<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121144/636ce4829c7e80680e0966b3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="369"/><figcaption>Residents of the Musahar settlement in Baluwa Tol of Siraha's Dhangadhimai Municipality.</figcaption></figure>The fervour of the local elections three years ago had taken sway over the eight districts of Province 2. Sangihya Samajbadi Party and Rastriya Janata Party had eclipsed the dominant Nepali Congress and Communist forces, during the polls.Out of the 136 local constituencies in the province, the two Tarai-based parties had claimed 51 of them, Rastriya Janata Party had turned victorious in 14 while the Sanghiya Samajbadi Forum had swept 24 municipalities.The upward trend of supporting the Madhesh-based parties continued into the election for the House of Representatives as well as the provincial assembly elections. Of the 32 constituencies contested, the parties had won more than half, claiming 19 seats. Similarly, they won 55 of the 107 seats in the provincial election.But three years after the elections, the people of Province 2 feel let down and have started to lose faith in the home-grown parties, as they have failed to perform and deliver.The parties representing the Tarai have always blamed the centre for not taking their issues seriously, and for a sluggish development of the region.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121144/636ce4849c7e80680e0966b4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="750" height="346"><figcaption></figcaption></figure>The Madhesh-based parties had rejected the constitution because their demands had not been met. India had thrown its weight behind the bloc, imposing a border blockade on Nepal that lasted for six months.Tarai has seen sporadic protests calling for the rights of the Madheshi communities. During the different political movements that took place after the peace process, 124 people lost their lives.Nepali Congress General Convention representative, Bajrang Nepali says that compared to the older established parties, the Tarai-based parties have been more successful within a short period, with the foundation laid by a series of movements.But it is only during the times of demonstrations and elections that the people matter to the politicians, locals complain.“When the polls arrive, politicians come with the promise of land and shelter,” says Shreeram Sada of Dhangadhi Municipality, Siraha. “It’s been three years since the elections took place, they haven’t fulfilled their promises. The wells are drying up, water is scarce.”Mahadev Saha, who has a PhD in Political History of Nepal and is currently the Head of Softech College based in Lahan, says that the people had participated in the Madhesh movements with certain aspirations, but that they’re frustrated over how things have turned out.“There were some legitimate interests of the Madhesh that have not been provided in the Constitution. The desires of Madhesis have not been addressed in any way,” he says.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121144/636ce4859c7e80680e0966b5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="287" height="260"><figcaption>Mahadev Saha, PhD</figcaption></figure>Saha adds that Tarai-based parties had an opportunity to prove themselves, but they squandered it, and the corruption and red tape at the Singha Darbar have trickled down to the provincial governments.The leaders of the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP)— formed after major Madhesh alliances, Samajbadi Party and Rastriya Janata Party merged—concede that they have not been able to meet the people’s aspirations.JSP’s Central Committee Member Manish Suman admits that even though his party was elected to power, the problems of the people have remained intact.“In the past, when Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Girija Prasad Koirala, Lokendra Bahadur Chand, Surya Bahadur Thapa or KP Oli was Prime Minister, there was no impact in the rural areas. The context is the same even today when we are in the government,” says Suman. “There’s no point berating the others. The onus was upon us to live up to the commitments made to the people.”About one year from now, the local level elections are due and in just 12 months, the provincial and federal parliament elections are to be held.It is too early to predict which party will dominate in the upcoming polls in Province 2. But cadres and intellectual groups are steeped in political conversations.While JSP is seen as a unified bloc representing the Tarai by Kathmandu, wandering through the streets of Province 2, one is likely to observe a different picture. Even though the two parties did merge, locally, they continue to operate as two different parties, much like the Nepal Communist Party, which has now disintegrated.Suman agrees that even though an official merger has happened, the party is yet to become one ‘spiritually’. Executive member of JSP, Shailesh Chaudhary echoes similar thoughts. The unified party continues to experience polarisation over the details of forming a federal government.In the past elections, the Tarai-based parties raising Madhesh-centric issues were a draw for young voters. But unable to perform, the parities now suffer from an erosion of public trust.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121144/636ce4879c7e80680e0966b6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000">According to political analyst, Mahadev Saha, despite leading the provincial government, the parties have failed to deliver the people’s mandate. He alleges their politics have been confined to supporting allies and gaining personal benefits.Journalist Chandra Kishore, from Birganj says that Madhesh-based parties have been unable to maintain their rapport with the public and that the centre had cashed on it. “The leaders of JSP themselves have become redundant. They have ideological conflict, which is unattractive to the public.”Former Treasurer of Federation of Nepali Journalists, Sheetal Sah agrees. “The political parties within JSP did not win the election because they were pro-active, it was just that the political atmosphere was in their favour. And now that they haven’t delivered on their commitment, they have become unpopular.”It is still too early to analyse how the rift within the UML will potentially impact the Madhesh-centric parties. Critics of PM Oli have pointed out in the past that he had lost his hold over Tarai because of his prejudices during the Madhesh movement.“Oli is making an effort to revive his image in Madhesh,” says Gangalal Yadav of Siraha. The Oli-led UML faction is wooing local leaders and thinkers from other parties into their fold, who have the potential to lure the voters.Other than that, the construction of postal roads, connecting the highways to the district headquarters, and the Kosi-Marine Diversion Irrigation Project are some of Oli’s attempts to influence development in the Tarai.Before 2007, Province 2 was a Nepali Congress (NC) stronghold. With the rise of the Tarai-centric parties, the NC fortress was stormed and influential leaders from Madhesh, like Mahantha Thakur, JP Gupta, Sharat Singh Bhandari quit Congress to join the regional parties, which chipped away at the Nepali Congress ‘vote bank’.With the lure of the Madhesh-based parties waning, is NC likely to revive its influence once more? The perspectives remain divided.JSP Executive Member Shailesh Chaudhary views the internal tussle within NC as the fundamental problem even though it could be an alternative to JSP. He says, “People do not have anger towards [Nepali] Congress. The internal conflict and groupism are what is concerning.