<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfc579c7e80680e0a0b83jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="639"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Cricketing legend <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/i-am-not-leaving-cricket-i-will-still-play-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Paras Khadka</a>'s decision last week to retire from international cricket and pursue ‘sport politics’ has disappointed fans, and spurred speculation about his future plans.“My journey as an international cricketer ends here but the cricket dreams for my country have just started,” Khadka wrote on Twitter on 3 August, leaving the door open to a potential administrative role in the sport that could elevate Nepal as a Test country.For many, Khadka stepping down came as a shock, and nearly a week after his announcement social media is still resonating with fans imploring him to play for a few more years, with some even urging him to be ‘Nepal’s Imran Khan’ and running for political office.<blockquote><a href="https://t.co/btB0k11Xqe">pic.twitter.com/btB0k11Xqe</a>— Paras Khadka (@paras77) <a href="https://twitter.com/paras77/status/1422372649783627777?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 3, 2021</a></blockquote>Former captain Binod Das says Khadka has at least two more years left in his tank. “Had he chosen to stay on, Nepali cricket and the nation would have benefited greatly,” says Das.Khadka has previously stated that many other players and non-playing staff are contemplating retirement to work at the Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN), which has been plagued with scandals that cricketers like Khadka have blamed for Nepal lagging behind in the sport.Khadka is one of Nepal’s greatest cricketers, combining astute middle-order batting with a mixed bag of deceptive bowling. The anchor of an often-chaotic batting line-up, Khadka scored 315 runs in 10 One Day Internationals (ODIs), 799 runs in 33 Twenty-20 internationals and 1,497 runs in 44 first-class matches.Capable of bowling both off-spin and medium pace, Khadka also took nine wickets in ODIs, eight in T20s and 26 in first-class games. He holds the record with 15 other players of taking the most wickets, four, on ODI debut, a feat he achieved against the Netherlands in 2018.Nepal received five-year long <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-cricket-comes-of-age/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">ODI status in 2018</a>, allowing it to go head-to-head against established international outfits like the Netherlands. However, political meddling in CAN and a subsequent ICC ban followed by the Covid-19 pandemic meant that only a handful of games have been played in three and a half years since.With just one-and-half years left on its membership, fixtures will come in thick and fast for the Nepali team. At such a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-ball-is-in-nepals-cricket-court/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">critical juncture</a>, losing their talismanic skipper will hurt the game.“He should not have stepped back at this time, without experienced heads like him in the pavilion, Nepali cricket is sure to suffer,” adds Das, claiming that Nepal’s ODI status itself may now be at risk.Despite the loss of a cricketing stalwart, there is also much to be gained from Khadka’s retirement. A player of Paras’ experience entering sports administration is bound to be constructive, says former chair of CAN Binay Raj Pandey.“How will Nepali cricket flourish if it is administered by people who don’t know their fours and sixes? Paras understands the game and the problems plaguing it, so CAN could do with a capable leader like him,” he adds.Khadka has time and again proven himself. Under his leadership, Nepali cricket has leapfrogged from International Cricket Council (ICC) World Cricket League Division-5 minnows to narrowly missing out on the knockouts of the T20 World Cup, in just four years. His calm and calculated approach to the captaincy was credited as the driving force behind Nepal’s surge.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141124/636cfc5a9c7e80680e0a0b84jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="675">Khadka’s reputation on the pitch will translate into results off it in an era where sports administration demands sectorial knowledge and technical expertise, explains Pandey. “Nepali cricket is desperate for managers and overseers who have cricketing nous and know-how.”The former national captain's on-field experience will be crucial in getting Nepal to play Test cricket, the most revered format of the game. This means Nepal will need concerted and transparent administration to supplement the conveyor belt of talent it produces.“Paras’ stunning credentials as a player and his undergrad degree in management will combine to contribute effectively heading into sports politics,” notes former CEO of CAN Bhawana Ghimire. “His first innings has finished, and the next one is just starting.”Ironically, Khadka has already been accused of playing politics in the past, as he used his considerable leverage within and outside the game to influence CAN office bearers.Under his insistence, in 2018 the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority (CIAA) filed a case in the Special Court against 10 senior CAN officials, including then Chair Tanka Angbuhang, Vice Chairs Chatur Bahadur Chand and Binod Mainali and General Secretary Ashok Nath Pyakurel. CAN’s membership to ICC was subsequently revoked.Chand returned to CAN as President when the investigation acquitted him, prompting Khadka to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/paras-resigns-as-cricket-captain/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">relinquish the national team captaincy </a>on 15 October 2019.Khadka has the skillset, passion and reputation as well a taste of Nepal’s cricket politics to propel him forward in the industry. All he needs is support to help implement his vision onto Nepali cricket.Says former chair of CAN Binay Raj Pandey: “He has excelled as a player, and so we must support and trust him in whatever path he pursues next.”Translated by Kaustubh Dhital from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/125341">Himal Khabar</a>.

