Ever since the first flight into Kathmandu of a Beechcraft Bonanza in 1949 and the rapid development of civil aviation, Nepal’s terrain has necessitated the use of Short Takeoff and Landing (STOL) aircraft that serve small mountain airstrips. Building roads and infrastructure to connect remote communities was always expensive, and until recently many districts were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/airfields-without-airplanes">only accessible through STOL airfields</a>, or by foot. Despite a growing road network over the years, STOL operations continue to be a vital lifeline to isolated settlements in the mountains. Royal Nepal Airlines Corporation began its operations in 1958 with World War II vintage DC-3s, but for shorter airfields it inducted the de Havilland DHC-6-300 Twin Otters in 1970. At one point, Nepal’s flag carrier had an assortment of 19 aircraft, including nine Twin Otters and three Pilatus Porter PC-6 STOL aircraft. &nbsp; The airline also briefly flew the STOL-capable Harbin Y-12E in 2014 and has only two airworthy Twin Otters. However, it was the STOL operations of Nepal Airlines 50 years ago that laid the foundation for the entry of private domestic STOL operators.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109041120_1faf65214d8d7aa0a7e4659f831d0f721cd61155cf5aab8403db43049fb030ff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241109041120_1faf65214d8d7aa0a7e4659f831d0f721cd61155cf5aab8403db43049fb030ff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1311" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Keeping pilots flying to remote areas NT"> <figcaption>Photos: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption> </figure>  The government’s open skies policy in the 1990s dismantled the monopoly of the state-owned Nepal Airlines, heralding the privatisation of Nepal’s domestic aviation market and the arrival of many STOL-only airlines, of which Sita Air, Summit Air, and Tara Air are still operating today. However, flying STOL aircraft has become a less preferred job option for pilots, and flight crew retention has become a challenge for them. After initial progression, STOL pilots typically encounter career stagnation and face two alternatives: remain in the same company with the same flight responsibilities, or take on additional management responsibilities with fewer flight hours. The rapid expansion of non-STOL flights by other domestic operators has created a third option: career enhancement with higher salaries. While employees tend to remain in organisations as long as they receive continuous, nominal salary increases, the lack of STOL pilot bonuses can make alternative jobs more attractive.&nbsp; As a result, the STOL pilot has the choice of remaining satisfied with the financial and social aspects of a current job, or seek alternative non-STOL pilot options on ATRs, Q400s, and CRJ of other domestic airlines. The higher salary of STOL pilots is a dominant factor affecting retention.&nbsp; Pilots join the aviation industry for the glamour, salary or career prospects of flying jet aircraft. Pilots choosing to remain in STOL operations typically prioritise salary over career prospects, while pilots who leave STOL operations choose career prospects as their primary motivation.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109041120_a28c6905b08c9ebed3415b5c5766de5388cd19a7718bac5dfb9c365fae289e69.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241109041120_a28c6905b08c9ebed3415b5c5766de5388cd19a7718bac5dfb9c365fae289e69" data-rendition-name="original" width="2022" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Keeping pilots flying to remote areas NT"> <figcaption>Rara, Mugu</figcaption> </figure>  As they get older, a pilot’s priorities also change, although there does not seem to be a correlation between age and retention as a STOL pilot. Other factors, such as safety, compensation and benefits, and non-monetary factors like supervisor relations can affect the retention of STOL pilots. Communication, incentive structures and a guanxi network can be helpful in pilot retention as appropriate to the organisation’s cultural context and leadership style. However, the departure of pilots can cause significant economic loss to the airlines which invested substantially in their training. A survey of STOL pilots currently flying and those who had quit for better opportunities elsewhere found that while sufficient salary was necessary to retain pilots, the reasons for pilots leaving depended on whether they were family-oriented or extrinsically motivated. Additionally, the responses suggest that STOL pilots did not view salary, bonuses, incentives, medical benefits and annual leave as separate components of salary but rather tended to see all these as a total package of monetary and non-monetary benefits. STOL pilots typically draw a base salary for a predetermined number of flight hours that they need to fly, which can range between 40–60 hours a month, after which they receive an hourly rate for every extra flight hour. In addition, when deputed out of the base station, they receive a daily meal allowance and daily night-stop allowance. The salary has been structured to incentivise them to fly more flights willingly, even though Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) regulations restrict pilots to a maximum of 1,000 flight hours a year and 100 flight hours a month. STOL pilots typically approach 100 hours a month during the peak season and 40–50 hours a month off-peak.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241109041120_df0c519bc4e9404a3f624c623798fcb28dadcca011bc04bf5423231b42fe23df.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241109041120_df0c519bc4e9404a3f624c623798fcb28dadcca011bc04bf5423231b42fe23df" data-rendition-name="original" width="1781" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Keeping pilots flying to remote areas NT"> </figure>  Since the STOL pilot’s salary is based on the flight hours, there is a tendency to push the acceptable limits during marginal weather. Furthermore, even though STOL pilot salaries are lower than non-STOL pilots, their standby hours waiting for weather improvements in airfields with few navigational aids are significantly higher than non-STOL pilots. Hence the challenge of retaining STOL pilots must also be seen in the broader context of the expansion of the road network. The new STOL airfield construction spree due to political pressure has not increased passenger demand. Domestic airlines flying STOL aircraft like Twin Otters, LET410s, and Dornier Do228 subsidise their Nepali passengers by charging higher USD rates on tourist sectors like Lukla, Jomsom or Jufal. Therefore, STOL operators in Nepal are not in a financial position to offer competitive salaries, incentives, and bonuses to their pilots, which can impact their retention.&nbsp; On the other hand, STOL pilots with managerial responsibilities in an airline tend to be retained by the airline better than other pilots. In the past, STOL pilots used to be paid more than their counterparts flying bigger non-STOL planes. Nevertheless, broader options in non-STOL airlines in Nepal and overseas show that salary alone is no longer a sufficient factor in recruitment and retention of STOL pilots.&nbsp; Operators therefore have to fulfil other retention factors to keep STOL crew motivation and retention high. &nbsp; Captain Ajay Pradhan has over three decades of experience in STOL operations and has completed his doctorate on retention of Nepali STOL pilots from Australia.