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110121144/636ce48a9c7e80680e0966b7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="541" height="476"><figcaption>Bajrang Nepali</figcaption></figure>However, NC leaders themselves do not appear confident. NC leader of Jaleshwor Mahottari, Bajrang Nepali says that despite voters turning towards NC, the party has no mechanism to attract the new generation, the group that forms the biggest chunk of voters.“People are positive towards [Nepali] Congress, but have they been able to attract the new generation? [Nepali] Congress has to find a way out to resolve this,” says Nepali.Journalist Chandra Kishore says self-sabotage is nothing new within the party, “Congress is a threat to itself,” he says, adding that Prime Minister Oli will attempt every possible way to win over the Madhesh vote bank.“The government has already started to deploy the state mechanisms to Madhesh, its impact might be reflected in the election,” he adds.Nepali Congress may, however, benefit from the fissures within the Communists. “If the Communist had not broken up, they would have been a tough competition for Nepali Congress. The fraction within the Communists has made them vulnerable, and [Nepali] Congress will benefit from it,” says Sah.And there are others hoping to reap benefit from the situation. CK Raut had won nationwide popularity, and a strong backing in the Tarai before signing a deal with the Oli government in March 2020 to honour Nepal’s sovereignty. He has been busy building his political influence in the region since, it will be interesting to see how his presence will tip the voting scales.But political analysts say Raut might not be able to garner much attention given the relatively new presence of his party. “Raut was capturing the attention of the youth who were losing interest in the Madhesh-based parties,” Sah says. “ But after he signed the pact with the government against his secessionist movement, he might have lost much of his fan-following in Madhesh.”

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The Politics of Province 2

<figure><img width="1500" height="926" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108181148/636a96c89c7e80680e05dc89jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Rinadevi Mahara from Dhanusha, abandoned at Godavari Modern Hospital in Janakpur for lack of money to pay hospital charges</figcaption></figure>Ajaya Anuragi in Himal Khabarpatrika, 24-30 NovemberBrutality against women exists in families across Nepal, but nowhere more so than in Province 2, police figures show. What is not so clear is whether gender-based violence is becoming more common in this plains province, or that better educated women are now taking complaints to the police.The number of complaints of violence against women in the eight districts of Province 2 surged dramatically from 602 three years ago to 10,243 in the past year. Most of the complaints involved dowry-related violence, polygamy, physical domestic violence against women, trafficking, rape and attempted rape. There were 125 murders of women in the past three years, mostly by drunk husbands or in-laws.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/using-numbers-to-fight-gender-based-violence/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Using numbers to fight gender-based violence</a>, Lisa HonanProvince 2 police statistics show women are more unsafe outside of homes than inside. In the past five months, 50 women who were driven out of their homes due to domestic violence sought refuge in a shelter run by the Women’s Rehabilitation Centre (WOREC) in Janakpur. “Women are unsafe everywhere, but the statistics for Province 2 look alarming,” says Gyankumar Mahato of the provincial police office. However, DIG Pradyumna Karki, chief of Province 2 police, thinks the number of crimes has increased because more people are reporting them. “Previously, people used to try and hush up crimes like rapes. But now more people are aware of the presence of the police, and we get all sorts of complaints,” Karki says. Advocate Rekha Jha agrees: “Women have tried to hide these incidents in the past but are now coming forward with their testimonies. That is the reason the numbers look higher.”Others, however, say that while there may be an increase in complaints, the number of incidents has also shot up because of new factors like the spread of social media, unregulated sale of alcohol, drugs and entrenched patriarchy in the still largely conservative region.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Here-We-Go/2013-jun-21-here-we-go-gender-violence,122" target="_blank" rel="noopener">#Genderviolence</a>, Trishna Rana “The misuse of social media is contributing to violence against women,” says Rekha Dutt of the National Human Rights Council, Janakpur Office. “Weak implementation of laws further encourages criminal tendencies. When perpetrators go free because of political pressure, it raises the confidence of those who prey on women.”Yagya Prasad Acharya of the district court in Dhanusha district has a different take on the problem: “Now, men also have the right to file for divorce. In the past when only women could file for divorce, men hesitated to commit violence. Now that fear is gone.” Court records show that abuse of social media was a cause in increasing numbers of violence against women in the province. With the rise in female literacy, young women are now also more assertive, refusing to get married early, or if they do, brides are not as submissive towards in-laws as in the past.Another reason for the rise in violence against women is mismatched marriages, activists say. Poor families still try to marry their daughters into rich families by offering dowry, even by incurring large debts. Dowry-related violence against young women is still a major cause of domestic violence -- police records show that the number of incidents rose from 3,609 last year to 4,671 this year. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/corrosive-conduct/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Corrosive Conduct</a>, EditorialIn the past three years the highest number of complaints about gender-based violence was from Bara and Parsa districts, and rape cases were most prevalent in Siraha, Saptari and Sarlahi.  