just dancing. The comments compared him to <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@4gr4j/video/7621892206902725909">Korean film heroes</a>. A separate <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@tandavyt7/video/7622151050128018708">48,000-like edit</a> was captioned 'Our New Home Minister Aura'. The replies were full of people saying they got chills listening to him speak. Even after his resignation, most comments on his Facebook page were supportive, saying he had been punished for pursuing truth and justice.&nbsp; Political legitimacy in Nepal has been built out of many things over the last 70 years, but it has never been built out of this. The question was always: what happens when the job starts demanding things his style, boldness, and swag cannot provide. Political aura in Nepal used to be a slow harvest, now it isn't. B P Koirala spent eight years in prison under the Panchayat. He wrote fiction at Sundari Jal. The writing survived, the prison sentences survived, and that experience became the template for what a serious Nepali politician looked like: someone the state had tried to break and failed. Legitimacy was accumulated by having their lives taken away, and refusing to bend the knee. The old mechanics of legitimacy produced politicians who could be audited. The record was made of words, dates, votes, and years behind bars. A voter who wanted to know what a leader stood for read his writings. A journalist digging for inconsistency could find it. The system was slow, often corrupt, and frequently boring. But boring was part of the job description. A minister was supposed to be slightly dull — evidence that the person was doing the unglamorous work of reading files and sitting through committee meetings. Today, boring is a disqualification. The attention economy rewards velocity and visual charge, and a politician who cannot generate either does not exist in the feed, and that means does not exist at all. The legacy parties are still issuing press statements criticising the new guard in the grammar of paper trails and procedural failure. But the audience has stopped reading, users scroll for their next viral bite. Sudan Gurung, unlike the old parties, understood exactly which grammar the feed rewarded. On his first evening as Home Minister, he posted a photo of himself sleeping on a sofa inside the ministry. Caption: creation cannot be greater than the creator, government is not above the people. The image travelled further in 12 hours than any ministerial press release has ever done.&nbsp; A minister napping on a sofa, phone-shot, zero production, read by the public as evidence of a minister who had skipped the motorcade and got straight to work. Gurung used Facebook to announce the names of former ministers and businessmen he intended to arrest. The feed was used to pre-announce state security action.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260422010456_2fa1918e1dd031d01f38b4001ee306d9414073cec0b795fa43a75cb5a8deb8c7.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260422010456_2fa1918e1dd031d01f38b4001ee306d9414073cec0b795fa43a75cb5a8deb8c7" data-rendition-name="original" width="926" height="868" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit"> </figure>  INFLUENTIAL INFLUENCER This is not how the Ministry of Home Affairs has ever operated. It is how a YouTuber releases a series. Sudan Gurung was a political content creator. As home minister, he was an influential influencer kinetically doing something in the visual medium. Much like Prime Minister Balendra Shah's sunglasses, Gurung's aura, authenticity and swag were a brand asset, instantly recognisable at thumbnail size. Balen's rap career supplies a pre-political archive that authenticates him the same way Gurung's DJ sets and b-boying clips authenticated him. The aesthetic is doing the work a manifesto used to do. The work is authenticity, and the strategy is auramaxxing. The emo fringe predates the ministry. The DJ sets predate Hami Nepal. The b-boying predates the earthquake, the NGO, the September uprising, the interim cabinet, all of it. Whatever Gurung is now, he was already that person before the office existed. This was the real spectacle of the Homie Minister: authenticity. Nepal's youth have grown up watching heavily-polished, talking-point ministers speak in a language aimed at nobody in particular. But that grainy archival clip of the Home Minister from 2009 was honest.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260422010456_5d6dff3a09e8b7e77dc60c3aa567c9e02b6bd5f90f94e20737ec05cc9a09023b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260422010456_5d6dff3a09e8b7e77dc60c3aa567c9e02b6bd5f90f94e20737ec05cc9a09023b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1800" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="When aura meets audit NT"> </figure>  The effect transcended GenZ. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@ektapokharel/video/7623242573481561365">A TikTok trend</a> captioned NOT ONLY OUR HOME MINISTER, WE ARE ALSO FROM THAT ERA <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@sonykhadka/video/7624106790266948872">has millennials posting their own</a> archive photos from the same period, aligning themselves with Gurung's pre-political aesthetic. The aura did <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@_thakuri/video/7623397397556645141">cross-generational work</a>. It was a shared legibility, spanning at least 15 years of Nepali youth culture, with the Home Minister standing at its centre.