Just as Nepal’s cybersphere was sharing photographs of a snowless Mt Machapuchre, the country’s first hot-air balloon festival got off the ground in Pokhara on Tuesday. It starkly juxtaposed the global climate crisis with the carbon footprint of tourism. As luck would have it, a westerly front finally arrived, sugar-coating the black pyramid of Machapuchre temporarily with a dusting of snow. The festival, organised by Balloon Nepal, had BYD as main sponsor. The EV-maker unveiled its battery-powered M6 minivan at the event. &nbsp;&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091212_c7e479162b478df65556ebf71b65f5d8c2a45aa6e66a2da381055347c0e3926e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241226091212_c7e479162b478df65556ebf71b65f5d8c2a45aa6e66a2da381055347c0e3926e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1722" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> <figcaption>Mt Machapuchre in December 2023 (above) and last week (below). Besides the lack of seasonal snow on the mountain, the ice-cap has also melted due to climate breakdown. Photo: RAJESH KC</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091212_a117ab60c32a85af78f1f0ebabf27c90097897f38f9bedcd0e35575727615cb8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241226091212_a117ab60c32a85af78f1f0ebabf27c90097897f38f9bedcd0e35575727615cb8" data-rendition-name="original" width="1595" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> <figcaption>Photo: YUNIS GURUNG</figcaption> </figure>  The festival puts Nepal on the global adventure destination map, as Pokhara adds ballooning to a list of leisure activities including bungee, zipline, paragliding, ultra-lights, canyoning, and whitewater rafting.&nbsp; Pilots from Spain, France, US, UK, Latvia, Germany, Laos, Austria, Korea and Italy are taking part in the festival which will run till 1 January. Tickets for a 30-minute ride for Nepalis costs Rs11,000. Foreigners pay more.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_ab53d91975c02dfd80016d11826f7e6192dbed9d7553c35e39bd8b663b4f1e78.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241226091216_ab53d91975c02dfd80016d11826f7e6192dbed9d7553c35e39bd8b663b4f1e78" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> <figcaption>All photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_34712c945e70d4b8371effd4ee95479440b6f2709594ad326cffb43feb447106.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241226091216_34712c945e70d4b8371effd4ee95479440b6f2709594ad326cffb43feb447106" data-rendition-name="original" width="1501" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_9a708a4c8f474df455452271ef47b3c481a4dd01ea3710cc8eacb1dbfbf23f58.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241226091216_9a708a4c8f474df455452271ef47b3c481a4dd01ea3710cc8eacb1dbfbf23f58" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>  &nbsp;The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) published a NOTAM for an airspace radius of 3km over Pokhara as no-fly. This will affect paragliders, helicopter flights, but not flights at Pokhara International Airport. The balloons are expected to conduct 500 commercial flights lifting 3,000 passengers for stunning sunrise and sunset views of the Annapurnas. This will happen only 6-9am and 4-6pm when the temperature is cooler. The festival also has a daily 20-minute firework display and night flights with glowing balloons.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_bfb1e126b313d87a8ac5c56e1165c7368b4a0de85a71b110ee926b019236ce0a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241226091216_bfb1e126b313d87a8ac5c56e1165c7368b4a0de85a71b110ee926b019236ce0a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_284a218f272f1d596532d68591ed1df6de27b471fb0702884030a5d551256907.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241226091216_284a218f272f1d596532d68591ed1df6de27b471fb0702884030a5d551256907" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_2e4c0b1175b44ddc1c6fdbd7a3a0d53022f3f651d85c65399b63326ed9d6f95f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20241226091216_2e4c0b1175b44ddc1c6fdbd7a3a0d53022f3f651d85c65399b63326ed9d6f95f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1001" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>  Balloon Nepal was established in 2016 and started operating flights in Pokhara in 2018. The festival is designed to take advantage of Pokhara’s topography and location.&nbsp; There are food stalls, games, and performances from national and local artists, bands, and DJs in Pame’s carnival atmosphere. &nbsp;Also on 29-30 December, the Chinese Embassy is partnering with Gandaki Province, Pokhara Metropolitan City and Nepal Tourism Board to host its second annual Dragon Boat Race on Phewa Lake. Altogether, 32 teams from China, Nepal and Singapore are taking part.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091212_8fa567a6861be68a2d30abc4f5a005d9eb66ae5437dd01392e080b675eb42324.