Petrol, diesel, electricity, hybrids. They are various forms of engines automobiles used to propel them forward. Few know that the first cars 150 years ago were actually battery-powered, but the Ford Model T overtook them. Ever since the first vehicles were carried over Chitlang pass to their Rana owners in Kathmandu in the early 1920s, Nepalis have been fascinated by the traditional internal combustion engine that burns some form of liquid fuel. But in the past five years, there has been a switch to battery-powered electric vehicles (BEVs). Better range and lower cost due to tax rebates made Nepal the second country after Norway last year to adopt EVs. But there is another option for Nepal that predates the recent popularity of electric vehicles: hybrids. Early on, electric vehicles also faced a monumental challenge in Nepal to gain acceptance. Skepticism behind the technology was by far the biggest hurdle for the industry. People were not ready to adopt it and even if they did, it was a gamble because only a few knew how to maintain and repair such vehicles. Furthermore, there was zero charging infrastructure, and it was not feasible to travel long distances.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090316_6dcf0c22a1910ad99535fb8d177d43bfbd59254d540850d5730f9ce782c37a93.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260319090316_6dcf0c22a1910ad99535fb8d177d43bfbd59254d540850d5730f9ce782c37a93" data-rendition-name="original" width="1250" height="829" loading="lazy" alt="hybrid cars in Nepal"></figure>  It was the excise tax cuts that made EVs affordable, and while the taxes have crept up over the years they still remain below that of traditional internal combustion engines. Newly-elected MP Swarnim Wagle, who is being touted as the RSP’s new finance minister said last week he wanted to bring down the taxes on petrol cars too. However, the taxes never came down for hybrid cars even though they position themselves as an alternative to petrol. The tax structure for hybrids is similar to traditional gasoline vehicles. As a result, most hybrids available command a steep starting price above Rs10 million. The smallest Toyota hybrid, the Yaris Cross, comes at Rs12.9 million. Toyota also sells the Corolla Cross and Rav4 hybrid. To be sure, hybrids have been around for 20 years, and this paper actually test-drove and reviewed the Honda Insight and the Toyota Prius in 2013. Toyota brought an early gen Prius model back in 2007, and its owner Suryansh Vaidya of Toyota Nepal says the car is still running smoothly with over 85% battery health after all these years.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090316_8623eabd426e8b8a4d606c8cb7abe85b125a255d09158aa22b555b26b48401fd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260319090316_8623eabd426e8b8a4d606c8cb7abe85b125a255d09158aa22b555b26b48401fd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="984" loading="lazy" alt="hybrid cars in Nepal"></figure>  Unlike internal combustion engines that solely rely on the combustion of a fuel to move the crankshaft and propel the car forward, or BEVs that solely rely on batteries to spin electric motors that then spin the wheels, hybrids usually have both. They mostly come equipped with a smaller sized battery pack and motor that is integrated into the output of a traditional gas engine. Over the years, hybrids have evolved and provide a number of advantages to traditional petrol and diesel cars such as better mileage and smoother ride handling as the tiny battery and electric motor. At lower speeds (and traffic) hybrids fully utilise its electric half, thereby saving fuel and providing better pickup. Hybrids have evolved in size and shape and have come to replace the much favoured gasoline engine vehicle in many countries globally. The market remains robust in Japan where nearly 30% of vehicles are hybrids and even USA has seen 7 million hybrids till date. There has been a wave of adoption hitting some European markets such as Switzerland and the Netherlands.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090316_2bdc91b607f7307e834a9bcd566f77e33120cb896d833c1c1479d9c0cfd0380b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260319090316_2bdc91b607f7307e834a9bcd566f77e33120cb896d833c1c1479d9c0cfd0380b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="874" loading="lazy" alt="hybrid cars in Nepal"></figure>  ELECTRIC NEPAL However, Nepal has taken the EV road. And although this reduces the country’s petroleum imports, EV battery packs contain a lot of rare earth and other metals that if disposed haphazardly can be toxic. Most EV distributors claim their batteries will easily last a decade (or more) and provide an industry standard of eight years warranty. Both BYD and Deepal, among the top-selling EVs in Nepal, even provide extended warranties up to 10 and 11 years. Annie Gardner Vaidya from Vijay Motors, the importer of Subaru says the smaller hybrid batteries tend to last longer: up to 15 years. And this generally seems to be the case as unlike in EVs the on-board hybrid batteries rarely fully charge or fully