Politicians at all three levels of government underline that ending violence against women and establishing gender equality is their priority. Province 2 Chief Minister Lalbabu Raut had even announced the ‘Chief Minister Educate Daughter, Save Daughter’ campaign amidst much fanfare. Padam Prasad Pokharel, information officer in the province’s cabinet office, says the campaign is mainly focused on education. “The campaign aims to end child marriage through education -- it is also working on women's safety,” he says. The province's Ministry of Social Development is imparting self-defence training to girl students of public schools, aiming to protect them from abuse, violence, and rape. “The schools wrote to us saying the program was effective, so we are continuing it this year,” Pokharel says. In the past year the ministry spent Rs11 million on self-defence training at schools, but it has taken no other initiative to reduce violence and crimes against women. At the provincial level, the ministry of internal affairs and law is in charge of these matters. “We are drafting a bill about controlling domestic violence and violence against women,” says Surendra Mahato of the ministry.  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/four-fold-increase-in-reported-rape-in-10-years/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Four-fold increase in reported rape in 10 years,</a> Sewa Bhattarai		
			<h2>Violence against women in Province 2</h2>		
		<ul><li>Usha Devi Das of Janakpur has been enduring torture and abuse from her in-laws for not delivering enough dowry when she got married. She complained to the police twice, but law enforcement only forced the couple to sign a pledge and sent them home. The abuse did not stop. Das complained again, but her in-laws got a stay order from the district court. </li></ul><ul><li>Rita Devi Yadav of Bhangaha of Mahottari district registered a complaint against her husband and his family at the District Police Office, Dhanusha on 4 September, accusing them of physical and mental torture and of throwing her out of the house. Yadav then started living with her parents. She accuses her father-in-law and brothers-in-law of mistreatment. Yadav's husband has gone into hiding after the complaint was filed. The couple has a 21/2 –year-old son. </li></ul><ul><li>Shyam Mahara of Shahidnagar of Dhanusha beat his pregnant wife Rinadevi until she fainted, and left her alone at the provincial hospital in Janakpur. Mahara filed a complaint against her husband 5 days later on 8 September. Her father-in-law then took her home a week later. Mahara was again admitted to the hospital this month when her baby was due. The baby was delivered with a caesarean section, but was in poor health. Her in-laws disappeared after they admitted her, leaving her with Rs1,700 in hospital charges per day. She begs for food from other patients.</li></ul>Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/rape-rulings-in-nepal-follow-letter-not-spirit-of-the-law/">Rape rulings in Nepal follow letter, not spirit of the law</a>, Sewa Bhattarai

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Alarming rise in violence against women

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ilTSdkJofkkDipak Yadav could not go home for months. He would spend the whole day shouting anti-Kathmandu slogans, burning tyres on the streets of Birgunj and clashing with police. As night fell, he was at the barricades on <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/As-It-Happens/economic-crisis-in-Nepal,610">the Raxaul border</a>, barring cargo trucks from crossing into Nepal.Like thousands of other Madhesi youth<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/time-for-madhesi-people-to-know-real-friends,595"> alienated by mainstream parties</a> and the new constitution, Yadav was a rebel during the 2015 agitation. Today, at age 29, he is one of the secretaries of Province 2 Chief Minister Lalbabu Raut, and at the centre of provincial power at the newly-refurbished building of Janakpur Cigarette Factory built by the Soviet Union 50 years ago.<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/by-the-way/there-is-still-time-to-correct-the-draft-constitution,527">The Constitution</a>, however flawed, has given the Madhesi people almost what they fought for: an autonomous province. They have risen up against Kathmandu’s perceived hegemony thrice in the past decade, and finally they have a chance to fix things themselves.However, Yadav insists he is still a rebel, despite having free access to the corridors of power of Province 2. “My role has changed, but my core responsibility has not, it is still to serve the Madhesi people,” he says.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/mr-province-2/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Mr Province 2</a>, Om Astha RaiYadav essentially personifies Province 2. The province government may rule the mid-eastern Tarai, but it still struggles against Kathmandu for more autonomy. Last month, when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited Janakpur, Chief Minister Raut raised hackles in the national capital by complaining about Constitution amendments, and Kathmandu's continued reluctance to grant them.Raut told Nepali Times in an interview in <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Federalism-in-the-capital-of-Tarai,3449">Janakpur</a> last week: “I cannot forget what the people of the Madhes fought for just because I am now Chief Minister.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111148/6368e33a9c7e80680e03336fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="480"/><figcaption>Dipak Yadav at the forefront of street protests during the Madhes Movement in 2015</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111148/6368e33d9c7e80680e033370jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="360"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Province 2 has been ground zero in the battle for <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/what-federalism-himal-media-poll,4162">federalism</a>. After signing a peace accord in November 2006, the Maoists did not show much interest in the federalism they fought a war for. But the Madhesi people did, and they protested until the government agreed to institutionalise federalism through the Interim Constitution in 2007.In 2015, the mainstream parties wanted to pass the new Constitution without determining the number and boundaries of provinces. As a result, protests broke throughout the southern plains, and more than 50 people were killed in violent clashes. Mainstream parties were eventually forced to carve out provincial boundaries before the promulgation of the Constitution.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/towards-a-police-state/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">TOWARDS A POLICE STATE</a>, EditorialThe Madhes-based parties were still not satisfied, but they took part in last year’s elections hoping to push for Constitution amendments at a later date. After two Madhes-based parties formed a coalition government in Province 2, Dipendra Jha, a lawyer critical of the Constitution, left Kathmandu and settled down in Janakpur as Chief Attorney.He says: “I was not lured by a top government post, but by the prospect of helping make federalism work. We now have a chance to deliver what we fought for on the streets with our own bureaucracy, police, and autonomy.”Indeed, Chief Minister Raut knows that the failure of federalism in Province 2 could be used as an excuse by status quoists in Kathmandu to cut back on regional autonomy. So he is aiming for rapid economic transformation of Province 2, and its development into Nepal’s #1 province.Janakpur-based analyst Surendra Labh says people in the Madhes care deeply about federalism, and want to make it work because they have suffered from Kathmandu’s neglect.