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Keeping pilots flying to remote areas

There was a time 40 years ago when most of Nepal was still roadless, and aviation became a lifeline for many districts, even in the plains.&nbsp; After the DC-3s of Royal Nepal Airlines started being replaced with short takeoff and landing (STOL) de Havilland Canada DHC-6-300 Twin Otters, many airfields with grass runways came into operation from Bajhang in the west to Taplejung in the east. At that time, the national airline had 10 Twin Otters, and even though they flew mostly on loss-making routes, the state subsidised them to ensure connectivity.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241108041144_5b2ba7e52b649bd53256ad1dee30b5eeb615eb2bfed6d9f73894fce09872eeec.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241108041144_5b2ba7e52b649bd53256ad1dee30b5eeb615eb2bfed6d9f73894fce09872eeec" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Airfields without airplanes NT"> <figcaption>Jomsom, Mustang. Photos: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption> </figure>  The decline of Royal Nepal Airlines began, like most other parastatal corporations, with post-1990 political interference and corruption. A flock of new private airlines took off, and despite a government regulation that they also serve STOL airfields, air services to many remote areas were scrapped. Of the 49 airports in the country, 37 are STOL airfields and more than 20 of them have not seen flights for years, if not decades. Despite this, the government used an Asian Development Bank (ADB) loan to black top the runways and aprons of even disused airfields in the hope that some private airline would start flights.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241108041144_1fb1970d4e08476b5a6475dd5f7a3b5fef05c2ff83d05bec274c99bf82746206.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241108041144_1fb1970d4e08476b5a6475dd5f7a3b5fef05c2ff83d05bec274c99bf82746206" data-rendition-name="original" width="1778" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Airfields without airplanes NT"> <figcaption>Dipayal, Doti Photo: BASANT PRATAP SINGH/CIJ</figcaption> </figure>  Yet, more airfields are being built in Arghakhanchi, and Kamal Bazar of Achham under political pressure. Now that bulldozers have defaced Nepal’s mountains with badly engineered roads, local governments are on an airfield building spree without necessary homework on feasibility. Nepal Airlines has only two airworthy Twin Otters left, and private STOL airlines focus on tourist airfields like Lukla, Jomsom or Jufal for ‘dollar passengers’, and do not want to fly loss-making ‘rupee routes’. &nbsp; On the other hand, domestic air travel volume has shot up this year because the heavy monsoon damaged many highways. But most of the traffic increase has been on trunk routes between Kathmandu and Pokhara, Surkhet, and Tarai cities. This Dasain, Kathmandu airport saw a record 560 flights in one day, most of them by domestic carriers. The total domestic passenger volume in 2024 is expected to surpass 4 million. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241108041144_52512428a4516d344c6e0ef94e2c9e2c7491a38103646cf90d40efac6ea0add3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241108041144_52512428a4516d344c6e0ef94e2c9e2c7491a38103646cf90d40efac6ea0add3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Airfields without airplanes NT"> <figcaption>Jufal, Dolpo</figcaption> </figure>  Yet, many of the derelict airports have returned to being grazing grounds for goats and cattle. There is housing encroachment into some airfields like Palungtar in Gorkha, and roads slice across what used to be runways at other unused airfields. Yet, the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) still allocated a budget for many of these airfields, including for air traffic controllers who have little to do. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The Auditor General’s Report last year found that the state was losing Rs1 billion a year in the upkeep of abandoned airfields, or airports that were built recently but where there have been no flights after the fanfare of an inaugural landing. Yet there is public pressure on elected officials to build airfields just so they do not have to make long and tiring journeys by road. New airfields are therefore built without a proper business plan, and in the absence of guarantees from private airlines that they will fly there. A further incentive is the kickback local officials get from construction companies. A case in point is Dharan where mayor Harka Sampang is pushing for an airport for his city even though Biratnagar airport is only an hour drive away. He is quoted in the media as saying that airports are like toilets because “every home must have its own toilet … one can’t use a neighbour’s toilet”.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241108041148_806f0eede4834603b46969d28eef7f17bf59270796e880dca203ede2a42ccab6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241108041148_806f0eede4834603b46969d28eef7f17bf59270796e880dca203ede2a42ccab6" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="723" loading="lazy" alt="Airfields without airplanes NT"> <figcaption>Simikot, Humla</figcaption> </figure>  New airports like Kotbada in Achham and Phalgundanda in Ilam, or upgraded ones like Baglung, Baitadi, Manang are inaugurated by ministers who fly in from Kathmandu to be garlanded on the tarmac, and then all is forgotten. The runway reverts to becoming a site for TikTok videos. Airport construction is becoming an epidemic. There are now seven old and new airfields in a 40km radius around Rumjatar: in Ramechhap, Khiji, Phaplu, Kangel, Lamidanda, Khanidanda and Bhojpur. Similarly, although Baitadi’s airfield has been blacktopped, a new airport is being proposed 12km away for Dadeldhura, the constituency of former prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. A new airfield is being built at Kamal Bazar of Achham, even though it is only 20km from a functioning airport at Sanfe. Doti, which was an important airfield serving roadless neighbouring districts, was upgraded in 2016. But has never been used.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241108041144_5e4f2c8de2e5f1cb8cf68779349e8e98b34c1aa5c1cdb5fa3ad9b2eb8a533dde.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241108041144_5e4f2c8de2e5f1cb8cf68779349e8e98b34c1aa5c1cdb5fa3ad9b2eb8a533dde" data-rendition-name="original" width="2932" height="1368" loading="lazy" alt="Airfields without airplanes NT"> <figcaption>Rara, Mugu</figcaption> </figure>  A probe by the Centre for Investigative Journalism found that former Tourism and Civil Aviation Minister Prem Ale allocated over Rs1.3 billion to blacktop grass runways and build new airports at 10 sites in the far west. Despite more and more new airports seeing no flights at all, there are at least 20 more in the pipeline: in Dang, Dhankuta, Humla, Piuthan, Tehrathum, Udaypur, Sindhuli, Kalikot and Mustang. It looks like every district now wants an airport as a status symbol, even if it has a non-functioning one already. Private airlines do not want to fly loss-making routes, but surprisingly they do not even serve airfields with vast tourism potential like Rara or Manang – especially when roads to those trekking destinations are so poor and dangerous.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241108041148_002b1612380bf8b17d9056c3e262ecce19fe39963a7b8ba5d9b20356dc4c9853.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241108041148_002b1612380bf8b17d9056c3e262ecce19fe39963a7b8ba5d9b20356dc4c9853" data-rendition-name="original" width="750" height="931" loading="lazy" alt="Airfields without airplanes NT"> <figcaption>Humde, Manang. Photo: SOCIAL MEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Underused mountain airfields in Nepal are just an extension of the new international airports in Bhairawa and Pokhara which together cost more than $300 million to build with international loans, but have not seen regular international flights for nearly three years. The severely congested Kathmandu airport is the only one that actually makes money, but that is because it also has some of the highest landing and ground handling charges in the region. To summarise: passengers enduring shoddy service and delays at Kathmandu are paying to build airfields across Nepal that may never be used.