original

674x448

610x380

500x500

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

Second innings for Nepal's captain

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce5579c7e80680e096700jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"/><figcaption>Photo: ICC</figcaption></figure>It was the final of the 2018 ICC World Cricket League in Windhoek, and Nepal was in dire straits. Needing 195 runs to win, the team was down to its last wicket at 144.Sandeep Lamichhane and Karan KC then pulled off a heroic and historic last stand of 51 runs to snatch <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-Canada-cricket-victory-miracle%20,4187" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">victory from the jaws of defeat</a> (pictured above). They won the coveted One Day International (ODI) status,  and Nepal was in the same league as cricketing heavyweights England and India.“I was a proud coach witnessing history unfold,” recalls Jagat Tamata, who now coaches the Nepali women’s team. “I will never forget those incredible moments.”But three years after the miraculous win, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-cricket-comes-of-age/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali cricket’s meteoric progress</a> has hit a snag.Nepal is competing internationally in April after a 13-month pandemic-induced pause. Coaches and players alike have bemoaned the lack of international exposure, and its impacts on the game’s development.To be sure, there are age-old problems plaguing Nepali cricket. The International Cricket Council (ICC) suspended the country's cricketing body Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) from 2016 to 2019 for politicising the sport.Corruption and infighting is rampant within governing bodies but crumbling sports infrastructure has not been able to support local talent either.“Unnecessary meddling is an obvious problem, but we are taking small steps to rectify that,” assures CAN President Chatur Bahadur Chand. “With the backing of fans, media and sponsors, we hope to continue important tournaments and increase exposure.”One such tournament, the Everest Premier League, is due to resume in September 2021. Headlined by marquee players like <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/i-am-not-leaving-cricket-i-will-still-play-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">former national captain Paras Khadka</a> and New Zealand pinch-hitter Corey Anderson, the tournament is expected to usher in a new era of fast, exciting and competitive cricket to the country.The sudden rise of cricket in Nepal has transformed the game from an elite pastime to a beloved sport of millions of fans. Imported from Britain in the late 1940s, cricket was first played on four pitches across Tundikhel. CAN was set up in 1946, and soon tournaments under Rana patronage (pictured below) attracted established players from India.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce5599c7e80680e096701jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="939"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“We first started out at Tundikhel, then fanned out to every empty space available,” recalls former cricketer Raju Basnyat. “Cricket really took off once the Tribhuvan University turf ground was completed.”Towards the end of Panchayat, the Royal Nepal Army restricted access to the grounds. Tournaments were cancelled and cricketers started fading into obscurity as international exposure decreased.Cricket made a comeback with Nepal’s first-ever international tournament, the 1996 ACC (Asian Cricket Council) Trophy in Malaysia.  Captain Uttam Karmacharya recalls: “We were excited and nervous, and unsure if we could compete. But as a whole we performed well, as we beat Brunei and Japan and narrowly lost out to Bangladesh, Fiji and Hong Kong.”Nepal’s increasing potential was rewarded with hosting rights for the 1998 ACC Trophy. With no proper cricket ground available, the ACC aided the construction of ground in Pulchok Engineering Campus, St Xaviers’ School and Tribhuvan University, which was soon leased by CAN. This helped raise professionalism in the sport.But while the team performance improved, the system and infrastructure remained primitive. Players had no multi-day match experience, the domestic season was not long enough, and junior cricket had no school tournaments.Despite failings, youth teams propelled Nepal onto the international cricket scene. The country progressed to the second round of the Under-19 World Cup in 2000 and qualified for four successive editions, beating star-studded teams along the way.“Defeating established teams like New Zealand and South Africa are moments I will always cherish,” says current national team Captain Gyanendra Malla. However, Nepal’s performance over the 2012 and 2014 editions were disappointing.“While Test cricket-playing nations get better, we remain static," explains Malla. "We have to make the base strong before expecting results at the senior level."<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121148/636ce55c9c7e80680e096702jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1265"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Nevertheless, Nepali cricket has improved significantly over the last decade. Under the tutelage of noted Sri Lankan coaches Pubudu Dassanayake and Roy Dias, Nepal jumped from lowly minnows to just missing out on the Twenty-20 World Cup knockouts in 2014. Another celebrated coach, Aussie Dav Whatmore, has recently been appointed head coach, much to the delight of fans and team members.The next logical goal is achieving Test-cricket status--the most revered format of the game.Nepali cricket has all the ingredients to get there. A conveyor belt of young talent, a wealth of experience and passionate fans must now be supported by a system focused on rebuilding infrastructure and keeping politics and corruption off the cricketing pitch.Says Jagat Tamata: “Coaches cannot perform miracles. The fans have their hearts in the right place, but a supportive cricketing system must be in place.”Watch Saglo Samaj tv magazine program every Monday at 8:30pm on DishHome Channel 130.