drain and constantly operate in a safe middle-ground, dramatically reducing wear. Both the 2,000cc Subaru Forester and Crosstrek deliver between 14-16 km per litre with moderate driving. Whereas the 1,496cc Toyota Yaris Cross hybrid with a smaller engine claims a slightly higher mileage of 18-20kpl. “What hybrids gives you is almost unlimited range within Nepal with a much lower fuel cost with models that have a proven record in rough terrain,” says Annie Gardner Vaidya from Vijay Motors. In most countries, the general trend is that gasoline vehicles are the cheapest to purchase as they are easiest to mass produce and simplest in technology. Hybrids are the middle ground as they have both an engine and a battery, making their drivetrain slightly more complex. Hybrids are still cheaper than most EVs because the battery pack is much smaller. But EVs are the most expensive of the three, as the large battery pack contains expensive rare earth minerals. However, this chronology is not followed in Nepal. EVs vehicles are the cheapest, followed by traditional petrol and diesel cars, with hybrids generally being the most expensive. Taxes are to blame. Better, more favourable taxes and subsidies for the hybrids, just like their EV counterparts, would have been beneficial for the country in reducing petroleum imports as well as air pollution. “Where investments on the EV charging infrastructure had to start from scratch, hybrid technology would not have needed any because all they require is fueling up at any existing gas station,” explains Suryansh Vaidya at Toyota. “In fact, hybrids did not even have a learning curve from traditional petrol or diesel cars, unlike EV’s that need to be driven differently to maximise range and efficiency.” Despite being well acknowledged and proven worldwide, hybrids never found momentum in Nepal largely due to pricing, policy and timing. While hybrids arrived carrying the cost burden of both expensive petrol cars added to a complex electric drivetrain, government incentives quickly began to overwhelmingly favour battery-powered electric vehicles after the Covid pandemic. Import duties on EV fell sharply, making them dramatically affordable and offering better value for money for everyday consumers. Why spend 10 million when you could get a sleek EV for half that? Rising fuel prices and aggressive improvements and the rapid spread of charging infrastructure paved the way for quicker adoption. Slowly but surely, public perception in favour of EVs was building up. This left hybrids too expensive to compete with not just EVs, but against petrol cars. In Nepal’s context for cleaner and smarter mobility, hybrids did not fail due to weak technology, but because the market moved faster than their value proposition could keep up. As of 2026, besides Subaru and Toyota hybrids, cars like the BMW X5 (plug-in hybrid), BYD Shark (plug-in hybrid), GWM Tank 300 (hybrid), GWM Tank 500 (hybrid), Mitsubishi Outlander (plug-in hybrid), Nissan X-trail E-Power (series hybrid) and Suzuki’s Grand Vitara (hybrid) and Victoris (hybrid) are also available. But unless the new government changes the tax structure, all these names remain largely absent in Nepal. <h2>Hybrid types</h2>  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090316_1c7a2884549b6853351ea314146aae6814968387b9ad34b26082c0e9bc6e9f59.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260319090316_1c7a2884549b6853351ea314146aae6814968387b9ad34b26082c0e9bc6e9f59" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="843" loading="lazy" alt="hybrid cars in Nepal"></figure>  A full hybrid contains both a gas engine and electric motor with a sizable battery that can alone drive the car. The battery is charged internally when the vehicle is in motion. A plug-in hybrid is just like a full hybrid with the only difference that you can actually plug the battery to charge it. A mild hybrid again follows the same principle of using both motor and battery, but due to the smaller size of the battery, it alone cannot drive the vehicle.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090316_23309d735cc8b788dc1ce6605e3f37b0c20e0886874b0c4538b79a2fe685912d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260319090316_23309d735cc8b788dc1ce6605e3f37b0c20e0886874b0c4538b79a2fe685912d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="844" loading="lazy" alt="hybrid cars in Nepal"></figure>  And then there are other variations to the system called series hybrid where petrol is actually used to operate an in-house generator that produces electricity, which then in return powers the car such as the newest generation of Nissan X-Trail in the Nepali market. And then finally come micro-hybrids that assist during ignition (auto on/off in traffic) and have some form of regenerative braking that captures the vehicle’s kinetic energy during deceleration to charge the on-board battery. Arnav Upadhyay is a content creator who reviews automobiles and promotes road safety on Youtube, Tiktok and IG under the handle Casually Annoyed Driver. This is his regular Drive Line column in Nepali Times.