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Airfields without airplanes

As this report is uploaded, the latest results in Nepal’s election show that the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) is headed for an even bigger sweep than most had predicted.
The RSP was leading by large margins in 49 of 165 constituencies, &nbsp;with the UML, NC and NCP trailing far behind. Prominent political figures from the old parties like K P Oli, Minwndra Prasad Rijal, Ishwar Pokhrel, Bishnu Prasad Poudel, Bimalendra Nidhi all seem headed for defeat.
It does look like the RSP’s bell election symbol is ringing right across Nepal — from cities to the remotest districts in the mountains and plains. The party’s blue colour is sweeping the land.
The Nepali people seem to have sent a clear message that they were throughly dissatisfied with the chronic failure of the three main parties to work in the national interest to create jobs and deliver development. It was also an expression of lingering outrage over the the 8 September massacre outside Parliament. &nbsp;
It now looks almost certain that Balendra Shah will get to be Nepal’s next, and youngest, prime minister. Hopefully he will be leading a cabinet of competent and honest technocrats. It remains to seen how the power equation between Shah and the RSP’s leader, Rabi Lamichhane will play out.
Lamichhane is out of jail on bail for fraud cases which he has called political vendetta by the previous regime. Both he and Shah are charismatic and ambitious. Their working relationship will determine Nepal's political stability and whether it can avoid the political cronyism of the past.
This election was not just about casting votes. It was about standing up to principles and a value system, and respecting the hopes and aspirations of Nepal’s youth. It to push for transparent government and against impunity — including for the gunning down of young Nepalis in cold blood.
<div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://election-geo-dashboard.pages.dev/" width="100%" height="600" frameborder="0"> </iframe>Live election results as winners of candidates are announced.</div>
CAN DO MAN
Shah got mixed reviews as mayor. He was impulsive and ad hoc, but most people inKathmandu and beyond liked his can-do attitude and unconventional style which stood in sharp contract to the legacy leaders. Over his three year mayorship he showed more maturity and planning capacity.&nbsp;
But he always ran headlong into opposition from the federal government over his urban planning and other initiatives to make Kathmandu more liveable. Coming from a civil and structural engineering background, he was involved in building low-cost housing after the 2015 earthquake.
But his public persona is more tied to his irreverent rap lyrics that stood up for the marginalised underprivileged in society, while exposing the high-handedness and apathy of the state. But this also exposed contradictions because he also used his own municipal guards to beat and chase away street vendors and squatters.
But there is no doubt that a combination of the sharp messaging in his rap videos amplified by the algorithms of social media ignited Nepal’s youth to rise up. It was more about optics and emotion than policy and strategy.
He studied Kathmandu district for five years, visiting experts in every field before announcing his independent candidacy for mayor in 2022. Many like me in his own constitunecy did not know who he was and where he came from.
He is a year younger than my architect son, and I saw in him a reflection of my own son’s commitment to serving the nation. I voted for him to be mayor despite his sometimes erratic behaviour, which could be attributed to his youth.
The best sign of his strategic planning, which unsettled septuagenarian and octogenarian politicians, is the he did not grab the first easy option of becoming prime minister in September when GenZ activists offered him the post.&nbsp;
Joining RSP was a masterstroke, as was his challenge to Oli in Jhapa to project national branding. He needed a party platform and Lamichhane needed a popular prime ministerial persona since he himself could not hold the post.
Shah has shown the capacity to take risks when he believes the value justifies the action for the country. Now, he will have to show more strategic thinking on a national scale, as well as understand the delicate geopolitics of Nepal.&nbsp;
He must rise above the kind of crude social media posts that earned him followers on X, but did nothing to erase his erratic and impulsive image.&nbsp;
Some assume that behind his trademark RayBan shades is a closet dictator, and his past remarks about Hitler are still up on social media. He has in the past shown impatience with criticism, unleashing supporters on social media to troll detractors.&nbsp;
Even so, the public seems willing to place their hope on an educated young man with integrity and a proven record for planning at the helm. By tomorrow it will be clear whether the hope Nepalis have held has been fulfilled, and the coming years will show if the RSP will lead Nepalis to a better future.
The voters seem to have shown the door even to the NC despite the fact that under Gagan Thapa, the party had turned a new leaf. A strong government under Prime Minister Balendra Shah heading a carefully selected cabinet and a strong opposition of the NC, UML and other parties for check and balance may be just what we need for a stable Nepal.&nbsp;
Nepalis have collectively always shown maturity in elections. This time they have given a resounding endorsement for integrity and for good governance.