The ball is in Nepal’s cricket court

<img width="1042" height="750" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60389c7e80680e056e6ajpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Paras Khadka has stepped down as the captain of Nepal’s national cricket team, making the announcement via a Twitter post on 15 October. The resignation comes a day after the International Cricket Council (ICC) restored Nepal's membership by provisionally lifting a ban on Nepal Cricket Council (CAN)."Great to know that the suspension of Nepal cricket has been lifted and would like to wish the new committee to work for the betterment of Nepal cricket, players and its stake holders," wrote Khadka in his social media post.    <img width="624" height="509" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a603b9c7e80680e056e6bjpeg.jpg" alt="">However, Khadka seems to have made the announcement without consulting CAN officials, raising suspicion that all was not well in his relationship with the cricket governing body. The newly-elected chairperson of CAN Chatur Bahadur Chand and General Secretary Ashok Nath Pyakurel  said they had no information of Khadka's decision prior to the public tweet."There was no consultation. In fact I'm finding about it through media," said Chand.Added Pyakurel: "I heard he resigned via social media. We do not know if it is official or not. Once there is an official resignation then there would be further steps."Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-cricket-comes-of-age/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepali cricket comes of age</a>, Santa Gaha Magar<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/miracles-happen/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Miracles happen</a>, Marty LoganKhadka debuted in the senior team in the year 2004 and was appointed captain in 2009 when he was just 22. Immediately under his captainship, Nepal won ICC World Cricket League Division 5 for the first time. Since getting ODI status in 2018, Nepal has played 6 matches, win-loss record of 3-3. Of the 28 international T20 matches, he was captained 27 with win and loss record at 12-14.Khadka is the most celebrated and the most successful player in the history of cricket in Nepal.

Paras resigns as cricket captain

<h2>Despite government interference and neglect, Nepal's cricketers are going places</h2><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107101152/6368d6049c7e80680e03145djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1265"/>After a string of <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Nepal-Canada-cricket-victory-miracle%20,4187" target="_blank" rel="noopener">nail-biting performances</a> and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/nepali-cricket-crosses-boundaries,2090" target="_blank" rel="noopener">momentous achievements</a> the past few years, Nepali cricketers expected more encouragement and support from the government.But they were in for a rude shock: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/image/Open-defecation-free,276" target="_blank" rel="noopener">heavy government interference in the cricket</a> governing body prompted International Cricket Council (ICC) to suspend Cricket Association of Nepal (CAN) in 2016.The ICC ban meant that CAN did not have the legitimacy and financial resources to organise domestic leagues and tournaments, which are vital for scouting new talent for the national team. The ban also delayed several sports infrastructure projects.CAN’s General Secretary Ashok Nath Pyakurel says: “The ban pushed Nepal’s cricket back by at least five years.”Despite that and a difficult two years in which skipper Paras Khadka and his team pulled off even more thrilling victories, ICC has finally hinted at lifting the suspension.After CAN agreed to endorse a statute approved by the ICC advisory board, the world cricket body has promised to revoke its decision under one condition: that CAN hold fresh elections under its new statute, effectively ensuring that the government will have no say in its functioning anymore.If the ICC recognises CAN again, Nepali cricket could enter what could be its golden age free from political interference. CAN’s former CEO Bhawana Ghimire says: “The time is ripe for Nepali cricket to strike it big, and it is up to us to remake its future.”Despite all odds, Nepali cricketers have in the last two years <a href="http://www.espncricinfo.com/story/_/id/22777050/biggest-day-nepal-cricket-history-khadka" target="_blank" rel="noopener">earned One Day International (ODI) status</a> with stellar performances, like in Namibia in February, which made headlines not just in Nepal but around the world.To help promote Nepal in the ICC Division 1 status, all-rounder Karan KC played an inning no cricketer had ever played before: as the last batsman standing, KC smashed 42 runs unbeaten off 36 deliveries, securing a one-wicket victory against Canada. ESPN described it as ‘one of the most miraculous endings to an ICC tournament at any level’.<a href="http://www.espncricinfo.com/story/_/id/22450512/cardiac-kids-nepal" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The Cardiac Kids from Nepal</a>, as Nepali cricketers were referred to by ESPN after the Namibia tour, travelled to Zimbabwe in March, hoping to qualify for the ICC World Cup. They failed after narrowly falling behind Afghanistan in the run-rate. But they did achieve ODI status till 2022.This international success and support seems to have put moral pressure on CAN’s political appointees to rethink and back off, paving the way for free and fair elections -- a prerequisite for lifting the ICC suspension.The success of Nepali cricketers has in fact spotlighted just how little the government had done to develop the sport. This bolstered the position of those in favour of amending the CAN statute and loosening the government’s grip.CAN General Secretary Pyakurel says: “Even those sabotaging CAN have now understood how important it is to have a strong governing body.”With CAN out of the picture, the private sector had come forward to organise successful domestic tournaments like Dhangadi Premier League (DPL) and Everest Premier League (EPL). Tv channels now pay more than Rs10 million for broadcast rights for each tournament.And for the first time, <a href="http://www.espn.in/cricket/story/_/id/22649032/meet-sandeep-lamichhane-nepal-17-year-old-legspin-prodigy" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian Premier League (IPL) has bought a Nepali spinner Sandeep Lamichhane</a>. He is still struggling to make it to the playing set of the Delhi Daredevils, but he could open the door for other Nepali players in the world’s biggest cricket league.National cricket team coach Jagat Tamata, however, warns that Nepal could easily lose it all again: “We have a tendency to be overconfident and complacent after every major success. We have many more challenges to overcome.”Tamata thinks Nepali cricketers are still not experienced enough for international cricket due to the lack of strong opponents in domestic games.He adds: “If we want good results, there must be more tournaments so there is more choice. I am now mostly selecting the best from among the worst.”