&nbsp; The traditional politician's entire adult life is a performance of identity. Every photograph is lit for the media, every statement is vetted. The persona is the product, and the product has been in development for 30 years. This makes the old guard legible but suspect in the attention economy. A generation raised on authenticity-as-currency reads the decades of careful performance as evidence of something to hide. The polish is the problem. The nostalgic Sudan Gurung party clips inverted this. The polish was absent. The footage could not be performance aimed at the viewer, because the viewer did not exist in 2009 and neither did the political stakes. The clip was therefore read as real, in a way a press conference can never be. It was just a kid dancing, and he happened to grow up to be the Home Minister. But Sudan Gurung's job was never to go viral. The Ministry of Home Affairs requires the person running it to file a complete asset declaration and to avoid holding financial interests in crony entities.&nbsp; None of that work is content. A correctly filed asset declaration does not get remixed into a trap beat. A functioning immigration database is not a TikTok. The paperwork that constitutes actual governance is structurally boring in exactly the way the old parties are structurally boring, and for the same reason. It is the slow, procedural, checkable apparatus that the old system was built to produce and that the new system has not yet learned to replace. And it is painstaking follow-the-money paper trail investigative journalists in the legacy media who uncovered the evidence. You cannot auramaxx your way out of a share registry. You cannot post your way past a conflict-of-interest statute. No amount of fire outfits and wild DJ transitions does anything for you when a journalist pulls the initial shareholder list of Star Micro Insurance and finds your name at number 49, with Rs2.5 million in shares alongside investors linked to Deepak Bhatta and Sulav Agrawal — two men currently at the centre of a Rs 3.7 billion money laundering investigation. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@blox.drop/video/7622173520981658900">Auramaxxing was engineered</a> for the mechanics of reaching office. It is the reason Sudan Gurung became Home Minister and Gagan Thapa did not. The question that had not yet been tested, until this week, was whether the same weapon works when the terrain changes. The terrain does change when you assume power. This week, the answer arrived. TWO CLOCKS Two clocks had been running, and they did not sync. The first clock was built for auramaxxing. A clip posted at eight in the morning peaked by noon. A sofa photo was remixed before the minister had left the building. The feedback loop is fast and legible, and a politician playing this clock gets real-time data on what to post next. The old guard never learned to read it, which is a large part of why they lost the election. The second clock was the one the ministry actually runs on. It measures in quarters, court calendars, and the slow grind of investigation files moving between offices. A share registry takes weeks to pull. A money-laundering case moves at the speed of the prosecutor's office, which is to say, it often does not appear to move at all, until one morning it does. The legacy mass media is fed leaks, and the second clock does not care whether the minister is currently trending. The two clocks collided this week, and the second clock got there first. Faster than anyone expected. The first clock put Gurung in the Home Ministry in weeks. The second clock put him out of it in less than a month. On Sunday evening, Diyopost and Janaastha published documents showing Gurung as a founding shareholder in Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life — companies licensed by the Nepal Insurance Authority in 2022 following what reporting identified as political lobbying by Bhatta and Agrawal. A photograph also surfaced of Hami Nepal, the NGO Gurung chairs, honouring Bhatta as a donor on 21 December 2021. Gurung's first response was auramaxxed. A Monday Facebook post distinguishing ‘rumours’ from ‘facts’, insisting the shares were disclosed within his broader Rs20 million securities portfolio, promising to cooperate with any investigation. "Allegations and truth are not the same thing," he wrote. "Decisions should be based on evidence, not sentiment." It was a coherent clip, but it did not stop the clock. By Wednesday, Prime Minister Balendra Shah had sought written clarification. Leaders within the RSP itself were calling for his resignation. The opposition Nepali Congress had framed the question as one of democratic transparency.&nbsp; Gurung resigned, posting his decision to Facebook as he did everything else. Ethics, he wrote, hold more weight than any position. There is no power greater than public trust. He ended in English, invoking ‘my country … the respect of our security forces … the youths of Nepal’. Even the exit was content. And this is the asymmetry the office exposed. A politician whose legitimacy is built on fast 30 second videos is structurally exposed to a process that runs slower than the news cycle, because the archive of aesthetic proof was not engineered to answer documentary evidence.&nbsp; It was engineered to displace the demand for documentary evidence in the first place. When that demand returns, as it always does once a politician takes office, the digital archive keeps performing, but the documents keep getting uncovered. And the two tracks do not communicate. The old guard knew this clock because they had no other clock to know. What they lost in charisma they gained in durability: a politician built over 20 years of parliamentary record is harder to dislodge with a single document because they have already survived thousands of documents. The new guard has not been stress-tested against its own paper trail. Sudan Gurung has now been tested, and the test is over, and the template has been written in his exit rather than his survival.