Arnav Upadhyay

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High tax hinders hybrids

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161124/636d183d9c7e80680e0ac7b4png.png" alt="" width="656" height="380"/>A combination of tax rebates, the Dasain-Tihar season, and a public fed up with being cooped for nearly two years due to Covid restrictions is driving a spurt in sales of private electric vehicles in Nepal.Electric car importers are scrambling to meet the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/e-vehicles-prepare-for-post-lockdown-boom/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> surge in post-pandemic and pre-festival demand</a>, but are being held back by global supply chain disruptions due to shortages of microchips, lithium batteries, and maritime cargo capacity.The KP Oli government in May <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-nepal-budget-sparks-electric-comeback/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">scrapped taxes imposed last year</a> by his own <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-takes-3-steps-back-on-e-cars/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">previous finance minister Yubaraj Khatiwada</a>. The coalition government of Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba has retained the tax breaks.Under the new tax forumla, the excise duty on battery powered cars was withdrawn, and the customs duty was restored to the 10% that had been in place for the past five years. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/plug-ins/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">tax cuts in 2016</a> had made electric cars more affordable, and led to a spike in demand. Electric car imports fell to nearly zero after the taxes were reimposed by Khatiwada in May 2020.The Dasain-Tihar festive season is when Nepalis usually splurge on consumer items, and there is usually a rise in purchases of vehicles as well. This year, the tax rebate has made electric compacts, SUVs, and two-wheelers more competitive compared to fossil fuel vehicles.Improvement in technology has increased the range and performance of eVs, and the fall in price for batteries has made them more affordable. Till five years ago, battery-powered cars in Nepal had less than 100km range. Today the new models can go up to 500km – enough for a Kathmandu-Pokhara roundtrip on a single charge.<figure><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/10/Nepali-Times-electric-vehicle-special-NT.jpg" data-elementor-open-lightbox="yes" data-elementor-lightbox-title="Page 8-9.indd"></a></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161124/636d18409c7e80680e0ac7b5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="6000" height="1473"><figcaption> </figcaption>Electric car importers also report a rise in customer demand, a surge in queries from people who are tired of being locked down for nearly two years, and want to be out and about – and that means being able to drive to Biratnagar or Bhairawa and beyond on the new e-SUVs without stopping to recharge.Brands that have a head start with battery power in Nepal are Hyundai, Kia, Mahindra, MG, TATA, and a plethora of Chinese brands like BYD, Great Wall Motors, Dahe, and Derry.Besides range, potential buyers in Nepal will be looking at ruggedness, interior space, and ground clearance. While some of the fancier SUVs are attractive to look at and have a rocket-like takeoff, it may be more important in Nepal to see that the cars have more than 180mm ground clearance – otherwise you will be scraping your expensive bottom on road craters.Much more critical than a formidable acceleration of 0-60km in 4.6 seconds is also charging time and battery life. Most lithium-ion batteries have an 8-year warranty these days, and need 1 hour to recharge 80% with DC fast charge. Charging at home with a 15amp wall plug should not take more than 8 hours.Despite everything, the electric car’s main attraction with the tax rebate is the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/from-a-fossil-past-to-an-electric-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> money you save on fuel</a>. An average diesel SUV needs Rs5,500 to fill its 40l fuel tank, but an electric version of the same vehicle will cost less than Rs500 for a complete charge for a 350km range. Multiply this by the volume of diesel you burn in an average month, and the savings add up.The electric vehicles in the market now come with battery packs ranging from 20kWh to 64kWh, giving them ranges of 120km to nearly 500km – depending, of course, on AC use.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-pr72QL_ScENepalis did not take on to electric cars till now because higher taxes made them more expensive than a diesel vehicle with similar specs, but now there is no excuse. The upfront cost of electric and diesel vehicles are about the same, and energy savings make eVs more competitive.The other reason eVs had become popular was that owners paid zero in road tax, saving up to Rs35,000 a year. However, this year’s budget has retained the road tax announced by Khatiwada last year: Rs15,000 per year for battery cars in the 50-125kW range, Rs20,000 for e-vehicles of 126-225kW, and Rs30,000 for cars in the 226-and above range. Fair enough, private vehicles are a luxury in this country.However, after taking one step forward on electric cars in this year’s budget, Finance Minister Janardan Sharma has taken two steps back. Despite the pledge to switch to renewable energy for transport, last month he slashed taxes on the import of 10 or more diesel buses by new luxury hotels to 1%. That move appears to be designed specifically to suit certain business interests. Then it cut by half the duty on petrol motorcycle assembly in Nepal, completely contradicting its policy on pushing electric transport.Nepal has announced it will stop selling fossil fuel cars by 2031. And this sounds like a bold move, until you realise that India and China (from where most of our cars and two-wheelers are imported) will be switching fully to battery or hydrogen powered vehicles by 2030, anyway.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-road-to-electric-transportation-in-nepal/">The road to electric transportation in Nepal</a>, Diya Rijal