Bells ring all over Nepal

Nepali Congress (NC) President Gagan Thapa's candidacy in Sarlahi-4 has thrust this Madhes constituency into rare national focus. If Thapa wins and the NC emerges as the largest party, Sarlahi-4 will send Nepal's next prime minister to Parliament. But if he does not, Nepal’s grand old party will face the next years in the opposition to fight another day. There is a troubling paradox in Sarlahi-4 where the district bordering the Indian state of Bihar has been a battleground for national politicians with fierce electoral competition, all while remaining one of the region's most underserved and underdeveloped constituencies.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_069cbbc11e971a851b444866dee57f760c0cc611ed40bdf96c627e343e3c0485.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260305140344_069cbbc11e971a851b444866dee57f760c0cc611ed40bdf96c627e343e3c0485" data-rendition-name="original" width="1802" height="1276" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo: MADHES PAHARA MEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Ever since Mahant Thakur split from NC in 2008 to form the Tarai Madhes Loktantrik Party, the district has seen rotating political alliances and fragmented votes. Yet, despite 18 years of candidates promising change irrigation schemes remain incomplete, market access for farmers has not improved, unemployment is high.&nbsp; On election day, voters here marked their ballots with fingers stained by dye from the Holi festival the day before. The road leading to Barathawa Bazar was deserted for the most part, except for some youth riding in motorcycles. This is where the high-profile contest between Gagan Thapa and RSP nominee Amresh Singh is being staged. Among the other aspirants is 27-year-old UML candidate Amnish Yadav, the son of former MP Shiv Pujan Yadav. The Yadavs are a political family with considerable caste influence in the constituency. In 2022 Yadav’s daughter Madhumala Yadav received over 14,000 votes here, ranking third overall. Yadav was voted MP from the Maoist party, but defected to the UML this time. His other son is the chair of Sarlahi’s Ramnagar Rural Municipality. Sarhali-4 has 121,012 voters, and the Yadav is banking on the 27,000-strong Yadav vote bank. Sarlahi-4 voter Avishek Sah told us he wanted his vote to go to a young nominee and not someone who has been MP thrice already, like Amresh Singh. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_527c5c2f9aa6a6c7e3bbdfbfe79fdafb0a0b56a62427e9ced86b924c6c563b10.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260305140344_527c5c2f9aa6a6c7e3bbdfbfe79fdafb0a0b56a62427e9ced86b924c6c563b10" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo: AYUSHA CHALISE</figcaption> </figure>  To make local loyalties even more complicated, Amnish Yadav’s uncle, Harinder Yadav is an active NC member and walked side by side with Gagan Thapa during his door-to-door campaigns.&nbsp; The NC is betting on Thapa getting over 60% of the total votes. Amresh Singh’s tally could be limited to 10,000 votes — that too because of the nationwide RSP wave, and the popularity of its prime ministerial hopeful Balendra (Balen) Shah. “Amresh Singh lost his appeal when he played victim after he was denied a ticket by the NC in 2022,” Harinder Yadav says. Voters we spoke to here agreed with this assessment that Singh did not do much for the district once he got elected in the past, and being a part of the RSP seems to be his biggest asset. “The only reason I voted for Amresh Singh is because Balen is in RSP,” local voter Mahendra Gupta from Barathawa. &nbsp;“This is his last chance to return the people’s trust.”&nbsp; Gupta is aware of the institutional presence of the NC here. The party received the most votes in 2022 local elections, adding that the candidacy of someone as high-profile as Thapa is a positive sign for Sarlahi-4.&nbsp; Other voters like Ruby Gupta are rooting for both the NC and the RSP. “I will vote for Gagan and for Balen,” she says, adding that her FPTP vote will go to Thapa while her PR ballot would be for the RSP. RSP supporters are confident that their candidate will win big because even though many voters may not have openly voiced their support they still voted for the party and candidate. The Balen Wave was not limited to RSP voters, but also to UML candidate Yadav, who said in a gathering that he will be “the voters Balen” if they elect him. He touted his party’s track record in government, and largely campaigned on administrative efficiency, infrastructural expansion, and local service delivery. Amresh Singh ran on the RSP’s anti-establishment brand, promising to fight corruption, challenge traditional party politics, improve basic services such as education, health, jobs, and infrastructure, while pushing for stronger representation and development for Madhes.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260305140344_982df01801fa7d3532ca0555ecb8a0756e3223be3d93650e08ca82a312dc2ebd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260305140344_982df01801fa7d3532ca0555ecb8a0756e3223be3d93650e08ca82a312dc2ebd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Sarlahi-4 voting"> <figcaption>Photo:AYUSHA CHALISE</figcaption> </figure>  Singh’s rivalry with his NC competitor goes beyond the ballot— he allegedly blames Thapa for being denied the NC ticket in 2022, which led him to win the election from Sarlahi-4 as an independent. &nbsp; For his part, Gagan Thapa focused on a more pragmatic development agenda that includes upgrading roads and irrigation, improving schools and hospitals, supporting farmers, and creating employment opportunities with improved governance at the centre. He also promised to build an engineering college in the constituency.&nbsp; Thapa also promoted his own anti-establishment image within the NC, repeatedly reminding voters on the campaign trail that he represents the aspirations of the youth.&nbsp; On Thursday, as voting progressed, there were violent disruptions in two centres where voting was briefly halted. But Sarlahi district police spokesperson Saroj Rai told Nepali Times that there were no major problems. Police in collaboration with the Nepal Army sent the ballot papers to the district’s counting stations, where the votes are expected to be tallied through the night and the winner announced Friday morning.