&nbsp; A politician can enter office on the strength of a dance clip, and the same class of evidence — share registries, company filings, founding-shareholder lists at number 49 — that would have ended the career of a politician in a previous era of Nepali politics has ended his. The second clock got there. The feed did not save him. Or not entirely. Because the resignation itself is now in the feed. The Facebook post. The 46 brothers and sisters. The epic sign-off. Within hours of stepping down, Gurung had already re-enrolled his exit into the same register that put him in office. The clip of the Home Minister dancing in 2009 is still in circulation. The sofa photo still reads as sincerity. The investigation into the micro-insurance shares will move at the speed of Nepal's prosecutor's office, which is to say, at a speed the feed has long since outrun. The movement that installed Gurung in the name of ending elite capture has had its answer about whether its own hero is subject to the same audit it demanded of everyone else. He walked — or was walked — before the audit ran its course. The resignation was framed as moral choice rather than forced exit, and the framing is already winning. Whether that framing holds is the next test. Auramaxxing, it turns out, is a weapon that works in one direction only: it got him the job, and when the documents arrived, it did not save him. But it may yet save the person. These are not the same thing. If the technique is wounded, it is not yet dead. The next Nepali politician with a pre-political archive and a phone is watching how Gurung exits, not just how he entered. And the answer is: you exit the same way you entered: on Facebook. In your own voice. Before anyone else writes the caption. Whether he comes back is the thing to watch. Whether the technique does is already decided. &nbsp; &nbsp;

When Aura meets Audit

Just three weeks in, Prime Minister Balendra Shah has already shed two ministers, and is having to contend with the economic fallout of the West Asia war plus the global order that it has upended.&nbsp;
The new dispensation in Nepal has aroused interest in New Delhi, Beijing as well as Washington. The ouster of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, whose first act in office was to arrest former prime minister K P Oli, has foreign policy wonks scratching their heads.
The US sent Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Samir Paul Kapur on a special mission to figure out what is happening in Kathmandu. In town at the same time was Cao Jing, Deputy Director General of the Asian Affairs Department of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And Prime Minister Shah is preparing for an official visit to India.
For the Americans, it is mostly about containing China and looking after the welfare of Tibetan refugees, while pushing its own MCC Compact and State Partnership Program (SSP). Beijing is mindful of the post-Dalai Lama era, and does not want instability in Nepal to encourage free-Tibet activities. India lately seems more wary of American activity in what it considers its backyard.
The Chinese appear relieved to see Sudan Gurung go. Only last week, Ambassador Zhang Maoming met Gurung during which he raised the issue of Tibetan and Taiwanese activities in Nepal, seeking firm commitment that Kathmandu would not harbour activities hostile to Beijing.
“Geographically we are close to Tibet and not to the Mainland, so China remains suspicious of us, especially after the TOB and free-Tibet components that emerged from the GenZ protests,” says geopolitical analyst Indra Adhikari.
Kapur, for his part, met RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane, Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle and Foreign Minister Shishir Khanal. Although investment and infrastructure was on the agenda, the main issue seems to have been about Tibetan refugees. In nearly parallel meetings with ministers, Cao Jing warned Nepal not to be too cosy with the Americans.
For Indian academic and Nepal watcher Sukh Deo Muni, all this harks back to American activity in Nepal during the height of the Cold War. He tweeted: ‘US senior diplomat Paul Kapur's statement in Kathmandu must be understood carefully in New Delhi. He said the US does not want China or any other country to dominate Nepal.’&nbsp;
‘Any other country’ could be a pointed reference to India, and what this means is that Nepal may now have to navigate even more carefully a tri-polar world order reshaped by the West Asia war.&nbsp;
Nepali journalist based in New Delhi Akanshya Shah agrees that the United States may not be seeing Nepal through the Indian lens anymore, while New Delhi does not want heightened US activity in what it considers its sphere of influence. All this is further complicated by recent frostiness in Washington-New Delhi ties.
“New Delhi doesn’t have that familiarity factor it used to with old leadership in Nepal, but it is curious about what the young Balen Shah will do and what kind of relation he will pursue with India,” she adds. “Certain decisions of the Balen government such as ending VIP culture and delivering passport at homes have hugely resonated with the Indian people, he has in some ways become a role model among the youth in India as well.”
India has invited Prime Minister Shah for an official state visit, which will be his first foreign trip as per tradition. Shah graduated in structural engineering from a college in Bengaluru, and knows India well. Shah has injected religious elements into his public exposure as prime minister and this could help project Nepal’s ‘soft power’ in dealing with India.
But he has also been a nationalist on the Limpiyadhura map dispute, and there are other thorny issues like air connectivity, river projects and power exports that need to be ironed out.&nbsp;
Sukh Deo Muni warns that the old Indian diplomatic approach based on religio-cultural stakeholders in Kathmandu may not work anymore. He wrote: ‘India's Modi government must prepare itself well to deal with new Nepalese leadership and their empowered support base, which is self-confident, highly nationalist, aspirant and impatient.’