1250x600

1084x550

Nepali cricket comes of age

In 2003, the death by police firing of a student protesting a rise in fuel prices pushed Nepal’s student activists to join the प्रतिगमन विरोधी आन्दोलन (Movement Against Regression), which political parties had begun after king Gyanendra’s sacking an elected government a year before. The students’ participation elevated the movement and prompted more Nepalis to join in, leading to the People’s Movement that first sidelined the monarchy and then abolished it in 2008.&nbsp; That took five years to happen. But 12 years later, this month, a youth-led protest forced the prime minister to resign within 30 hours.&nbsp; Police massacred GenZ activists, many of them students, outside Parliament on 8 September. This intensified public anger, leading to targeted attacks, looting, and burning of the homes of political leaders, private businesses, and public buildings.&nbsp; Amid the smouldering ruins of state institutions, young Nepalis chose a new prime minister to lead an interim government and deliver a fresh mandate. All of this happened in five days.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250910140912_019d62de4b62a366299a27d1276e931a7dadefcc674441e7fb3acd503970efaf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250910140912_019d62de4b62a366299a27d1276e931a7dadefcc674441e7fb3acd503970efaf" data-rendition-name="original" width="8000" height="5760" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal in ashes"> <figcaption>Parliament building up in flames during the GenZ protest on 9 September. Photo: KAMAL PRASAI</figcaption> </figure>  Students have been central to Nepal’s democratic and political process since the mid 20th century. In her 2018 book Making New Nepal, researcher Amanda Thérèse Snellinger traces the history of student activism and politics against a background of &nbsp;Nepal’s socio-political history and party politics.&nbsp; Snellinger examines the interplay of ideology and identity, explores how student activists fit into a political landscape continually occupied by the traditional elite, and details how student leaders have established themselves through relationships with influential actors on local, national, regional, and transnational levels. The Rana regime’s repression caused students to be politically aware. In 1947, students held the first organised protest against the Rana autocracy demanding educational reforms. The breadth of student activism expanded during the Panchayat era after king Mahendra banned political parties, which drove mainstream politicians and parties underground. &nbsp;Student activists then became proxies for multiparty democracy because they were still able to organise.&nbsp; Student politics was institutionalised, and unions emerged as vanguard sister organisations of political parties. Student activism, more so than mainstream political parties, played key roles during &nbsp;both major movements in 1990 and the 2000s, as they mobilised the citizenry to join the democratic process.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250924130940_f94cf97fb7ed98b90b48736e1aa8a76466f50337dffc36ec78e9cd5e6927deea.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250924130940_f94cf97fb7ed98b90b48736e1aa8a76466f50337dffc36ec78e9cd5e6927deea" data-rendition-name="original" width="1952" height="2928" loading="lazy" alt="1990 people's movement Nepal"> <figcaption>The iconic image of the 1990 People's Movement agaist the autocratic Panchyat regime of the king. Photo: MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA</figcaption> </figure>  Through extensive ethnographic research between 2003 and 2015, Snellinger investigates the political coming of age of student activists during the final years of the armed insurgency and their role in and beyond the movement that ultimately abolished the monarchy. Her research revolves around the political journeys of five student activists: Akash and Rishi from the Nepali Congress (NC) student wing Nepal Student Union (NSU), Salini from the UML’s All Nepal National Free Students’ Union (ANNFSU-Akhil), Gyanu from ANNISU-Revolutionary of the Maoists, and Lagan, who began his political journey from Nepal Majdoor Kisan Party’s student wing Nepal Krantikari Bidyarthi Sangathan. The ‘movement against regression’ in 2003 served as the entry point &nbsp;for activists into national party politics. Indeed, it was their &nbsp;participation in the movement that elevated the profile of the main subjects of Snellinger’s research. In the years that followed, the paths of the five activists diverged. Some made it into mainstream politics, even becoming lawmakers. In doing so, they have had to trade idealism for pragmatism, and their attempts realise their previous vision for Nepal’s democracy have been overshadowed by their political opportunism and position. And even decades after they began their journey as student activists, the generation that the book focuses on are still considered &nbsp;‘youth’ leaders. Snellinger quotes a former student leader who joined mainstream politics as saying: “I am still a youth because &nbsp;my aspirations remain unfulfilled.