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20241226091212_8fa567a6861be68a2d30abc4f5a005d9eb66ae5437dd01392e080b675eb42324" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_54d94e5d3f10c510058b87a4fd0bf1132b28f2a55ede2ff268f827ef2e84e3f3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20241226091216_54d94e5d3f10c510058b87a4fd0bf1132b28f2a55ede2ff268f827ef2e84e3f3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1001" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_e7b05ef6eb6b4398d4317d3b389ec6b677286c1429662f2ea847bd709a21830e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20241226091216_e7b05ef6eb6b4398d4317d3b389ec6b677286c1429662f2ea847bd709a21830e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1501" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>  Commercial hot-air ballooning &nbsp;was first tried in Kathmandu Valley in the 1990s by Balloon Sunrise, with takeoffs from Kirtipur and drop zones in Bhaktapur. But air traffic growth and urbanisation put a stop to that.&nbsp; There has also been an attempt to fly a hot-air balloon over Mt Everest, although initial tries by Japanese and British-Australian teams were unsuccessful. The gondola crew struggled with hypoxia as the jetstream blew the balloon over Everest to China. The adventure is recorded in Leo Dickinson’s book Ballooning Over Everest, and a video on YouTube.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_351f2852139e94342557c5b6392178199482b75eb9dd4f1f189fa94418f215f0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20241226091216_351f2852139e94342557c5b6392178199482b75eb9dd4f1f189fa94418f215f0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1001" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226091216_23b0ab57235c1c6ab6a733cac8802c15da3996d0ca6ac24881638b6a327c00f7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20241226091216_23b0ab57235c1c6ab6a733cac8802c15da3996d0ca6ac24881638b6a327c00f7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Up, up, and away"> </figure>  Austrian mountaineer Wolfgang Nairz also conducted flights over Chitwan in 2003 during the Everest Golden Jubilee Year. There are still unexplored sites for hot-air ballooning in Nepal, including Chitwan National Park, Rara and Manang. Tethered balloons over Lumbini could be an attraction for pilgrims and tourists, as it is at Angkor Wat.&nbsp; Similar festivals happen all around the world: in Turkey, Qatar, New Mexico, Bristol, Japan, and France. The sight of these massive objects, gliding silently across the landscape amidst stunning natural backdrops, make for a memorable spectacle. &nbsp;&nbsp; Vishad Raj Onta BYD International Balloon Festival 2024, &nbsp;Pokhara, Till 1 January 2025&nbsp;

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Here & Now

Up, up, and away

Vali: My brother Sugriva stole the kingdom. What is my crime? Even if I have wronged my brother, you have no right to kill me. I helped you rescue your wife Sita from the clutches of Ravana, the king of the Rakshas, and your father, King Dasharatha, helped our father, King Indra, in the battle against the Rakshas. Rama: You should treat your brother Sugriva as a son. Even if he errs, you must forgive him. He promised to respect your life. Sugriva received the power to punish evil from King Bharata. You lost your kingdom after fighting Mayavi, and now you are no longer a king. This dialogue between King Vali of Kishkindha and his younger brother Sugriva, just before Vali’s death at the hands of Rama, an avatar of the Hindu god Vishnu, is from the Hindu epic Ramayana which is deeply influenced traditional Asian culture and art, teaching lessons about reconciliation and the essence of life. In Thailand, it is told as ‘Pali Son Nong (Pali teaches his younger brother) in the Ramakian, the Thai version of the Ramayana. This story introduces us to Ban Lom Klao, the site of a sibling-like conflict between Thailand and Laos.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001252_1277d1ee221b4bf6a73fc31eed20041dbfe62ad84d037ce4ee65db9cc6ee2e0b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241228001252_1277d1ee221b4bf6a73fc31eed20041dbfe62ad84d037ce4ee65db9cc6ee2e0b" data-rendition-name="original" width="4752" height="3168" loading="lazy" alt="The Battlefield of the Sibling War"> <figcaption>Sunset over the Phu Soi Dao Mountains as seen from the Suan Phutsasak Botanical Garden.