Sarlahi-4 nervously watches ballot count

Nepal conducted its post-GenZ movement early election on Thursday in a peaceful and orderly manner, although turnout was below average in most districts. In fact, some constituencies saw voters reject the election, including in Arghakhanchi and Mustang.&nbsp; Preparation for the polls had to be done hurriedly after the September protests, with little time for political parties to work on their manifestos and campaign. But the election did push most parties to field younger, fresher and untainted candidates. This was more a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/old-vs-new-vs-new">personality-driven election for the next prime minister</a> than a traditional parliamentary poll. The three main parties had pre-emptively announced their prime ministerial candidates although the chief executive is supposed to be decided by the largest party in the House.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514034_00809e41288d8dd46d1c8915e8e39fba09892049cfda37ba347e4b23989e94c0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026030514034_00809e41288d8dd46d1c8915e8e39fba09892049cfda37ba347e4b23989e94c0" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1366" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>Balendra Shah</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514034_d288f2cbe05c9c1376e315ea4f24528c5ee63766c978657aee8848eb9f87f4ea.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026030514034_d288f2cbe05c9c1376e315ea4f24528c5ee63766c978657aee8848eb9f87f4ea" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1066" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>Gagan Thapa</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514034_3e2c1c4595b3aa3a4b0c6ca80aa6243e7c5c6e5d232c9295a380c565f85bd233.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2026030514034_3e2c1c4595b3aa3a4b0c6ca80aa6243e7c5c6e5d232c9295a380c565f85bd233" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>K P Oli</figcaption> </figure>  Going by the noise on social media sites, there seemed to be overwhelming support for the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and its prime ministerial hopeful, former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/political-rap">Balendra Shah</a>. Standing against him in his home turf was K P Oli, of the UML who was forced to resign after the 9 September protests. Although the UML was fielding a tried and tested leader, the Nepali Congress (NC) has tried to carry forward the GenZ aspiration for change by putting forward its new party leader Gagan Thapa as its prime ministerial candidate. The lower-than-average turnout appears to have been driven by several factors: a public that is apathetic towards the older parties but is not yet convinced by the capability of the new. Limited time campaigning, and the over-idealistic manifestos of the parties does not seem to have fired up the electorate.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514038_50394032b053d433ed039aeb6d2c00a491d2a56b48a67e55e27fbffe7e4c7fe4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2026030514038_50394032b053d433ed039aeb6d2c00a491d2a56b48a67e55e27fbffe7e4c7fe4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="854" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>Photos: ADITYA KHARE</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514038_84677be963084003c9a3d3fec0b8f95ab9b9db08c160f08c82aa03b02cb81260.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="2026030514038_84677be963084003c9a3d3fec0b8f95ab9b9db08c160f08c82aa03b02cb81260" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="854" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> </figure>  The low turnout is also a reflection of massive outmigration from rural districts, and the requirement that voters had to go to their own home constituencies to vote. And since the Election Commission could not organised ballot by mail or online voting, most of the estimated 4 million voters abroad also could not cast their ballots. To be sure, Nepalis abroad do represent an anti-incumbent vote bloc, and they have influenced families and friends back home through social media. The trend towards RSP and younger candidates is therefore a rejection of the old, and a protest vote against the legacy parties rather than full support for the new ones. Many migrants who were coming back to vote were also stuck in West Asia after the war broke out between Iran and Israel-US. Airlines have had to make drastic rerouting plans, and at least 21,000 flights have been cancelled. The conflict will affect petroleum imports including LPG and aviation fuel, if it continues any longer. Although our reliance on fossil fuels is declining, thanks to the increased electrification of transport and cooking, the shortage might be the first crisis for the new government of Nepal to tackle.