“If federalism fails here, it will fail in the whole country,” he says.The capital of Province 2 was cleaned up for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/janakpur-to-janakpur/">the Modi visit</a>, but is now dusty and scruffy again. A $19 million ADB project faces delays in expanding major roads and building a drainage system. Facades of houses are being bulldozed in the core city, and roads are dug up everywhere. But local people are patient, and hope the cradle of the Mithila Civilisation will get a much-needed facelift when the project is completed in 2020.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111148/6368e3409c7e80680e033371jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1322" height="768"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The railway service from Janakpur to Jayanagar in India will resume next year, linking Nepal to India’s vast rail network. This 32km narrow-gauge railroad track is being upgraded to broad-gauge, and it will be extended 30km north to Bardibas in the next phase.Province 2 will also have better connectivity with the rest of the world when the proposed Kathmandu-Raxaul Railway, Kathmandu-Tarai Expressway, the East-West Electric Railway and Nijgad Airport are built. Chief Minister Raut says Province 2 can easily beat other provinces by capitalising on its geographical advantage, reviving agriculture and investing in health and education.But some here are skeptical. Bhogendra Jha, a Janakpur-based analyst, says the provincial government has already failed to improve governance and expedite development. He says sarcastically: “If you believe PM KP Oli will turn Nepal into a Singapore in five years, then you can also believe Chief Minister Raut will turn Province 2 into the number one province.”<h1>50% for Madhesi women</h1><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111148/6368e3439c7e80680e033372jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="844">The government of Province 2 has identified gender inequality as the root cause of the region’s problems.Chief Attorney Dipendra Jha puts it this way: “Province 2 is poor and backward because half of its population stays home. If they come out, our human resources will simply double.”Unveiling its first policies and programs last week, the Province 2 government vowed to allocate half the seats in the state police force to women. Chief Minister Lalbabu Raut has publicly and repeatedly expressed a commitment to allocate 50% seats to women in all state-level structures.Jha says: “When Madhesi women wear police uniforms and carry guns, it will raise their confidence. It will also help us fight dowry, rape and violence against women.”The Province 2 government is also developing a mobile app that Madhesi women can use to alert police about rape and domestic violence. If a woman is in trouble, all she has to do is to shake her phone to set off the police alarm.At a time when the federal government has given just 33% seats to women, and the ruling Nepal Communist Party (NCP) does not even have 33% women in its politburo and central committee, 50% presence of women in Province 2 police would be revolutionary, if it happened.The Province 2 government has also launched a ‘Save Our Daughters, Educate Our Daughters’ campaign to reduce female foeticide and increase investment in girls’ education. It has introduced a scheme to provide insurance for every Dalit girl child.Critics say Chief Minister Raut has just copy-pasted Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ‘Beti Bachaho, Beti Padhao’ campaign, but women's rights activists have no problems with the imitation.Sudha Karna, a Mithila art promoter in Janakpur, says: “Educating a son will benefit one household, but educating a daughter will benefit at least two households.”<h1>“Province 2 wants to be the #1 Province”</h1>Chief Minister Lalbabu Raut spoke to Nepali Times forcefully about his vision for Province 2, even while he was observing a Ramadan fast.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107111148/6368e3479c7e80680e033373jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="944">Nepali Times : Where do you see Province 2 in the next five years?Lalbabu Raut: Province 2 may lag behind the other six provinces in several socio-economic indicators, but it has the potential to emerge as Nepal’s number one province. We have enough fertile land to feed the entire country. And we are also blessed with geographical advantages which other hill provinces lack. Nijgad Airport, Kathmandu-Tarai fast-track highway, and several railway projects will complement our growth and prosperity.What are your priorities?I have given priority to reviving agriculture. Encouraging young men to cultivate their lands rather than migrating to the Gulf will be key to transforming Province 2. This will be possible if we can provide them with irrigation, fertiliser, and subsidy. I have also given priority to good governance, health, education and tourism.What obstacles do you foresee?We did not have laws, by-laws and a provincial structure to hit the ground running. We are now in the process of passing our own laws and creating our own structure. There is still a reluctance to devolve power to the provinces.How will your girls’ education program help?Social ills like caste-based discrimination, dowry and violence against women plague the entire country, but they are more rampant in Province 2. These problems will intensify in a society where female literacy rate is low. In the Madhes, daughters are still deemed to be a burden to their parents, which is why female foeticide is so rampant. Saving daughters will have a multi-dimensional impact.<h1>Naming Province 2</h1>Two of Nepal’s seven provinces have already named themselves: Province 6 is Karnali and Province 4 is Gandaki.Of the remaining five, Provinces 1, 3, 5 and 7 are likely to name themselves after river basins like the Kosi or geographical regions like 'Far West'. The Nepal Communist Party (NCP) has an absolute majority in all these provinces, so naming them will not be contentious.However, it will be trickier in Province 2 which is ruled by two Madhes-based parties. Their leaders are divided over whether to name it Madhes, Mithila or Bhojpura. Some are lobbying for the middle path by calling it either Mithila-Madhes or Mithila-Bhojpura.Either way, they want to give the province a cultural identity rather than simply naming it after a river like the other provinces have done. Naming Province 2 is so sensitive that few in Janakpur want to risk belling the cat.When probed, Chief Minister Lalbabu Raut told us: “This is the prerogative of our sovereign legislative assembly, and I don’t want to infringe on their rights by lobbying for a name.”