</figcaption> </figure>  Ban Lom Klao is not a typical tourist destination. It requires not only a keen interest in history but also an adventurous spirit. Ban Lom Klao is not equipped with famous tourist attractions, accommodations, or restaurants. It is a military border zone, and the people here may view strangers with suspicion. Upon arrival, the Border Patrol Police camp near the village has paramilitary soldiers who may offer coffee and bananas. Once identity is checked, they will be more than willing to assist. Suan Phutsasak is a beautiful botanical garden located atop the 1,000m Lom Klao hill and the only accommodation in the area, offering a peaceful stay surrounded by nature. There are breathtaking sunrises and sunsets over the mountain ranges that form the border between Thailand and Laos. To get there, travel east from Phitsanulok, following Route 1237 towards the Laos border. After passing through Chat Trakan, you will reach the Ban Theot Chat junction, where things start to feel tense. Here, you’ll encounter checkpoints and barricades, and the military presence becomes much stronger.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001252_337bc17efb58a2dea64c86789d7dc4d44a2752420512a0f94e51eb1b7487141a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241228001252_337bc17efb58a2dea64c86789d7dc4d44a2752420512a0f94e51eb1b7487141a" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Battlefield of the Sibling War"> <figcaption>Hill 1248 in Laos seen from Hill 105 of Thai.</figcaption> </figure>  Continue south for another 10 km on the rough mountain road 1268 to enter Ban Lom Klao. This area was the site of the Thai-Laotian Border War, which took place from December 1987 to February 1988. It was the only full-scale war in modern Southeast Asia where two neighbouring countries fought each other using fighter jets. During the conflict, Thailand deployed 3,000 troops, including four battalions of regular soldiers under the 3rd Army Command, and 10 companies of Thahan Phran (paramilitary border guards). It mobilised heavy weapons such as 155mm field guns and F-4 fighter jets. On the opposing side, Laos sent 1,000 troops, armed with 130mm guns that had a range of 35 km. For two months, the area saw fierce fighting, with Thai and Laotian flags alternating on the battlefield each night. Over 1,000 casualties were reported on both sides. In the aftermath of the war, the two countries agreed to establish a 3km demilitarised zone between Lom Klao and Hill 1428 in Laos. This left a lingering territorial dispute that remains unresolved to this day, with 44 sq km still contested.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001252_ecd46916715fb975667eb23e9e3850190c51ef03206333f43866fd1597a27f8f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241228001252_ecd46916715fb975667eb23e9e3850190c51ef03206333f43866fd1597a27f8f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="686" loading="lazy" alt="The Battlefield of the Sibling War"> <figcaption>Laotian troops during the Lom Klao Battle.</figcaption> </figure>  The historical relationship between Thailand and Laos goes back centuries, with the two kingdoms intertwined since the 15th century. The Khorat Plateau, which is now part of Thailand’s northeastern region (Isan), was once part of the Lanxang Kingdom of Laos. This area became a point of contention in the 19th century when the Rattanakosin Kingdom of Thailand annexed Isan. In 1826, Anouvong, the last king of the Kingdom of Vientiane (Laos), led an unsuccessful war to reclaim the region, which ultimately solidified Thailand’s control over Isan. After the Franco-Siamese War (1893), Thailand and France divided Laos into separate territories, with Thailand taking the Khorat Plateau. The Isan people, who shared linguistic, cultural, and ethnic ties with Laos, were divided by the Mekong River, which now separated Thailand to the west from Laos to the east. Despite this division, the strong sense of kinship between the people of Isan and Laos has persisted. The relationship between Thailand and Laos, however, became more complicated in the 20th century. After Laos gained independence in 1953, it aligned with Vietnam, and relations between the two countries worsened. In the 1960s, the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), supported by Laos, engaged in armed struggles that further strained ties. The border area, including Lom Klao, became a key location for the CPT’s operations, which eventually led to the Thai-Laotian Border War in 1987. The roots of this war can be traced back to a series of border skirmishes in 1983-1984, particularly over three villages: Ban Mai, Ban Sawang, and Ban Klang, located 60 km north of Lom Klao. Thailand claimed these villages as part of Uttaradit Province, while Laos insisted they were part of Sainyabuli Province.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001252_c115a0139c98db191425940a523c9c686eec85b88a8eae8fa35eff0bc86f80d6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241228001252_c115a0139c98db191425940a523c9c686eec85b88a8eae8fa35eff0bc86f80d6" data-rendition-name="original" width="1462" height="1099" loading="lazy" alt="The Battlefield of the Sibling War"> <figcaption>Thai troops defending Lom Klao during the Thai-Laos border war.