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250924130944_7cca095d79fb5ce45cf92c61b77d72c31c5e0931aa744c73e264b6f91efdd29b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250924130944_7cca095d79fb5ce45cf92c61b77d72c31c5e0931aa744c73e264b6f91efdd29b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1004" loading="lazy" alt="2006 People's Movement of Nepal"> <figcaption>A student protester wearing a paper crown and ridiculing Gyanendra with an impersonation, a day after king stepped down and left his palace. Photo: AJAY JOSHI / A PEOPLE WAR</figcaption> </figure>  Meanwhile, the refusal of Nepal’s octogenarian leaders to retire (even after The upheaval this month) has created a surplus of younger adults waiting in the wings, making the word ‘youth’ relative in Nepal’s political trajectory. Other subjects of Snellinger's research have retreated from student and mainstream activism, either in disappointment over their mother party’s retreat from some of their more radical positions, or to &nbsp;continue their work at the community level through education and journalism. One of them has leveraged her political connections to further women-led initiatives after unsuccessful election bids. Nearing the end of her research in 2015, Snellinger observes the disappointment of Madhesi communities whose movement to demand more inclusive provisions of the draft Constitution had gone in vain, even after 45 lives were lost.&nbsp; As the Constitution was promulgated in 2015, TVs were switched off in the Tarai, and there were sighs of resignation. In Kathmandu, Snelllinger noted that the student leaders that entered mainstream politics protesting for inclusive democracy had little empathy for the struggles and similar demands of groups in the Madhes. Despite the students’ role in ending the monarchy, Nepal’s political status quo has remained. The institutions and people that replaced the &nbsp;monarchy have allowed one set of Kathmandu elites to be replaced with another.&nbsp; The socio-political benefits promised during the movement two &nbsp;decades ago have remained tightly controlled by leaders who refuse to give up their hold on power. The political system was overhauled, but without concrete reform. It was only a matter of time before public frustration would boil over. Indeed, Snellinger concludes her book by predicting the inevitability of future movements in Nepal.&nbsp; She writes: ‘Leaders emerge through the andolan … a new generation will emerge shaped by Nepal’s accumulated socio-political heritage, which they will mediate to shape a liveable present and future for themselves in their country, perhaps by continuing the movement.’&nbsp; And that is exactly what happened on 8-9 September. Students marched in the streets demanding an end to corruption and impunity, but this time not as proxies of political parties.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250908120948_8a9acceede487651487c2f15b65e40f900ee6cd390bbf98394eade6b95d05b28.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250908120948_8a9acceede487651487c2f15b65e40f900ee6cd390bbf98394eade6b95d05b28" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"> <figcaption>A student during the GenZ protest against acorruption on 8 September. Photo: SUDIKSHA TULADHAR</figcaption> </figure>  Their desire for socio-political reform was apolitical at a time in Nepal’s history when the nation’s student organisations have weakened and lost credibility, mirroring the erosion of trust in their parent parties. Along with party-based student unions, the Free Student Union (FSU)— the umbrella body all student unions—has lost its reputation due to corruption and embezzlement. That is not to say there are no similarities in movements past and present. Whether political or apolitical, protests have been overshadowed by a lack of unity within the groups that spearhead movements. They have led to destruction of public and private institutions.&nbsp; Leaders of youth and student movements have also had to bear the brunt of the frustration of the people they represent when there is no delivery on their demands. The academics of students have suffered because of frequent lockouts of university and college administration. Youth andolan, whether political or apolitical, has been a rite of passage into Nepali democratic politics — dissensus is an integral part of political regeneration. It remains to be see how the fall &nbsp;from grace of political parties after the GenZ movement will affect their affiliated student unions. As elections approach, student unions and youth collectives will find their own footing in Nepal’s &nbsp;newly emerging socio-political landscape. The youth who took to the streets are asking for a complete overhaul for political parties. Establishmentarian leaders still have not seen the writing on the wall.&nbsp; NextGen leaders in their parties have been waiting for years for their turn &nbsp;to break through the glass ceiling. These established political actors will not go down without a fight in the run-up to March elections.&nbsp; Amanda Thérèse Snellinger perhaps needs a post-script or even a sequel to her book to see how a new generation of leaders, forged by their student activism, will compete in Nepal's new political arena.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250923190928_98d53dd49d56c92950bc34642eaee51dea458fd64312d945a358ad70e5e994bb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250923190928_98d53dd49d56c92950bc34642eaee51dea458fd64312d945a358ad70e5e994bb" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Making new Nepal book details NT"> </figure>