Fully charged, and ready to go

The RSP and its prime minister are being sworn in this week after gaining an unprecedented election victory. This is a welcome change for many Nepalis who see it as a remedy to decades of coalition instability.&nbsp; Yet Nepal’s political history suggests otherwise. No majority government has ever completed its full term. This reveals a deeper structural problem: weakly institutionalised parties dominated by personalities rather than ideas. 1951: Dissatisfaction with the oppressive Rana regime among the educated elite led to the creation of political parties like the Nepali Congress (NC), Praja Parishad (later merged into the Nepali Congress), Gorkha Parishad, and the Nepal Communist Party.&nbsp; They emerged secretly, mainly in India during the height of that country’s independence. They organised a successful armed uprising against the Rana rule.&nbsp; 1959: The NC won a two-thirds supermajority in the first general election. Within a year, King Mahendra staged a coup and established the partyless absolute monarchy called the Panchayat system.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130332_a416ab5703287898f0566dc6d2a6b95d797ce2f4ed55bffcfae2e8edc7737c5e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260322130332_a416ab5703287898f0566dc6d2a6b95d797ce2f4ed55bffcfae2e8edc7737c5e" data-rendition-name="original" width="675" height="849" loading="lazy" alt="Mahendra and BP"> </figure>  1991: After the People’s Movement, the ban on parties was lifted and Nepal became a constitutional monarchy. Elections were held under a new Constitution and the NC won 110 out of 205 seats, joining the United Leftist Front which functioned as a loose coalition.&nbsp; Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala’s first term ended with his resignation due to infighting, particularly with Ganesh Man Singh, who accused him of <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/2645025" target="_blank">“emerging as a dictator, downgrading democratic norms and values, and even selling out national interests.”</a> Parliament was dissolved and the NC ended up losing the ensuing elections. 1994: Following the NC’s defeat, a <a href="https://doi.org/10.2307/2645025" target="_blank">hung parliament emerged</a> with the UML forming a minority government that lasted only nine months before collapsing after a no-confidence vote, allowing a NC-led coalition to return to power.&nbsp; 1999: Voters gave the NC a second chance and the party won 111 out of 205 seats. The party was divided between supporters of Koirala and Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, who became prime minister. &nbsp;The internal NC power struggle intensified and Koirala became prime minister again only to face bribery scandals, the Maoist insurgency, and the royal massacre.&nbsp; In 2001, under growing pressure from both the public and the party, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2001/07/20/world/nepal-premier-resigns-caught-in-chaos-after-royal-blood-bath.html" target="_blank">Koirala was forced to resign</a> to be replaced by Sher Bahadur Deuba. The party eventually split into Koirala’s NC and Deuba’s NC (Democratic). &nbsp;In this chaos, king Gyanendra dissolved the parliament and assumed executive powers.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130332_e107b95de5641044f72a13fd20f417d16b9a2d1ecbae3492126ee5fd4244bd84.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260322130332_e107b95de5641044f72a13fd20f417d16b9a2d1ecbae3492126ee5fd4244bd84" data-rendition-name="original" width="1250" height="753" loading="lazy" alt="Deuba and Girija"> </figure>  2017: This was the first election under the federal constitution. The UML and Maoists created a surprise pre-electoral alliance, breaking the Maoist coalition with the NC. The left alliance won a massive victory with the UML winning 121 seats and the Maoists 53 seats. Prime Minister K P Oli fell out with Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists. The House was dissolved, with the UML itself breaking into factions. What followed was seven shaky coalition governments in eight years.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130352_8b09b374d7fcb811e0a652c7f60b30eea4b9052a19ed3d768ba8ca9aaeb4dec7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260322130352_8b09b374d7fcb811e0a652c7f60b30eea4b9052a19ed3d768ba8ca9aaeb4dec7" data-rendition-name="original" width="667" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Oli and Prachanda"> </figure>  2022: The RSP was formed only four months prior to elections, but managed to become the fourth-largest party. In this month’s &nbsp;election, the RSP won a commanding parliamentary majority by presenting itself to the electorate as different from the discredited old parties.&nbsp; The RSP leadership structure is largely personality-driven and opaque. Party leader Rabi Lamichhane joined the governing coalition with the Maoists and UML securing four ministerial positions. Lamichhane became Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, using his swing vote to be the kingmaker party in the coalition. Lamichhane was embroiled in various scandals which he blamed on political vendetta. There was internal dissent within the party and among supporters who felt the coalition betrayed RSP’s founding ideals.&nbsp; Lamichhane <a href="https://thediplomat.com/2023/02/key-ally-quits-government-in-nepal/" target="_blank">reportedly</a> bypassed the party’s internal mechanisms, unilaterally deciding to pull out of the government without broad consultation.&nbsp; The youth-led September protests gave the RSP an opportunity to represent GenZ aspirations, and its popularity was cemented after Balendra Shah joined the party as a prime ministerial candidate.&nbsp; With its dramatic election victory, there is a question whether the &nbsp;party can separate itself from its two leaders, and have internal democracy. Or will it just be a vessel for new political elites to continue staying in power?&nbsp; ‘BALEN PARTY’ The RSP has increasingly relied on the same tactics that the NC once used in its heyday. Backed by Balendra Shah’s meteoric rise to fame, the RSP is called ‘The Balen Party’. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/cyberia/rsp-s-pr-list-is-not-good-pr" target="_blank">RSP’s PR list</a> includes celebrities, actors, singers, pageant winners, business personalities, and athletes to maximise visibility and public appeal. Many of these soon-to-be MPs have little to no experience working in government, or together as a team. Which is perhaps why they needed a two-day orientation last week. In today’s attention economy, political currency depends on visibility. This is why the RSP’s strategy to harness Shah’s popularity was necessary to secure victory, while Shah needed a political platform for the election.