</figcaption> </figure>  The two countries had previously shown little interest in the mountainous region, but in 1979, Laos sent troops to drive out CPT guerrillas who had taken refuge there. The Lao government’s decision to evict the CPT, supported by China, aggravated tensions with Thailand, which had aligned itself with China during the Cold War. In 1983, Thailand declared territorial sovereignty over the area and began constructing roads. The dispute over this region led to Lom Klao becoming a frontline village. Today, the area between Hill 105 on the Thai side and Hill 1248 on the Laotian side remains a demilitarized zone. Access is restricted, and visitors can only enter with special permission.&nbsp; If you're lucky, you might be able to visit Hill 105, located 16 km from Lom Klao village along a rugged mountain path. But to do so, you’ll need authorisation from the village chief and a guide who is familiar with the area, possibly even a former guerrilla fighter. Lom Klao, a place marked by both historical conflict and natural beauty, offers a unique glimpse into a turbulent past. However, it serves as a reminder of the complexities of national borders and the enduring legacies of war.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001252_eb1980817279e4511b2d6b526270636b3145c921eec6cd8e1af78b2be70b11be.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241228001252_eb1980817279e4511b2d6b526270636b3145c921eec6cd8e1af78b2be70b11be" data-rendition-name="original" width="896" height="650" loading="lazy" alt="The Battlefield of the Sibling War"> <figcaption>Thai troops during the 1988 Thai-Laos border war.</figcaption> </figure>

The Battlefield of the Sibling War

While the ‘Golden Triangle’ is well known both in Thailand and internationally, the ‘Emerald Triangle’ remains relatively unfamiliar. This is where the Phu Chong Na Yoi National Park spans 686 sq km of rugged terrain, lies on the border of Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. Once a strategic military zone, it is now a place of historical significance and, surprisingly, a tourism destination. Yet, its past is largely unknown even to most Thais. The conflict that unfolded here between the Thai and Vietnamese armies, known as the Battle of Chong Bok, occurred between January 1985 and December 1987. It remains a largely hidden chapter of the Indochina War.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001240_7266e31448b4a31e35ef46a8cc885455199c0b225c845852e2d99d81e729f844.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241228001240_7266e31448b4a31e35ef46a8cc885455199c0b225c845852e2d99d81e729f844" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Emerald Triangle"> <figcaption>Chong Bok battle monument in front of the Anupong base.</figcaption> </figure>  Following the 1978 Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia and the fall of the Khmer Rouge government in 1979, the Khmer Rouge forces fled to the border regions of Thailand, where they regrouped in the mountainous forests along the Thai-Cambodian border. With support from China, the Khmer Rouge continued to destabilise the region, targeting the pro-Hanoi People's Republic of Kampuchea. Throughout the 1980s, the Thai and Vietnamese militaries clashed repeatedly, with the Vietnamese army conducting incursions into Thai territory in pursuit of Khmer Rouge guerrillas. One of the fiercest battles during this period occurred at the Chong Bok Front. On the Cambodian side of the border, near Chong Bok, was a key Khmer Rouge stronghold called ‘Mountain 1001,’ where Khmer Rouge Defense Minister Son Sen had established a base against the Vietnamese. After the Vietnamese army took control of Mountain 1001 in 1980, they clashed with Thai forces along the border. The Vietnamese army, occupying the area, claimed that it belonged to Cambodia, further complicating the territorial disputes. After the Vietnamese withdrew from Cambodia in 1989, Thailand took control of Chong Bok, and the territorial dispute with Cambodia continues to this day. The Emerald Triangle lies about 125 km south of Ubon Ratchathani, at the meeting point of Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia. Visitors can reach the Thai Army’s Anupong Base, located on the scenic Phalan Suea Thon Bon Lake, by driving along Road 4121 from Nam Yuen. The base, named after Anupong Bunyaprathip who died during the Battle of Chong Bok is home to the Thai Border Guards (Thahan Phran), a paramilitary force.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001240_6c358ba8b63972249e2daaff4df48a6a8e53e46c03fa83aa871f99bb40709f39.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241228001240_6c358ba8b63972249e2daaff4df48a6a8e53e46c03fa83aa871f99bb40709f39" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Emerald Triangle"> <figcaption>Thai military’s Anupong Base at the site of the Chong Bok Battlefield.