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514038_986438337f2af271ab33d267560b8a25691a72292aae074488dc8e77f27cf9c1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2026030514038_986438337f2af271ab33d267560b8a25691a72292aae074488dc8e77f27cf9c1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1536" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>Polling in Sangjya. Photo: SHRISTI KARKI</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514038_dd2624707dae59f3b32fdebb402a3edfbfe99a4031f4f43dd4522ef7c58bfab0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="2026030514038_dd2624707dae59f3b32fdebb402a3edfbfe99a4031f4f43dd4522ef7c58bfab0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1523" height="2030" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>Photo: SUDIKSHA TULADHAR</figcaption> </figure>  There were 18.9 million registered voters nationwide, and the 60% turnout this time follows a declining trend, possibly making it the lowest in Nepal's polling history. In the first federal election in 2017, the turnout was an impressive 67%, which dipped to 61% in the 2022 election, although it was slightly higher in the municipal election. The EC has started counting the votes on Thursday evening and hopes to have the winners of the FPTP candidates out within 24 hours, however the tallies of the Proportional Representation ballots for the parties may take up to a week.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514034_8ff38b016d3cb75f27343ebe5d826f9201bfefffb6147dcbb0c415071ceb472d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2026030514034_8ff38b016d3cb75f27343ebe5d826f9201bfefffb6147dcbb0c415071ceb472d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1616" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> <figcaption>Ballot boxes being collected. Photos: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514034_6e6f6a792db2790533b7ef261e51dbdc07745ee96b80eaa8edc5abab4c7cfd21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="2026030514034_6e6f6a792db2790533b7ef261e51dbdc07745ee96b80eaa8edc5abab4c7cfd21" data-rendition-name="original" width="1616" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026030514034_75951a6583c17a741e3f9bd1abb796bbefed335cb6e694e5cddf519bfd0b9ed4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="2026030514034_75951a6583c17a741e3f9bd1abb796bbefed335cb6e694e5cddf519bfd0b9ed4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1616" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal elections"> </figure>  Many have praised the interim prime minister installed six months ago by the GenZ movement, former chief justice <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mission-nearly-accomplished">Sushila Karki</a> for conducting the polls on time as promised—a task that looked impossible until a few months ago, especially considering how Sri Lanka and Bangladesh suspended their electoral processes for a long time following their own youth uprisings. Balen Shah also took to his social media to commend Karki. He wrote: 'हजुरको नेतृत्वमा आज लोकतन्त्रले जितेको छ । <a href="https://www.facebook.com/hashtag/%E0%A4%86%E0%A4%AE%E0%A4%BE?__eep__=6&amp;__cft__[0]=AZYlGAeGzdXOS93cs8uOYTfW2l5YtXypnOpQOwFwdzWQQ2X_sLcqe_tqk518ULo-ftJnT5sCeT83L5zqMhzL09YgqxYLxDTzkHRSXiEtegetmKjz0ZbMz54cS2KFOKvPtqdHCZn4J6N0i4IvRDSXgHcCdLLd3kQYflb-Popks3zpA3O9Pqd4_Yh9efVCtMUPumJdN0l-y32bQLREPIMYm_mnJDYHbgoUy9iRUGMu1IOGHQ&amp;__tn__=*NK-y-R" target="_blank">#आमा</a>' (Democracy has won under your leadership. #mother). After casting her vote from Kathmandu on Thursday, Karki said: “I have fulfilled my responsibility towards the nation, let us hope the people’s wish for stability and prosperity will be fulfilled by the new elected government.”