Nepal’s historic youth dissensus

What does a journalist do when young protesters are shot in front of her? Does she do her job and stay neutral? Can you stay neutral?&nbsp; As protests engulfed Kathmandu, Nepal's journalists found themselves reporting a story that was personal. While doing their job, some of them were even targeted by mobs.&nbsp; Dart Asia Pacific Fellow <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/arunkarki/" target="_blank">Arun Karki</a> visited their newsrooms and spoke with his colleagues on their experience of reporting the GenZ protests that erupted on 8 September. These are the first-hand accounts of journalists who witnessed the turmoil in the city they call home. Sunita Karki was at a workshop in a hotel on 8 September. She saw the first waves of protests through hotel windows. Curfew alerts flooded her phone, a vehicle belonging to a human rights group sat burning across the road, young boys were taking their wounded friends on motorbikes to the Everest Hospital, and police were beating a teenager with hands raised up.&nbsp; “I cried a lot,” she said, but the tears were not out of fear -- they were because she felt guilt. “I couldn’t write the news. We were witnessing these scenes from a five-star hotel.” By evening, the death toll had reached 19. On 9 September at about 3:35 p.m. &nbsp;her outlet, the Annapurna Post's office in Tinkune, Kathmandu, was set on fire. Staff had to leave the building as parts of the newsroom burnt down.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250924040948_e1cc49c9e4fcc4bd4cd3c0163c782fc4e9956bf633cff7b53a63cf8e2dd74cff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250924040948_e1cc49c9e4fcc4bd4cd3c0163c782fc4e9956bf633cff7b53a63cf8e2dd74cff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Dart Centre Asia Pacific"> </figure>  When she knew her office was burning, she anxiously told her husband that she would resign from the job: "If we have to hide our identification cards in every protest, what kind of journalist am I?" she asked herself. She filed a story the next day, but her emotions kept bouncing between that of a journalist’s duty and shock. She said that in moments like this, it’s hard to feel truly neutral. After watching the police beat people, she felt a strong urge to step in, not just stand back and report. The first real calm came later, when people came to the street and lit small candles together. “This was a sort of victory procession. I felt some relief after brutal days,” she said. <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/angaddhakal/" target="_blank">Angad Dhakal</a> a photojournalist who works at Kantipur National Daily, was standing outside his office building when protesters stormed in and set parts of it on fire. He had already been informed that protesters were planning to torch his office building and &nbsp;rushed to his office hoping to save his hard drives containing ten years of photography work. He failed. He raised his camera and "forcefully" pressed the shutter - more to document the scene than out of "professional enthusiasm or duty".&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250924040948_ebafaacb85c4ea045c41f2c63f1eff06fee9a4ddb5fbf419724e1a5d533781fa.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250924040948_ebafaacb85c4ea045c41f2c63f1eff06fee9a4ddb5fbf419724e1a5d533781fa" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="It is hard to feel neutral NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GAURAV POKHAREL</figcaption> </figure>  “My office was burning. What should I photograph?” he recalled. A few moments later, a protester noticed the “PHOTO” label on his yellow Press jacket. Dhakal deflected it by saying he was an early career freelancer and YouTuber. So that protesters wouldn't find out, he went to one corner and took his jacket off. When it comes to covering street protests, &nbsp;Angad usually stands near the police because it feels safer. But on 8 September, fire and gunshots made even that area unsafe. A rubber bullet hit his friend Dipendra Dhungana that badly injured him.&nbsp; He thought, “Where do we go now? If we stay here, we’ll be hit.” After witnessing two days of protests, violence, and killings, and seeing his own office burning, he couldn't sleep for days. The same afternoon that government buildings burned and Kantipur was attacked, a message in a protest Discord forum talked openly of 'attacking Kantipur'.&nbsp; Rumours spread to other outlets. Outside OnlineKhabar's office, where <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/article/edit/7376157229248528384/?author=urn%3Ali%3Afsd_company%3A79132377#" target="_blank">Gaurav Pokharel</a> works, the newsroom manager saw “very suspicious people were walking around”. They lowered blinds, avoided windows, locked the front gate and dispersed staff to other places across the city. The outlet was threatened and effectively locked down, but not torched. Pokharel hid his press ID. “ I never showed the ID card. Sometimes I had to enter the crowd shouting slogans, just to blend in among the protesters,” he said. He watched people fall under gunfire, he helped pull one surrounded journalist out of a hostile crowd.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250924040948_3b335eee57280373cb51f460534ca4476df23f89c787ba9e4a66d116a537b1a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250924040948_3b335eee57280373cb51f460534ca4476df23f89c787ba9e4a66d116a537b1a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="It is hard to feel neutral NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GAURAV POKHAREL</figcaption> </figure>  As a freelancer, Gaurav also contributed articles for international outlets. Later, while transcribing an interview of a young protest organiser, he wrote to his editor at an international outlet : “This was very hard to write. I cried many times while doing it.” He had been working at a stretch for days battling bouts of exhaustion and low blood pressure.&nbsp; Protesters vandalised and set fire within the Singha Darbar complex housing Nepal Television and Radio Nepal. They tried to disrupt public broadcasting.&nbsp; Surendra Paudyal began the day with his press ID hanging on his neck, thinking it would let him move freely. But when he reached Singha Darbar around 3:30PM, the situation felt dangerous.&nbsp; He put the ID in his pocket. When asked what mattered most, he answered without pause: life comes first. In that moment, he felt real fear and a strong duty to protect his team.&nbsp; His focus narrowed to basic things: stay calm, find exits, get everyone out safely. Later, they were able to keep the 8 pm news on air through a regional link. He felt mixed emotions and a sense of relief that the broadcast continued, but also sadness and anger that their own studio had come under attack. Reprinted with permission from the Dart Centre Asia Pacific, a regional hub that provides trauma-informed support and advice to journalists.