</figcaption> </figure>  Visitors need not worry about encountering hostile troops at the border. A friendly greeting might even result in a peaceful moment by the lake, where soldiers sometimes serve coffee to guests in typical Thai hospitality. Just 1.5 km from the ‘Chong Bok Battlefield’ sign on the lakeside, the borders of Laos and Cambodia are separated by mountains, making it impossible to see them clearly. Yet, the harmony of the mountains, lakes, and skies offers a tranquil and beautiful view—an indigo world of serenity that can be enjoyed from a pavilion by the lake, with the gentle breeze completing the peaceful atmosphere.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001240_51d6997efad074c12a74ed0ab1acd57bc3b3b278a252332d3cdc46073fce0686.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241228001240_51d6997efad074c12a74ed0ab1acd57bc3b3b278a252332d3cdc46073fce0686" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Emerald Triangle"> <figcaption>The Emerald Triangle sign at the entrance of Chong Bok.</figcaption> </figure>  After soaking in the view, a short drive of about 20 minutes along a narrow mountain road leads to Hill 500, the site of the most intense fighting during the Battle of Chong Bok. Hill 500 is part of the Dangrek Range, alongside Hill 631 and Hill 745. At the top of Hill 500 flies the Thai national flag, and below it stands a monument commemorating Sergeant Major Somchai Kaewpradit, a member of the 1st Infantry Division who died during a battle with the Vietnamese in June 1987.&nbsp; Despite the somber history, the sight of cartoonish soldier dolls holding mortars, rocket launchers, and rifles on a concrete platform brings an unexpected sense of lightness. The colorful, festive welcome signs appear out of place, resembling a Christmas display, but the presence of hidden bunkers and trenches in the surrounding bushes serves as a reminder that this was once a frontline of war. The Communist Party of Vietnam, which claimed leadership over the Communist Parties of Indochina, viewed Thailand as a target for liberation after Laos and Cambodia. This fear of Vietnamese expansion continues to linger in Thai consciousness. In the 1980s, as Vietnamese forces pursued the Khmer Rouge into Thailand, the Thai government feared a conflict. While the Thai army occasionally engaged in limited combat with the Vietnamese, they also allowed incursions to go unchallenged in certain unmanned border areas. Chong Bok was one such location. In March 1987, the Thai government publicly acknowledged the ongoing conflict at Chong Bok. The Vietnamese had occupied Chong Bok Hill with 1,500 troops, building a fortified base with tunnels and trenches.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001240_d263523c8a3b46e5be246c0777d1dca798e6c67ac38483bf7228c14a200c3ec8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241228001240_d263523c8a3b46e5be246c0777d1dca798e6c67ac38483bf7228c14a200c3ec8" data-rendition-name="original" width="3648" height="5472" loading="lazy" alt="The Emerald Triangle"> <figcaption>Monument commemorating the Chong Bok battle at Hill 500.</figcaption> </figure>  The Vietnamese army launched heavy artillery attacks against the Thai forces, which responded with fighter jets and ground troops, suffering 664 casualties. The battle continued until December 1987, with both sides claiming victory. It remains the only highland trench warfare battle on the Thai-Cambodian border. Once the fighting ended, its history faded into obscurity. From Hill 500, if you look about 2 km ahead, the mountains on the left mark Champassak Province in Laos, while the right side leads to Preah Vihear Province in Cambodia. This area, known as the Emerald Triangle, is where the borders of the three countries converge. In 2000, the governments of Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia launched the ‘Emerald Triangle Project’, aiming to develop the area for tourism and agricultural projects. The first proposal was to build a golf course and hotel complex with 27 holes, 9 from each country. The Thai government, dominant in the tourism sector, enthusiastically supported the plan. However, environmental concerns about Phu Chong Na Yoi National Park, as well as territorial disputes between Thailand and Cambodia, soon emerged. By the mid-2000s, the project was abandoned. Thus, the name ‘Emerald Triangle’ was born, yet its dream of development remained unrealised. The more pressing issue, however, is landmines. Over 100,000 mines were laid by the Vietnamese army in the 1980s. The Emerald Triangle Project, which sought to transform this land into a tourist destination, was conceived on a minefield. Worse still, in 2000, the Thai army added more mines to the area.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001240_3810a740fc05e2f25c3d11a5c44cbbd365a8d1070bc637494c2c5a407bfabb83.