Nepal votes with below average turnout

After Thursday’s election, Nepalis are in a wait-and-watch mode. The Election Commission says counting ballot papers will be expedited this time, and the results for the First-Past-The-Post (FPTP) will start being declared within days. In 2022, it took three weeks for the final results to be tallied.&nbsp;
But winning an election is only half the challenge for the parties, forming a government under parliamentary politics is like a complicated mathematical equation.&nbsp;
In 2022, the Nepali Congress (NC) emerged as the biggest party, winning 89 seats. But the UML with 78 seats and the Maoists with 32 formed a minority government. In fact, Sher Bahadur Deuba did not become PM then despite leading the biggest party in Parliament.
This time, there is an unmistakeable Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) wave led by its prime ministerial candidate, Balendra Shah. Besides his own popularity, Shah represents change which most Nepalis are clamouring for after decades of corrupt and feckless coalitions that did not deliver.&nbsp;
The past months of campaigning has seen massive youth engagement on social media through memes, AI clips, and viral images. Digital content that appeals to emotion rather than policy debate between candidates shape electoral outcomes in Nepal and elsewhere. &nbsp;
Shah represents GenZ aspirations, and was their candidate for prime minister. It was only when he declined that Sushila Karki was nominated. None of the political parties in the recent past -- new, old, or revolutionary — have won enough seats to go it alone.&nbsp;
The most recent majority government was formed by the short-lived Communist Party of Nepal after the UML-Maoist merger in 2022. But that rare two-thirds majority collapsed after a power struggle between K P Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal. The only party to have won a majority was the NC in the 1991 and 1999 elections. But it is near impossible for it to repeat this success now, even with Gagan Thapa's rebranding of the party.&nbsp;
We have compiled these possible scenarios for election outcome in order of likelihood:
RSP gets a majority
RSP hits the magic 138 to form a government entirely on its own. Balendra Shah wins Jhapa-5, and becomes the new prime minister at 35, the youngest ever to hold the office in Nepal. But danger lurks: there could be a personality clash between Shah and Lamichhane who are both equally ambitious. History could repeat itself.&nbsp;
RSP wins but does not get a majority
RSP is likely to sweep the most votes, but what if it does not secure enough seats for a majority? It would need a coalition partner and Nepali Communist Party (NCP) under Pushpa Kamal Dahal could fit the bill, but only if it has the numbers. The RSP is not likely to team up with the UML or NC.
The NCP is relatively untainted by the 8 September events, and also has former UML defectors like Madhav Kumar Nepal and Bhim Rawal who could bag their rural vote banks. After all, there are no permanent foes in politics. If the royalist RPP and Tarai-based Janata Samajwadi have enough seats, those could be options for the RSP. &nbsp;
NC is second
The NC under the new leadership of Gagan Thapa could become the second biggest force and form a government with RSP in a power-sharing deal with Shah. This would be the most stable scenario since the RSP and NC have competent and idealistic young technocrats. Thapa himself embodies a strong combination of both old and new politics to navigate the system for more efficient government. But then Thapa and the RSP's Rabi Lamichhane do not get along.
NC and NCP form a majority
If the NC becomes the largest party but not by a big margin, it could join up with the NCP and Ujyalo. Teaming up with the UML would likely face backlash with the party and outside. If Gagan Thapa becomes prime minister he will face internal pressure from both Deuba loyalists. Same old story.
Minority coalition of NC, UML and NCP
RSP becomes the first party but does not get a majority, paving the way for the three legacy parties to cobble together a minority government. While this is possible in Nepal’s parliamentary system, such a scenario is likely to lead to more instability and dissatisfaction among young Nepalis demanding change, and even trigger street unrest. &nbsp;

stol-airfields

Keeping pilots flying to remote areas

Airfields without airplanes

Bells ring all over Nepal

Sarlahi-4 nervously watches ballot count

Nepal votes with below average turnout

The magic 138