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130348_abd1522a1f4f8ad4a0861c3916d86bd9688deafc7c44081b976378405d2b8e39.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260322130348_abd1522a1f4f8ad4a0861c3916d86bd9688deafc7c44081b976378405d2b8e39" data-rendition-name="original" width="900" height="900" loading="lazy" alt="Balen and Rabi"> </figure>  Political parties are essential for a democracy, but when they &nbsp;revolve around one dominant leader, internal institutions become weak, and decision-making becomes centralised in the leader rather than in party committees, rules, or ideological platforms.&nbsp; This is exactly what led to the downfall of the NC and the UML. Both over the years were ridden with inter- and intra-party strife and failed the electorate. RSP must take a lesson from this and unite to institutionalise beyond its two personalities. Or it will suffer the same fate as the legacy parties. Since its inception, RSP has espoused a populist and anti-establishment agenda. The ‘new’ RSP with the Balendra brand gained massive support by being a clear ‘other’.&nbsp; The RSP can fall into the same trap as the NC and the UML by defining itself by what it is not, rather than what it is for. Beyond the external enemies they oppose, these parties often struggle to articulate what they actually stand for.&nbsp; RSP positions itself as an alternative to established parties — a pragmatic, results-oriented political force rather than one driven by traditional ideologies. However,<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/theorizing-in-comparative-politics/parties-and-ideology/8386083191B53EC86A239B8852D4A6A6" target="_blank"> ideology gives a party identity and direction.</a> Without ideological grounding, RSP risks becoming a hollow vessel for power-chasing politicians who oppose each other’s every move, a story that is all too familiar.&nbsp; RSP can no longer define itself as being anti-establishment. It is now the establishment.&nbsp; While RSP might look like Congress 2.0 to many who have seen Nepal’s democratic trajectory, RSP does differ from past majority parties in both positive and negative ways.&nbsp; Times have also changed. Nepal is no longer a monarchy, literacy rates are much higher, social media has made information more accessible, and Nepalis are less forgiving, as seen by the events that transpired on 8-9 September 2025.&nbsp; The RSP has fielded more qualified candidates, and they could steer the country in the right direction. Many are experts in their fields and have had years of experience prior to joining politics. Having experts from such different backgrounds is a huge asset.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260322130352_426011e8c377bffcef6fcb4371325b36fb940eb5a8ab66d3c76ff5cf6f1943c7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20260322130352_426011e8c377bffcef6fcb4371325b36fb940eb5a8ab66d3c76ff5cf6f1943c7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1066" loading="lazy" alt="RSP new MPs"> </figure>  Moreover, having MPs from various other parties/fields can also prevent a cult following of hardcore loyalists within the party.&nbsp; There are members loyal to certain RSP leaders in the party, but there are also those who will not hesitate to go against their leaders if need be. The RSP has little opposition in Parliament, so its own members may have to take on a check-and-balance role. Nepal is in a much better spot institutionally compared to what it was like back in the early days of its democracy. There is a Constitution, there is no active conflict, the monarchy is no longer an existential threat to democracy, and the local and provincial governmental bodies have had the time to settle.&nbsp; This means the RSP is in a better position to work without the basic institutional hurdles that previous governments faced, but it will not be able to hide behind institutional issues if it fails to deliver.&nbsp; In the past, majority parties could easily pin the blame on an authoritarian monarchy, a Maoist conflict, a lack of consensus during the constitution-building process, or a newly implemented federal system.&nbsp; Most of these were just excuses for incompetency. Governments were formed and fell based on self-serving negotiations, but they managed to keep the parties afloat, and the citizenry was willing to give them a second, third, or even fourth chance.&nbsp; The RSP will not have this privilege. Nepal has many problems, but its governmental bodies are better institutionalised than when the NC last had a majority. A challenge for RSP now would be fixing broken institutions, not building new ones. A recurring issue during Balendra Shah’s tenure as Kathmandu’s mayor were his <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/politics/2026/01/28/can-nepal-s-viral-mayor-run-the-country" target="_blank">disputes with the bureaucracy</a> that resulted in months of unpaid salary for KMC staff, a lack of collaboration between him and Deputy Mayor Sunita Dangol, and rarely any public appearances.&nbsp; The RSP is inheriting a bureaucracy tainted by deep-seated patronage networks. Sustaining a government requires institutional collaboration and a willingness to work together, not disruption and division.&nbsp; While Nepal has seen the rise of many populist figures in its democratic history, the RSP’s victory based on Balendra Shah’s fame is new. Populism is usually harmful for a democracy because it punishes dissent, turns criticism into betrayal, and fuels hyper-nationalism, authoritarianism, and polarisation. A trend of punishing criticism is already visible on online spaces. Without an effective parliamentary opposition, the responsibility for democratic accountability will fall on the media and civil society. If the trend of intolerance to criticism deepens, Nepal risks sliding toward a majoritarian politics where popularity replaces accountability. Time and again, the Nepali people have given opportunities to parties that promise change, only to face disappointment. Nepal’s political history shows that majority governments fail not because they lack seats, but because they lack institutions.&nbsp; The electoral earthquake Nepal just witnessed could bring sweeping reforms or drown the country’s fragile democracy. If RSP hopes to succeed where others failed, it must build a party that outlives its founders. Suvexa Pradhan Tuladhar is an Early Career Policy Research Fellow at the Nepal Institute for Policy Research (NIPoRe).