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241228001240_3810a740fc05e2f25c3d11a5c44cbbd365a8d1070bc637494c2c5a407bfabb83" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Emerald Triangle"> <figcaption>There are warning signs indicating minefields at various locations in the Battle of Chong Bok.</figcaption> </figure>  The scars of this ill-conceived project still remain in Chong Bok. The fields along the road and the path leading to Hill 500 are lined with landmine warning signs on every tree. The Thai-Cambodian border, particularly in Ubon Ratchathani Province, remains heavily mined, with Nam Yeun—located near Chong Bok—being one of the worst-hit areas. Forty years since the end of the war, less than 20% of the mines have been cleared, and local civilians, soldiers, and villagers continue to fall victim to these hidden dangers. As long as these mines remain, the war is not truly over. Anyone traveling through this historical region should be cautious.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001240_16df3330c4f65577aa7a612e794f60dc5cc0ff90aa0cd19efdf390ab3121d41c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241228001240_16df3330c4f65577aa7a612e794f60dc5cc0ff90aa0cd19efdf390ab3121d41c" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Emerald Triangle"> <figcaption>Thai Army's Landmine Clearance Center at the entrance of Chong Bok.</figcaption> </figure>

The Emerald Triangle

Nestled in a remote corner of Nakhon Phanom Province, just 15km from the Laotian border along the Mekong River, lies the small village of Ban Na Bua. Reaching it requires navigating the unmarked local road 203, followed by a side road, 2033. Despite its difficult access, Ban Na Bua holds an important place in modern Thai history: it is the site where the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) fired its first gunshot on 7 August, 1965. This event marked the beginning of the CPT's armed struggle, and since then, the village has commemorated this day as ‘Gun Firing Day’. Though the communist insurgency ended more than four decades ago, visitors who stumble upon this village are likely to be surprised. The village gate proudly displays a sign that reads "Village of Gun Sound," accompanied by multiple signs remembering the armed struggle.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001228_7094f8dec037c59693fd895a6022aa749061b417ee67d6509bfe6d75493b4aad.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241228001228_7094f8dec037c59693fd895a6022aa749061b417ee67d6509bfe6d75493b4aad" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Na Bua"> <figcaption>A sign announcing the first armed uprising at the entrance to the village of Na Bua.</figcaption> </figure>  The scenery inside the village is equally remarkable: souvenir shops sell items like T-shirts featuring the communist symbol of the sickle and hammer, while traditional Laotian fabrics hang on display. At the center of the village stands a large house painted in the green color of a communist hat, with a red star in the middle. In one corner, there is an exhibition hall showcasing old guns, military uniforms, and communist literature. Walking through the village feels as if one has entered a tourist destination in Laos. Founded in 1891, Ban Na Bua is primarily a Phu Thai village, with 80% of its 2,000 residents having migrated from Laos across the Mekong River. Unlike other former communist villages that have buried their past, Ban Na Bua has embraced its history, transforming into a tourist attraction. However, the village still struggles to attract visitors. "We're all farmers here, but in 2018, the government supported us to develop into a tourist village," explains village chief Nanthawat Chitmad. "Even so, we only get about 2,000 visitors a year, mostly locals and a few foreign tourists. It's hard to get here because of poor transport links, and there are no other tourist attractions nearby.” Despite efforts to promote tourism, Ban Na Bua is missing a key element: the actual site of the first battle. While there are signs throughout the village that read ‘The First Battle Site’, no one seems to know where they are pointing. Outside the village, there is just a wasteland overgrown with weeds. Visitors are left confused and disappointed.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001228_702779e0e22b01ce6a6072cf2dd08c732d0d737f3c1ad9322e2c421a5fe9daad.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241228001228_702779e0e22b01ce6a6072cf2dd08c732d0d737f3c1ad9322e2c421a5fe9daad" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Na Bua"> <figcaption>A sign erected on the village of Na Bua indicating where the first gunshot was fired confuses visitors.