From rebels to rulers

In the very first page of the first chapter of Nepal 2043: The Road to Prosperity are two maps. The first places Nepal right at the epicentre of Asia, and in the second the Kathmandu is at exactly the midpoint between Mumbai and Beijing. With his trademark optimism, author Sujeev Shakya says Nepal is not land-locked but land-linked to three billion people in China and India. We just need those two economic engines to pull us in the same direction. ‘With China and India becoming the two largest economies in the world in the next two decades … Nepal is the most valuable piece of real estate in the world,’ Shakya writes. For one thing, Nepal does not look beyond India and China for tourism — with the right policies it can attract millions of tourists just from those two countries. Nepal is set to graduate from a low- to a middle-income country by 2026 and to a high-income country in 2043 — hence the name of the book. The year 2043 in the Bikram Sambat calendar is also 2100 — a new Nepali century. The book delves into the past, present and future of Nepal and analyses enablers including hydropower, a fundamental transformation of which will drive the 2043 goal. The commoditisation of electricity will be the biggest transformation. Nepal can deploy ‘Cyber Gurkhas’ to attract foreign investors with the management of data centres with climate friendly renewable energy. Access to technology such as precision agriculture, a data-driven approach to farming to improve food production, reduce environmental impact and enhance profitability could be Nepal’s strategy into 2043 and beyond. ‘Earlier, we needed ploughs and strong hands in agriculture. Now, you need a computer and strong fingers,” Shakya writes, citing a neighbour’s son who inspects his crops from drone cameras. A farmer in an Ilam teashop tells the author he asks AI questions in Nepali, and it answers promptly. The biggest enabler of all is Nepal’s young demography with 62% of the population in the active 15-60 age bracket, while 28% are younger than 14. Nepal’s dependency ratio has dropped to the lowest in history with 100 Nepalis having to support 62 dependents. But this demographic dividend window is closing. Nepal’s total fertility rate declined from 2.62% in 1981 to 0.92% in 2021 — below replacement level. We have less than 30 years left to make the best use of the youth, many of whom are currently studying and working abroad. Nepal’s biggest resource, therefore, is its diaspora spread across the world who send home $20 billion a year. Migration is not just a necessity but an aspiration for many Nepalis, and they are an important source of contacts, investment and soft power. This young and educated group has taken advantage of connectivity and digitisation in all arenas of national life. TikTok and Instagram have become e-commerce platforms, or mobile app-riven digital services. Nepal’s software companies exported over $1 billion worth of IT products last year. Next we need a change in the bureaucratic mindset to eliminate paper and manual processes, which would also contribute to reducing corruption. Shakya comes up with many revelations: 81% of Nepalis live in houses they own, much higher than most other South Asian countries which means higher disposable income. Nepal has the highest tax-to-GDP ratio in South Asia. The banking sector is twice the size of Bangladesh despite Nepal having just one-fifth of its population. In 2021, 12.62% of the population had demat accounts in Nepal, while India had only 5.32%. For every five male investors, there are four women in Nepal while it is 10:1 in India. With such figures and prospects, how come Nepal just went through a violent uprising that took the shortest time to topple a democratically-elected government in modern history? One early chapter of 2043 is actually dedicated to how Nepalis have always thrived on chaos. When people faced up to 20 hours of power cuts a day, people worked around the load-shedding schedule, woke up at ungodly hours to cook and stock up on inverters. They did not put up a fight, or even protest. ''Generally, Nepalis are used to taking things lying down, and perhaps this also needs to change,' says Shakya, writing that line before last month’s uprising. ‘On the one hand, some of these issues speak volumes about the average Nepali’s patience and perhaps optimism that things will change in the long run. On the other hand, one is also forced to wonder how much longer they will be able to put up with unfavourable conditions if things don’t change.’ It does seem Nepali had enough with corruption, governance failure and political apathy to the concerns of ordinary people. The final chapter lists the non-negotiables to realise the 2043 Nepal Roadmap: democratic values and freedom of speech, a capitalist welfare state and socio-political transformation to tackle corruption and impunity. The book notes, ‘Countries transitioning to democratic rule experienced a 20% increase in GDP over a 25 year period compared to what they would have achieved under authoritarian regimes. After the end of the Shah rule in 2006, Nepal’s GDP rose from US$10 billion to US$44 billion by 2024.’ The government’s Vision 2030 document projects Nepal’s GDP at US$100 billion, and the Vision 2043 estimates that it will be a US$423 billion economy with a per capita of US$12,100. However, it will need more than optimism and practical action to make these projections real. China and India loom large throughout the book with examples of small city states like Singapore which have taken advantage of their strategic location. Despite the tension between India and China, the two will have to collaborate given the inherent advantages. China has replaced the United States as India’s biggest trading partner. Sujeev Shakya is a great admirer of former Singaporean diplomat and author Kishore Mahbubani, and he has written a blurb for the book. He quotes Mahbubani saying that for the past 2,000 years, apart from the last two hundred, Asian countries have dominated the world, and it is quite natural that the world’s economic centre is returning to Asia. And Nepal is strategically placed to make the most of it because of its location between two of the world’s fastest growing economies. We just have to get our politics right, and have a strategy for equitable growth in the new Nepali century.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251016091052_78b2d1495d59cd492a17693e0e770b65230c7cb749393ac6643f4676b73832ef.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251016091052_78b2d1495d59cd492a17693e0e770b65230c7cb749393ac6643f4676b73832ef" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Sujeev Shakya book details NT"></figure>

Retrofitting Nepal for future shocks

In the aftermath of the GenZ protests last month, as new PM Sushila Karki chose the first members of her Council of Ministers, youth collectives urged that it reflect the country’s diversity by including women, youth and people from various ethnic and socio-cultural backgrounds.&nbsp;
It took another couple of weeks for Karki to include &nbsp;bureaucrat and public health expert Sangeeta Mishra as &nbsp;Health Minister in her next tranche of ministers. Almost immediately, people dug up a video of Mishra calling herself “Nepali, but a native Indian”.