Will it be different this time in Nepal?

Next to my home in Bhainsepati stood a dead Uttis tree next to a public tap. A nearby water tank built a year earlier had killed its roots.
If the tree collapsed, people living nearby and those queuing up to fetch water at the tap would be hurt. With the storm season approaching, the risk was obvious. The tree could also fall on my own house, so I volunteered to find a way to remove this threat.
Little did I know how difficult it would be. A forest officer acquaintance told me there is a special procedure for cutting risky trees. I contacted the Lalitpur District Forest Office (DFO).&nbsp;
He said a technical report from a field officer was needed, and passed on her number. When I called, she asked for the location, photos, and a video. I send them all.
The ward office also suggested I use Lalitpur Metropolitan City’s mobile app, Lalitpur Alert, to report the problem. I uploaded photos, and submitted the complaint. This seemed to be very easy and efficient.
Indeed, the next day the municipality called me back and I explained the situation. They said they could not act without permission from the DFO. I asked why the app existed if the city could not act on such complaints. The officer said he did not know. My happiness was short-lived.
A couple of days later, the app notified me that my problem had been solved, and the complaint was removed. But the dead tree still stood there defiantly.&nbsp;
A week later, two forest technicians arrived on a scooter to inspect the tree. They looked up at the tree and asked if I had a measuring tape so they could measure its diameter.
“You are the technicians,” I told them. “You came to inspect the tree, and you came without a measuring tape?”
I rummaged at home and found a tape measure. They got the diameter and said they would prepare a technical report, but I would have to obtain a recommendation letter from the ward office and submit it to the DFO.
“This tree is dead,” I told them. “It is on public land. You have seen it with your own eyes. You know it's dangerous, so write a report and arrange for it to be cut. Why do I have to run from office to office to apply for recommendation letters?”
Their answer was simple, yet expected: “Those are the rules.”
They left, and I gave up. Two technicians spent half a day visiting the site. The metropolis runs a complaint system with a mobile app funded with public money. The ward office has staff to solve problems. Yet none of these institutions took the responsibility to remove a dangerous tree.
Everyone is busy citing rules and regulations and passing the buck. Weeks passed. Everyone reacted to the problem, but no one took any responsibility to resolving it.
Then, one bright December morning under a deep blue sky, a few neighbourhood boys were swinging their axes on the trunk. They had no proper equipment, no safety gear, and no professional experience.
I gave the boys some money and so did a neighbour. It took an hour or so for the tree to come crashing down safely. We had paid to have the tree cut illegally, and the matter ended there.
Multiple government offices, technicians, procedures, and mobile apps could not remove a dangerous tree, and we had to break the law to cut it. The tree is gone now, but the real problem remains: an inefficient bureaucracy.&nbsp;
It is perhaps symbolic that the tree is the election sign of the Nepali Congress, which was part of Nepal's governance and bureaucracy for decades and did not perform well in this month's election.&nbsp;
That is the bureaucracy that the new RSP government now has to get to work. But it will not be easy.
I posted on Facebook: ‘When people feel leaders have grown arrogant or corrupt with power, they change their minds and their votes. If those who replace them follow the same path, voters will again change their minds and votes.’
I continued: ‘The strength of democracy lies in this simple principle: the more citizens act as independent voters, the stronger democracy becomes. The more they behave as party loyalists, the weaker it grows. If we want a better system, we must demand deep reform of the state bureaucracy and hold institutions accountable.’&nbsp;
The first responses came from two senior government officials. They told me privately that they agreed by 200% but could not say so publicly.
It is quite normal for a Nepali to get the run around in government offices, it is almost a given to be asked for a bribe. As an environmental reporter and citizen, I have numerous such examples.
It is not just one sector that has been suffering. It is everywhere, and this is just an example of how complicated our bureaucracy is. As a 40 something person, I am old enough to remember the 1990 pro-democracy movement, &nbsp;the Maoist insurgency. Many promises made then by the politicians were broken.
We fought for rights, we fought for regime change. The country has changed political systems several times, from monarchy to multiparty democracy and finally a republic.
Yet one thing that remains largely untouched or reformed is our inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy. The new government, to be led by the youngest prime minister in our history must start this reform if it wants to deliver.&nbsp;
Otherwise, we may have to keep changing governments every few years, and still find ourselves unable to legally cut down even one dead tree.