The RSP’s 22-page National Commitment document said Nepal should abandon its historical ‘buffer state’ identity to serve as a ‘vibrant bridge’ between regional and global powers. Much of this debate is theoretical, and there is much navel-gazing that distracts from regional realpolitik.&nbsp;
“Whether we are a buffer state or a vibrant bridge, in today’s heightened geopolitical scenario we have to have good relations with good neighbours,” explains Akanshya Shah. “What is of paramount importance is that our ties are based on the aspirations of the young generation, so that they are engaged.”
Indra Adhikari goes as far as to say that the concepts of “buffer state” and “vibrant bridge” have both failed and Nepal is neither. “We have had zero roles in mediating or de-escalating the tensions between India and China to call ourselves a buffer state. As a vibrant bridge, we cannot facilitate trade of the two countries. The new government should have researched and consulted more before proposing the same outdated and failed foreign policy concepts.”&nbsp;
What will be much more important for Prime Minister Shah is to continue Nepal’s traditional policy of ‘equidistance’ and convince his interlocutors that it is not an anti-Indian stance.&nbsp;
“At a time when there is increased interest of big powers in Nepal, we need to do a bit of our own homework for the systemic reforms we want,” says Akanshya Shah. “As for India, we first need to clearly define what we want on connectivity, energy and culture. But most importantly, we have to capitalise on the goodwill of India which we haven’t been able to in the past.”
Adds Indra Adhikari: “When it comes to fundamental aspects of foreign policy that ensures and enhances the well being of our citizens, national parties should all have one unified voice that doesn’t change when the government does. Only then the future generations can own it.”

Love thy neighbours (and America)

Prime Minister Balendra Shah sought written clarification from Home Minister Sudan Gurung following news of his investment in two companies linked to controversial Nepali business figures Sulav Agrawal and Deepak Bhatt, who are currently at the centre of a Rs3.7 billion money laundering investigation.
Home Minister Gurung's secretariat said that it has responded to the PM and submitted a written explanation. This comes after Home Minister Sudan Gurung issued a public clarification about the new developments regarding his investments on Monday.&nbsp;
Gurung is listed as a founding shareholder of two micro-insurance companies Star Micro Insurance and Liberty Micro Life, having acquired shares amounting to Rs2.5 million. The two companies are said to have been issued their licence by the Nepal Insurance Authority at the behest of Bhatt and Agrawal. Family members and close aides of both Bhatt and Agrawal have stakes in the two companies.&nbsp;
Bhatt, chairman of Infinity Holdings, is a power broker accused of using his political connections to secure and manipulate public procurement contracts, influence policy changes ass well as leadership appointments to regulatory institutions including the Securities Board of Nepal and Nepal Insurance Authority.&nbsp;
Meanwhile, Shanker Group vice-chair Sulav Agrawal was also arrested earlier this month as part of a broader money laundering probe as well as an investigation into the group’s finances. Agrawal was previously arrested during the Covid-19 pandemic after he was found selling &nbsp;67 infrared thermometers from a vehicle with diplomatic credentials. At the time, Bhatt is said to have used his connections to facilitate Agrawal’s release.&nbsp;
Critics have raised concerns the lack of detailed disclosures on Gurung’s part about investments tied to the very figures that his Home Ministry is in charge of investigating. There are also questions as to the source of his investment, which Gurung said in his clarification were raised through loans.
In his clarification, Gurung denied concealing his investments, saying that his shares in the two companies are part of in his over Rs20 million portfolio included in his asset disclosure and insisting the misunderstanding is because of how the shares have been categorised. &nbsp;
On his name and portfolio being associated with controversial figures, he responded, ‘There are hundreds to thousands of shareholders in a company. Buying shares does not constitute a partnership with anyone.’&nbsp;
He continued: ‘If that is the basis, then everyone with investments in those companies must be held accountable, which is not fair. Investments in the companies include those from media houses and banks. Are they all guilty?’
Leaders within the RSP have called for internal investigation into Sudan Gurung, to maintain the party’s platform of clean governance and transparency.&nbsp;
This comes after the sacking of Labour Minister Dipak Sah earlier this month after the RSP found him to be in breach of the party code of conduct following the reappointment of his wife to the Health insurance board. Sah was not given the opportunity for clarification prior to his departure.&nbsp;
Critics have said that the party is reverting to the patronage-driven politics of previous leadership following the appointment of figures close to RSP leadership in various key positions.
Many influential business owners elected to the House with direct stakes in the business, finance, tourism, and infrastructure sectors sit in Parliamentary Committees that would directly benefit their interests. &nbsp;
On Monday, RSP appointed Bhupdev Shah, who previously was a part of Balen Shah’s secretariat during his tenure as Kathmandu Mayor, as the party’s general secretary. Some have questioned the party’s decision to appoint Shah without going through an election process in its upcoming general convention.&nbsp;
Shah’s appointment comes as there is increased public attention over members of the Prime Minister’s inner circle being appointed to key advisory positions as well as to head governance reform committees.

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