She was telling it like it was: Mishra is a naturalised Nepali citizen. But there was outrage in the ultra-nationalistic cybersphere. Mishra’s name was withdrawn from the list of ministers, with government officials citing an ongoing investigation at the CIAA.&nbsp;
With her Cabinet still incomplete a month after taking office, Prime Minister Karki was preparing to induct GenZ as ministers. A leak in the media floated the names, one of which was of Tashi Lhazom, a climate activist and filmmaker from Humla’s Limi Valley.&nbsp;
Almost immediately, social media erupted with discriminatory, xenophobic and misogynistic epithets against her: that she supported a separatist movement, that she was a foreign agent, that her citizenship was disputed, that she did not ‘look’ or ‘speak’ like a Nepali.&nbsp;
Political figures like Gyanendra Shahi, a prominent voice calling for the restoration of a Hindu monarchy, added fuel to the fire by making bigoted and false remarks about her heritage.
The former Commissioner of the National Human Rights Commission, Mohna Ansari, wrote on social media that it was shameful to question Lhazom’s identity: ‘Ms Tashi Lhazom is as Nepali as you are. Our society’s ugliest face and biggest flaw is doubting our own. Real patriotism embraces diversity — fake nationalism must end.’
Ansari, a human rights lawyer and activist, has also often been subject to Islamophobic and derogatory comments on digital platforms. &nbsp;
In response, the Indigenous GenZ Collective released Lhazom’s Nepali citizenship certificate to debunk the mistruths spreading on digital as well as mainstream media.
What makes a Nepali? What does a Nepali look or sound like? Who is a Nepali?
‘Had my name been Tashi Poudel, Thapa, Bhattarai or Ghimire, this would not have happened,’ Lhazom said in an interview with Kantipur following an avalanche of bigotry against her. ‘They questioned me because I do not look Nepali, or speak Nepali like a Khas. Because it is not my mother tongue.’
It is an indictment of Nepali society that indigenous Nepalis have to present proof, at the slightest inconvenience of mostly the dominant groups, of being a citizen of this nation simply because they might not fit into an imagined idea of Nepali nationhood by virtue of physical appearance, speech, geography, or faith.
And while we celebrate the successes of Nepal-born naturalised foreign citizens (some now hold elected office in the US) we refuse to afford the same respect to naturalised Nepali citizens, and those born in Nepal to excluded groups, nor do we expect them to work in the national interest if they are given responsibility to govern. And women are singled out twice as much for scrutiny.
Then cyber Nepal went into a tizzy when videos appeared of a biker’s group clad in black t-shirts emblazoned with the acronym ‘TOB’ which was interpreted to stand for ‘Tibetan Original Blood’ and linked to the Free Tibet movement.
The accusations snowballed into disinformation, xenophobia, and even calls for violence against Nepalis of Tibetan heritage and the Tibetan community in Nepal.&nbsp;
In the aftermath of the September protest, the hope was that politics and the bureaucracy would finally be rid of orthodox political actors. But first, we as a nation need to collectively examine the biases and bigotry that exist in Nepal’s socio-cultural space.&nbsp;
Otherwise, Nepal’s multiculturalism will be limited to just words in the Constitution and political tokenism.
No one who is in government now or in future can be expected to be completely free of subjective opinions, ideology, affiliation to a cause, or prior activism. And such criticism falls disproportionately on activists, advocates, and members from underserved and underrepresented communities.&nbsp;
One cannot be apolitical and hope to participate in politics, and as we move forward to rebuild the system it must not just reflect diverse communities, but also celebrate diversity of thought and beliefs.&nbsp;
Resorting to ethnocentrism, racism and chauvinism with conspiracy theories and discriminatory dog-whistling about fellow citizens is a disservice to Nepali nationhood. It is Nepal’s diversity that makes us strong.&nbsp;
Shristi Karki

What makes a Nepali?

We were used to getting stuck in Kathmandu’s notorious traffic with gas fumes and horns blaring. We are still stuck in traffic, but now it is mostly the quiet hum of EVs, and street-level air is noticeably cleaner. Alongside Norway, Nepal has the highest combustion-to-EV conversion rates in the world. And we are not even a middle-income country yet. How did we get here?&nbsp; For the first time in Nepal’s history, 2025 saw an unprecedented turn of events: two back-to-back auto shows a week apart in August, independent of each other. This was timed for the warm up to the Dasain season. &nbsp;&nbsp; The first auto show 6-11 August was the <a href="https://naimanepal.org/mobility-expo" target="_blank">NAIMA Mobility Expo 2025 </a>by the newly established Nepal Automobile Importers and Manufacturers Association which saw 35 new models, many of them EVs with 50 participating brands like Toyota, BYD, Hyundai, Kia, MG, Mahindra, Omoda &amp; Jaecoo, Proton and Leapmotor.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_d8c03f5141f0086814d866543af4d95310f340a7191363e4705aedda8e4b73d0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025101711108_d8c03f5141f0086814d866543af4d95310f340a7191363e4705aedda8e4b73d0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1770" height="1097" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  The exhibition had a strong focus on two-wheelers aimed at affordable and easy mobility in a town now known for long traffic jams (see report). NAIMA attracted a record 100,000 visitors in six days.&nbsp; The second one was the Nepal Automobile Dealer’s Association Auto Show 2025 (<a href="https://youtu.be/emSd0mUuMjU" target="_blank">NADA</a>) to address the growing demands for cars and two-wheelers. It was a natural expression of new market forces at work, on one hand, and popular taste, on the other — one influencing the other.&nbsp; This year’s NADA Auto Show was its 17th iteration, and carried a hefty legacy: exhibiting a contemporary lineup from manufacturers such as Tata, Suzuki, Xpeng and Nammi, but also classics for vintage car lovers like the 1928 Ford Model A and a rare 1955 Austin Princess Dm4 sedan.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_dda7d264ddb12448cc10d9b1cb699632eee975741fc4c56055e4df904579c34f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2025101711108_dda7d264ddb12448cc10d9b1cb699632eee975741fc4c56055e4df904579c34f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1381" height="848" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  It also showcased the Deepal eVTOL (a 2-seater drone), and a humanoid robot with dog. Curious onlookers at Bhrikuti Mandap thronged the show with footfall crossing 170,000.&nbsp; Earlier this year, I had traveled to attend India's largest auto show, the <a href="https://youtu.be/OgIIvXx6yOM?si=zNmMgklzCJpagTye" target="_blank">Bharat Mobility Global expo</a> in January in New Delhi. It was part of a <a href="https://youtu.be/GT6LBKiJvyg?si=r7YaxahjSAnsIfBY" target="_blank">roadtrip</a> from one capital to another with BYD Nepal on a Dolphin. The journey took three days through Bhairawa and then the Lucknow-Agra Expressway, covering a distance of 1200km one way.