A dead tree tests Nepal's bureaucracy

Sometimes, we need to take a step back to realise what a tectonic movement Nepali politics witnessed this month.
In a region and world ruled by elected authoritarians, Nepalis &nbsp;went to the ballot box freely to express a collective will for change.
These faces in this group photo of the RSP’s 180 freshly-minted MPs at the ballroom of the Royal Tulip Hotel on Wednesday is symbolic of what Nepal has come through.&nbsp;
The ship of state righted itself after the September Storm, installing an interim government that held an election within six months in which voters banished obsolete politicians and their parties into oblivion.
Nepalis, fed up with the inept kakistocracy of the past three decades, took the country into a post-ideological phase — replacing Marxists, Maoists and monarchists &nbsp;with a belief in a new governing culture that rewards delivery and accountability. And they have trusted the RSP to carry it through.
Nepal’s history has never been linear, it jerks ahead in lurches. The polity also tends to take one step forward and two steps back, so the public’s great expectations is tempered by a sense of cautious optimism and guarded pessimism.
This could be the great leap forward that Nepalis have waited for and deserve, but it could also be a Gramscian interregnum in which the old is dead and the new is not yet born. We will have to wait to see whether this transitional period will also see ‘morbid symptoms’.
As disruptor-in-chief, it was the Balendra Shah ‘wave’ or ‘craze’ that propelled the RSP to power. The former Kathmandu mayor needed a party platform, and the RSP’s tainted leader Rabi Lamichhane required a booster. Nepal's voters were looking for a saviour.
Personality-wise Shah and Lamichhane are poles apart: one is Type B and the other Type A. One is enigmatic, the other phlegmatic. But yin and yang do also tend to complement each other.&nbsp;
Kathmandu’s chattering class is already making self-fulfilling prophecies about the two falling out, and are fishing for hints that they already have. Shah’s absence from the RSP’s orientation this week was taken as a clue.&nbsp;
Closing the two-day tutorial on Wednesday, Lamichhane delivered a fiery 30-minute speech that laid out the RSP’s main agenda: to function differently from the old parties, serve the people, avoid middlemen, become true lawmakers without taking the law into their own hands.&nbsp;
“The old political parties contributed to history, we will build the future with a new political contract with citizens,” he said, trying to rise over past controversies and his abrasive rhetoric to sound statesmanlike.&nbsp;
GIVE AND TAKE
Lamichhane is said to be in touch with the reclusive Shah to announce a compact cabinet next week. Its composition will be an indication of how much give-and-take there was, and whether the criteria for selecting ministers is competence or loyalty.
Will RSP ministers behave like rulers or service providers? The new government will dive right into the economic fallout of the West Asia war with soaring fuel &nbsp;prices, inflation and uncertainty about remittance inflows.
On Thursday, Gagan Thapa resigned as NC chair, taking moral responsibility for the party’s election loss. The UML’s unrepentant K P Oli does not share the same sentiment about who is responsible for his own party’s historic downfall.&nbsp;
NCP chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was luckier than his cross-party cohort, is now a comparative relic in a Parliament largely comprised of freshmen and sophomore lawmakers.
But the NC, UML and NCP still control provincial and most municipal governments. The old parties could try to make things difficult for the RSP at the centre, but it is also an opportunity for them to clean up their act ahead of local elections next year.&nbsp;
Another test for the RSP will be dealing with a heavily-politicised klepto-bureaucracy which has to frontend its policy decisions. &nbsp;