"It is hard to feel neutral"

Harry Jackson was on an epic adventure ‘from Thailand to the UK on 2 wheels’ when he ran into the ultimate sidequest. Having just visited Zangla in Ladakh, Jackson had only landed in Kathmandu when he found himself in the middle of GenZ protests earlier this month. ‘<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Slq6zWu9o9w">Arriving in Nepal - Chaos, Protest &amp; Curfews</a>’ is the title of his first video (<a href="https://www.youtube.com/@wehatethecold/videos">wehatethecold on YouTube</a>) about the protest. He shoots police as they shoot at protesters outside Parliament. Jackson is riding a Honda CT125, a retro lightweight motorbike with off-road capabilities. Strapped to the bike is his sparse luggage, flute, and a faded Union Jack. People are rioting on the streets and there is a heavy armed police presence as he makes his way to his hostel in Thamel. His vlog the day after on 9 September has 29 million views. In ‘<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IyxSqeFrlp0">The side of Nepal the media won’t show you</a>’, Jackson rides his bike straight at the crowd just past the Parliament building into Old Baneswar.&nbsp; He parks it and walks among the protestors, documenting it all: from the police firing capsules of tear gas into the crowd to the burning Parliament building as well as the jubilant, victorious crowd in the premises as they destroy police vehicles and dance. “I’m shocked at the scenes I’ve witnessed here today. I have truly witnessed history on a stupid trip from Thailand to England on a f***ing moped!” exclaims Jackson as he leaves the scene for the day, heading back to his hostel to edit the footage. The hostel is in direct contrast to the raucous scenes of the protest, as tourists and Nepalis sit and lounge at tables. ‘KUIRE VLOGGER’ Nepalis quickly called him the ‘kuire vlogger’, and attribute his skin colour to his popularity. Objectively, the videos are well made. Jackson goes full gonzo journalist, putting himself right in the heart of the action, talking directly to the people, all while narrating the events as they unfold. Despite being cut together in an entertaining way, the footage retains a raw, unpolished quality that outdoes what most professional journalists with a heavy duty camera crew could do. At a time when legacy media has been seen to be pushing biased narratives, Jackson wants to see for himself what happened, and make up his own mind.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250925120956_f7141e06c72655502fc4b2e56120d084b0f5ae111078d66df4fd0415adf8d376.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250925120956_f7141e06c72655502fc4b2e56120d084b0f5ae111078d66df4fd0415adf8d376" data-rendition-name="original" width="2880" height="1604" loading="lazy" alt="WehateTheCold"> </figure>  This kind of video journalism takes a lot of skill and a certain personality. Many people, almost everybody, had their phones out at the protests, but only a handful were like Jackson. He interviewed people firsthand, edited the clips and uploaded them the same day. Jackson continued his vlogging over the next few days as the curfew was first put in place and then lifted. He explores the city as the Valley rebounds. By this time, Nepalis recognise him everywhere he goes. Jackson had achieved moderate fame as a 23-year old DJ in Birmingham, but what he has done in Nepal is something else. Almost everyone he talks to has already seen his vlog, and they are all eager to interact. He has been on multiple podcasts in Nepal too, and most videos online on the protests reference his vlogs. Before his Nepal blogs, Jackson had a modest 16k subcribers on YouTube, but after Nepal figure is now almost 700k, gaining over 100k each through 11-13 September. Most of them are Nepali viewers. “I’m just a regular dude who just did what he wanted to do,” says Jackson on a podcast. “I wanted to go on an adventure, learn about history, and learn languages. And I wanted to film it, document it, and have a wicked film for my life to show future generations.” &nbsp;