&nbsp; The drive through the horrid Narayanghat-Butwal corridor alone was testimony that EVs are no longer fragile and could handle a beating. And while both Nepal's economy pales in comparison to India, it was evident that the private passenger segment is well on its way to electrification. More than 70% of all vehicles sold in Nepal last year were electric. Sales representatives are unanimous: inquiries for EVs are at an all-time high and overshadow demand for ICE (Internal Combustion Engine) vehicles. Besides four-wheelers, a fast-growing proportion of scooters were also electric.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251017111016_e4cd988ca915ddd283a86d48fac332f22f98ff776b3d22391e10156ad56d7a1a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251017111016_e4cd988ca915ddd283a86d48fac332f22f98ff776b3d22391e10156ad56d7a1a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1389" height="863" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal"> </figure>  I have spent the last two years <a href="https://youtu.be/256YQa37Ol8?si=Sv1wQ8EdvgMCiTM_" target="_blank">reviewing</a> many of these EVs. The days of batter-powered cars being small toy cars, with sub-par build quality and the range of golf carts have long gone.&nbsp; Fit and finishing in both Chinese and Indian EVs are comparable to established brand names even in Japanese and European markets. But most significantly for us in Nepal, battery technology and range have made inter-city travel on our highways imaginable. The media sometimes portrays Nepal as a prime testing/dumping ground for EVs due to lack of regulation and the proximity to the world’s largest EV exporter (China) and our tough geographical conditions. That is just a part of the story. What actually stands out is the incredible appetite for risk among Nepali buyers.&nbsp; Since the Covid pandemic charging infrastructure has spread across the country. My early trips between Kathmandu and Pokhara saw the possibility of topping up with just one charging gun at the <a href="https://rsr.com.np/" target="_blank">Riverside Springs Resort in Kurintar</a> – and I would have to wait in line, or the charger simply would not be working.&nbsp; These days, by the time I cross Kurintar from Koteswor in my Kona, I will have passed at least 10 charging stations with multiple guns. &nbsp; On my <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver" target="_blank">YouTube reviews</a>, people from across the globe ask about range and handling EVs on poor road conditions like ours. The occasional skeptics also leave comments like: ‘If this works in the higher altitudes and mountainous roads of Nepal, then it should be a breeze down here in the flats of Australia and/or hills around Auckland!’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251017111016_8b4fbe59884538849be6428eb2ce9249627a8970ed9ef4cd3c792682bf26dbed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20251017111016_8b4fbe59884538849be6428eb2ce9249627a8970ed9ef4cd3c792682bf26dbed" data-rendition-name="original" width="1139" height="787" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal"> </figure>  SATURATION? However, both the NAIMA and NADA auto show also confirmed that we could be hitting a peak EV. From having just one car in one budget segment, there are now multiple alternatives stretching from the entry of below Rs3 million to the premium and high-end Rs 10 million price point.&nbsp; Furthermore, the price wars on EVs that started in China a year ago have also trickled across to Nepal. Models such as the <a href="https://youtu.be/3wFN2I81Tq0?si=T6L4SAfRpoyNNvYC" target="_blank">MG S5</a>, Nammi Vigo, BYD Atto 2 (and 1) and <a href="https://youtu.be/y214kWbWTc4?si=bIevanDZEPQdkEs4" target="_blank">Deepal S05</a> saw aggressive pricing schemes and discounts that disrupted pre-existing quotas. Consumers can suddenly afford a lot more cars, and travel a lot further for a considerably smaller price tag.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_276afec1bdbd37497572939a4eada4bef74c9d075cd5851892c4dd1985edb9c5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="2025101711108_276afec1bdbd37497572939a4eada4bef74c9d075cd5851892c4dd1985edb9c5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1953" height="1107" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  However, booking numbers at both auto shows did not necessarily translate into actual deliveries. The fact remains that almost 80% of registered vehicles in Nepal are still two-wheelers, and GDP per capita stands at just $1500 — among the lowest in the world.&nbsp; This means that early first-adopters are first-time buyers, and the remaining customers in the market are more skeptical and less willing. But there are also those that are unlikely to consider the EV suitable to travel to off-road rural areas. For the average Nepali family, upgrading or purchasing a new car is no small decision. It happens in five years or more with resale values being a big determinant. The EV boom may be reaching saturation.&nbsp; Both NADA and NAIMA shows drove home the message that Nepal’s transport sector is on an electric fast-track, but the road ahead will be bumpy.&nbsp; Soon after the shows, the glacial debris flow on the Bhote Kosi knocked out the Rasuwa-Kerung border with China, and earlier landslides had already blocked the Koradi checkpoint. Manufacturers are now using the less convenient Korala border in Mustang. BYD, Leapmotor and Omoda &amp; Jaecoo have begun rerouting their vehicles to make up for delivery deadlines.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_62fd70a476656062005959c247b38178d8efabf8570c73929295c0a103ff4013.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="2025101711108_62fd70a476656062005959c247b38178d8efabf8570c73929295c0a103ff4013" data-rendition-name="original" width="1438" height="1031" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  Although the distance from the capital to the Korala border (470km) is four times longer than from Rasuwa (128km) &nbsp;and Tatopani (112km), it is still considered faster and more cost effective than shipping via India using sea routes.&nbsp; And then Nepal was engulfed in turmoil after the youth-led protests of 8-9 September and its aftermath. Many automobile showrooms around Thapathali including Tata, Hyundai and CG were vandalised and torched.&nbsp; Sushila Karki leads a caretaker government till elections are held in March, and the unsettled situation will affect the economy and investment climate as well as the automobile sector. Arnav Upadhyay reviews automobiles and promotes road safety under the handle Casually Annoyed Driver on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver" target="_blank">Youtube</a>, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver" target="_blank">Tiktok</a> and <a href="https://www.instagram.com/casuallyannoyeddriver/" target="_blank">IG</a>, and this monthly column Drive Line in Nepali Times.