People’s power

Deadly floods two years ago along the southern fringes of Kathmandu Valley killed 200 people. Climate change was blamed, but the destruction was magnified by quarries and sand mining owned by local politicians and crony contractors. Disaster mitigation and environmental risk was not a priority for any of the political parties that ran and won Nepal’s election last week. Although the RSP has a supermajority, rural municipalities that grant mining contracts are still ruled by the established parties that supply aggregates and sand to feed &nbsp;Kathmandu’s construction boom. Here in Lele Valley, residents are worried about another monsoon season that will start in June and fear more floods bringing unmanaged gravel from quarries down the Nallu River.&nbsp; The house of Sanumaya Nagarkoti, 65, and ten neighbours were washed away by the flood on the night of 28 September 2024. She and her husband petitioned the ward and municipal council to remove the crushers but no one listened. The slopes above are scarred by landslides from two years ago, and the banks of the river are strewn with bounders the size of cars that were brought down. “We live in constant fear of landslides,” says Chakra Nagarkoti, “the heavy crusher machinery and tipper trucks also constantly shake the house.”&nbsp; Google Earth images show that 24.6 hectares of mountain flanks have been excavated since 2010, and despite the disaster no lessons have been learnt.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090348_bdce7f17500eadac0ce0814c32c2b4190d01325976fd4d29db9985148459c0bc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260319090348_bdce7f17500eadac0ce0814c32c2b4190d01325976fd4d29db9985148459c0bc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="907" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Photo: GOOGLE EARTH</figcaption> </figure>  The RSP might have got a near two-thirds majority in Parliament but decision-making at the community level is controlled by politicians in cahoots with contractors.&nbsp; Along the Mahadev Khola, the Department of Mines cancelled excavation permits for crushers citing flood and landslide risk. Yet there are still 21 contractors mining stones and sand.&nbsp; Nearby Godavari Municipality also instructed operators who had not renewed permits to close down. No action was taken. One of them is Vinayak Multipurpose which delivers aggregate and stones for United Cement. Local ward chair Milan Silwal, has a stake in Vinayak and locals accuse him of taking the side of industry.&nbsp; Another slope is being gouged out near Mahadev Khola, and comparing satellite imagery from 2010 shows that the scar on the mountain is now five times bigger.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090348_21a8f7f7f9d6cc784c35719da737b20283f934bbe16c9de971d91bf01012499a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260319090348_21a8f7f7f9d6cc784c35719da737b20283f934bbe16c9de971d91bf01012499a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>United Cement operating near Mahadev Khola. Photo: ARCHANA DARJI</figcaption> </figure>  Nearby stands the lone house of 55-year-old Sabina Tamang, who lives with her husband and daughter. Due to the sound of the stone-breakers, they cannot hear each other speak. “Last year, a landslide destroyed our cowshed and latrine,” she says. “Next it is going to be our home.”&nbsp; DRY SPRINGS Lele gets its water from several perennial springs which have gone dry in recent years. One of them is near where the cement factory quarries limestone. “We hardly get any water, and the little that does flow is murky and red,” says local resident Rajesh Shrestha. A parliamentary committee directive ordered excavation to stop 15 years ago after a similar flood to the one in 2024.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090352_af7da754299116578cc1dd91d5318ec337b69e74b0676599260b7c57c6ec6fd7.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260319090352_af7da754299116578cc1dd91d5318ec337b69e74b0676599260b7c57c6ec6fd7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="494" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Lele over the years. Photo: GOOGLE EARTH</figcaption> </figure>  United Cement’s manager Hari Upreti says his company has fulfilled all requirements and has permission to mine 15 hectares of its own property and 4 hectares of government land. “We have the Department of Mines permit which is valid till 2036 and extract 1,600 tons of limestone every day,” says Upreti. “The local community knew about the mining and if there is a problem with springs going dry it is not because of us.” Environmental researcher Uttambabu Shrestha, however, says there is a direct correlation between the quarry operation and floods, landslides and dry springs.&nbsp; “Extraction should not be allowed without an environmental impact assessment, and companies must stick to set limits,” he says. Investigation of permits show that there is collusion between local officials and contractors. Godavari-6 Chair Bishnuman Maharjan has investment in two quarries and crusher companies operating along Nallu Khola. A paper trail links Maharjan also to Sagarmatha Stone Crusher and Mankamana Aggregate Industries. IMPUNITY&nbsp; Godavari Municipality published a notice in June 2024, instructing crusher companies to submit environmental reports within two weeks, covering initial examination and impact assessment. It also told them to pay local development fees and clear outstanding dues. The municipality even wrote to the Department of Mines clarifying that it had issued permits to only five out of 27 contractors. Within a month, the Department wrote to the District Administration Office (DAO) and District Police Office instructing them to stop illegal excavation, and sent a copy to the Lalitpur Division Forest Office. The DAO then wrote to Lalitpur Police naming Machindranath Multipurpose as operating illegally and should be shut down. There was no followup. The municipality then issued fines worth Rs 60 million to it and one other company for non-compliance. The companies stalled, disputing the calculations.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260319090356_6e96403d3c5be4aef4d030974d6d92029a0eb396deafd19c511978dae30dd3d2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260319090356_6e96403d3c5be4aef4d030974d6d92029a0eb396deafd19c511978dae30dd3d2" data-rendition-name="original" width="4000" height="2250" loading="lazy" alt="Lele"> <figcaption>Another site of extraction near Mahadev Khola in Godavari. </figcaption> </figure>  Machhindranath Multipurpose operator Kedar Timalsina Shashi denies doing anything wrong, and says the landslides were collateral damage because of the steep terrain. When contacted Godavari Municipality Deputy Mayor Muna Adhikari declined to comment. It has been 10 years since Rajesh Shrestha, Nikesh Shrestha, and others raised their voices against the environmental destruction caused by the construction mafia. An agreement was finally reached two years ago between locals and mining and transport businessmen, stipulating that stone mines must close permanently by mid-2025. The agreement also stated that check dams must be built to manage mining debris, and damaged structures must be restored to their original state. Trees were to be planted at sites where stone mines had operated. But the mines in the catchment are still in operation with 500 tipper trucks working on the site every day, transporting stones and aggregate. Local youth have continued holding sit-in street protests and at Lalitpur DAO.&nbsp; After one sit-in, the mines closed for about a month but they started back up a month later.&nbsp; Birendra Maharjan owns one of the crusher units, and says he follows all environmental protocols. He told us: “You need stones to build, and we must dig to extract stones. Some trees have to be cut, people get employment, and besides, floods and landslides happen across Nepal.” &nbsp;&nbsp; Centre for Investigative Journalism – Nepal.

tax-rebate-on-electric-vehicles

High tax hinders hybrids

Fully charged, and ready to go

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A dead tree tests Nepal's bureaucracy

People’s power

Loot in Lele