The accidental journalist

Although instability is endemic to South and Southeast Asia, it is becoming increasingly dangerous both for India’s neighbors and India itself. This was reflected most recently in the violent unrest in Nepal. But that crisis is hardly an isolated case. In Bangladesh, directly to India’s east, the same tensions that led to the overthrow of the government in 2024 remain unresolved. And to the southeast, Thailand is reeling from the court-ordered removal of its prime minister and a series of recent border clashes with Cambodia. 
According to the Armed Conflict Location &amp; Event Data project, Myanmar’s civil war has claimed at least <a href="https://acleddata.com/report/war-sky-how-drone-warfare-shaping-conflict-myanmar" target="_blank">80,000 lives</a>, both civilians and combatants, since 2021, following the military coup that ended Aung San Suu Kyi’s democratic government. To India’s west, a perpetually volatile Pakistan wrestles with the zombies of its history: Islamist extremist groups and poor economic and governmental performance. 
To the south, Sri Lanka may have settled down following the ouster of its president three years ago, but its economy shows few signs of mounting a sustained recovery. And to the north, China’s quest for regional hegemony is another source of instability. 
For India, these crises are not distant concerns. Refugee flows from Bangladesh are causing social unease and disruptions in India’s eastern states; the never-ending threat of cross-border terror from Pakistan nearly incited a war in Kashmir this summer; and now, Nepal’s volatile politics have given China another opportunity for meddling. Since this arc of fragility is too large to ignore, the question for India’s leadership is how to absorb and minimize the shockwaves, and how to steady the region.
One can start with Nepal, which has struggled to live by the ambitious constitution that was forged to end a long Maoist rebellion two decades ago. Nepali state institutions remain fragile and contested, and hopes of stability have been repeatedly dashed by factionalism, corruption, and political leaders’ inability to consolidate a system that everyone can trust. The recent spasm of shockingly brutal violence is a symptom of these deeper fault lines. 
India cannot be indifferent to such instability. Our long, open border with Nepal makes us vulnerable to refugee flows and cross-border crime, and our deep cultural, ethnic, religious, and economic ties mean that the government in Kathmandu will always look over its shoulder at the government in New Delhi. Moreover, China’s increasing influence in Nepal’s domestic politics has, as a matter of necessity, made the country a major strategic concern for India. 
In Bangladesh, the interim government that has ruled since <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/sheikh-hasina">Sheikh Hasina</a>’s ouster is failing in its efforts to restore law and order or safeguard human rights. The economy, a bright spot for decades, is under pressure from domestic political jitters and US President Donald Trump’s punishing tariffs. The febrile political environment has left the country’s minorities feeling increasingly insecure. The stakes for India are high, because its own efforts to manage the border, migration, and counterterrorism depend on the regime in Dhaka maintaining order. 
At first glance, Thailand’s turmoil and the border clashes with Cambodia may seem less urgent. But India, under its Act East policy, has been pursuing deeper economic and strategic ties with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations’ ten member states and their 600 million-plus people. Any instability within that bloc will complicate this outreach. 
Moreover, Thailand has long served as a bridge between South and Southeast Asia. If its institutions falter, or if disputes with Cambodia escalate despite Malaysian Prime Minister <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/anwar-ibrahim">Anwar Ibrahim</a>’s best efforts to broker a resolution, India’s vision of a connected, secure Indo-Pacific corridor could become untenable. 
To describe Pakistan as chronically troubled may sound dismissive, but it is an unfortunate truth. The country’s civilian authorities have been consistently undermined, as when <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/imran-khan-1">Imran Khan</a>’s elected government was ousted in 2022 at the military’s behest. Extremist groups thrive when politics becomes a blood sport, and Pakistan’s fragile economy only exacerbates this dynamic. 
From India’s perspective, Pakistan’s troubles are more than a domestic issue, because they regularly threaten to spill across the Line of Control in Kashmir, fueling terrorism, destroying any prospect for regional peace, and even introducing the specter of a nuclear catastrophe. This continuous instability chains India to the sub-continental chessboard, even when it wants to look outward. The Pakistan-China axis further complicates the status quo, which is unlikely to change in the foreseeable future. 
All these stories point to a larger worrying trend: democracy in India’s neighborhood is in retreat. Constitutions are being rewritten, and courts politicized. Sensing weakness, too many army generals see themselves as free to intervene, including by jailing or exiling political leaders.
For India – the world’s largest democracy – responding to this trend demands a more assertive regional strategy. Of course, for most of South Asia, barring Pakistan, India is the first responder when crises hit. But during periods when India’s neighbors do not think they need its help, they tend to shrug off its security concerns. 
And as if India’s neighborhood were not dangerous enough, the wider world adds its own layers of uncertainty. Trump’s policy toward the region has been arbitrary in the extreme, leading smaller states to hedge their bets. In Japan and South Korea, debates are underway about the wisdom of acquiring nuclear weapons, now that China is flexing its muscles and the US security umbrella has been called into question. 
Although India has stood its ground in the face of the storm, the regional and Trump-induced volatility is making it harder to maintain the country’s treasured strategic autonomy. The task now is no longer to deepen ties with America, but to maintain the strategic, technological, and economic core of the partnership while building resistance against sudden shifts in US policy. 
India is not seeking dominance in South Asia. Its goal is to build an inclusive, rules-based, and connected region – and thus transform a history of recurring crises into a future of enduring stability. © <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/">Project Syndicate</a>
Nirupama Rao is a former foreign secretary of India and former Indian ambassador to China and the United States.

paras-khadka