Is Nepal reaching peak EV?

Nepali Times: You just climbed Mt Everest without oxygen and then skied down the mountain. How does one even train for something like that?&nbsp; Andrzej Bargiel: What made skiing down Everest possible was all the years of experience I’ve gained in high-altitude mountains. Spending a lot of time in the high mountains helps me read the snow, the conditions, and potential hazards. I need to ski often, especially in steep and exposed terrain, so that it becomes a place where I feel completely at home.&nbsp; I also climb regularly, I am an IFMGA mountain guide. I also run, ride a bike, and work out in the gym. Like in any endurance sport, I have to prepare my body for the demands of an expedition.&nbsp; What motivated you to do Everest? This was actually my third attempt on Everest. After many years of ski mountaineering and racing, I felt it would be great to use that experience to take on a meaningful project in the Himalaya. It’s about exploring what’s really possible, testing my limits, and seeing how far I can go. I was inspired by people like Davo Karničar, Fredrik Ericsson, and Hans Kammerlander, who showed that skiing in the high mountains can truly be done.&nbsp; What do you have to be most careful about when skiing at such high altitude? You really have to manage your energy well, because you need to be ready to spend many hours at very high altitude — even above 8,000 meters. Risk management is essential. You have to read the signals nature gives you and make the right decisions, choosing safe moments to move. The dangers are always there: avalanches, crevasses, extreme fatigue, and exposed terrain, so you have to stay fully aware and focused. Safety comes first, always. You also need to stay open to changing your plans, because in the mountains, things don’t always go the way you expect.&nbsp; Why did you choose autumn and not spring?&nbsp; Autumn is really the only season when you can think about making a full ski descent from the summit all the way to base camp. In the spring there’s much more ice left after winter, and the snow cover is broken. A full descent simply isn’t possible then, because too much rock and ice are exposed. Of course, in spring it’s easier to climb the mountain. The conditions are more stable, the snow is firmer, there’s less avalanche risk, and you don’t have to wade through deep snow. The autumn ascent is very complex and demanding, which is why so few expeditions attempt it. But in autumn, skiing becomes possible. Several meters of fresh snow fall on Everest’s slopes, covering the rocks and ice, and that transforms the mountain into something wild, beautiful, and most importantly skiable. What was your favourite part this time? The moment I remember most fondly was reaching the summit — and that first stretch just below the top, when I clicked into my skis and started moving down through surprisingly nice snow. It felt smooth and natural, a kind of free, easy glide down toward the Hillary Step. I could feel the movement, the flow, and at the same time this awareness that I was skiing from the highest point on Earth. It was just a really good feeling. The Icefall was another special moment. I felt from a skier’s point of view that it really worked. I could make my turns, and the descent itself was fun, technical, but a beautiful one too — full of variety, weaving through ice towers and seracs that looked incredible in the sunlight. It was challenging, but also just pure joy.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251015141012_e9e671e07b089a7d59e4b9ba34df993180ae2dfcae3786113a4d48c515427b3d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251015141012_e9e671e07b089a7d59e4b9ba34df993180ae2dfcae3786113a4d48c515427b3d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1365" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Andrzej Bargiel NT"> </figure>  And what was most challenging? The hardest moment came on 14 September, during our first summit push attempt. We were breaking trail in deep snow and reached the South Col in the evening. I already knew we wouldn’t be going higher that night, so I decided to stay there, to use the climb to acclimatise.&nbsp; But after that attempt failed, the team completely lost faith that the project could still succeed. Almost everyone started packing up, convinced it was over, nobody thought that the snow would stabilise enough.&nbsp; I skied down from the Col early the next morning in really good conditions, while the rest of the team descended on foot. Rebuilding belief within the team that it could still be done was the toughest part, mentally. It took me several days to bring that energy and motivation back, to make everyone believe again that we could try once more. What was your support crew like?&nbsp; I want to thank the whole team — all team members from Poland, all those who contributed to the project, all the sponsors, and the Seven Summit Treks crew, especially Dawa Sherpa, who had the courage to go to the top with me.&nbsp; In the end, his courage made it possible. Doing it alone would have been almost impossible. With him there, I felt safe, and that made all the difference. What potential for skiing do you see in the Himalaya?&nbsp; Huge. There’s massive potential here both for ski touring and for a more recreational form of skiing. In the Himalaya, there are so many mountains you can ski from, and they don’t have to be eight-thousanders.&nbsp; There is an incredible amount of snow even in the lower valleys during the winter, which makes it a really interesting place for skiing. You can find great powder and enjoy long, wide runs.&nbsp; The key, I think, is to keep developing local guiding structures. There should be more certified guides in Nepal, Sherpas gaining guiding qualifications, and a proper professional rescue service. That would definitely increase the sense of safety for both skiers and tourists coming to the mountains. I’d love to come back to the Himalayas one winter just to ski in those lower parts — in deep snow, on much longer and wider skis – that would be pure pleasure. At those lower altitudes, the fun can be so much greater, with a more relaxed, freeride kind of feeling.