</figcaption> </figure>  The true history of Ban Na Bua lies elsewhere. The site of the first gunshot fired by the CPT is not in today's Ban Na Bua but in a place called Ban Dong Ai Nam. Nura Chitmad, the last surviving witness to the first battle, offers valuable insight into the historical significance of this location. Now in his eighties, Nura joined the Pathet Lao, the Communist Party of Laos, at the age of 15 in 1956 and fought for five years before returning to Na Bua in 1963 to join the CPT. That same year, the CPT declared an armed struggle. Nura became a leader in the area, training villagers in secret. To reach the real battle site, Nura leads the way. After 2 km along a dirt road, a sparse area of bushes and a few trees come into view—an empty, uninhabited plain. Nura says, "It was once a dense forest, full of trees. Back then, we called this place Pa Pat, but people named it the ‘Battle of Na Bua’ because we were from Na Bua. That's why you won't find the battle site in the village itself. Tourism should properly educate visitors about history." Nura points to a tree stump, marking the site of the first battle, and criticises the tourism efforts for failing to acknowledge its true location. "It was 7 August, 1965. I received orders from our leader, Mit Samnamat, and went into hiding here with eight comrades from the night of the 6th.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001228_16381c4197ad4e8af728685e75fee7d98910a925af1dc9ff7ad4e74311ab191a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241228001228_16381c4197ad4e8af728685e75fee7d98910a925af1dc9ff7ad4e74311ab191a" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Na Bua"> <figcaption>Nura Chitmad, the sole survivor of the CPT's monumental first battle, points to the actual site of the fighting where is 4km from the village of Na Bua.</figcaption> </figure>  Then, at around 6 a.m. on the 7th, I gave the order to fire, and a battle broke out. Since we were guerrillas, the battle ended in about five minutes. We then crossed over to Nake Village. In the skirmish, police commander Rojanapirom was killed, and one officer was seriously injured. On our side, comrade Satien was killed. Soon, Na Bua village was in chaos. The police stormed in, arrested villagers, and tortured them, claiming they were all communists." The CPT used this battle to signal the start of its 20-year armed struggle. Nearby, about 200m from the battle site, stands a small memorial—a series of black wooden tablets, one meter high, commemorating the twenty-seven comrades who died before Nura.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228001228_6eb1a44f448185a5c202a2e8691d837a08ac7b4d48f3360e21f44c01ad359fb0.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241228001228_6eb1a44f448185a5c202a2e8691d837a08ac7b4d48f3360e21f44c01ad359fb0" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="603" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Na Bua"> <figcaption>Communist Guerillas in the Isan area.</figcaption> </figure>  "I put them up to honor those who fell before me," he explains. "My dream is to build a real memorial here before I die. I went to the government many times, but nothing came of it. However, some old comrades—doctors and businessmen—purchased land around the battlefield to preserve its history." Today, many prominent figures in Thai society—politicians, businessmen, scholars, and artists—proudly boast about their involvement in the CPT's armed struggle. Yet, it is a tragedy that this historical site is not properly preserved. Whether viewed as honorable or dishonorable, it is the responsibility of our generation to safeguard this part of Thai history and pass it on to future generations.

Ban Na Bua, where the first gunshot was heard

While most Nepalis understand ‘media’ to mean tv (21.5%) and radio (20.6%), younger, urban, and educated audiences also equate Facebook (19.9%) and YouTube (16.9%) with 'media'. In provinces like Sudurpaschim, reliance on radio (40.4%) and tv (30.7%) far outpace digital platforms, but in Bagmati Province, Facebook (35.4%) and YouTube (32.8%) are more common sources of news. Respondents with at least a Bachelor’s degree are far more likely to associate media with both traditional and digital platforms, with 59.3% mentioning tv, 54.7% radio, and 42.1% citing Facebook. Defining Facebook as ‘media’ reflects its accessibility and role in delivering diverse, user-generated content that resonates with younger, urban, and educated audiences. This shift indicates a transition from traditional gatekeeping to algorithm-driven news consumption. Madhes and Karnali Provinces, with lower literacy rates and limited access to electricity and local media outlets, show lower media engagement. On the other hand, Bagmati and Gandaki Provinces have higher adoption of both traditional and digital platforms, indicating that media habits are shaped by infrastructure and socio-economic status.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226151224_88ff2e60339e15f20999c74052a4a4c1ddb5832218221b06fdc3c13bae550f4c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241226151224_88ff2e60339e15f20999c74052a4a4c1ddb5832218221b06fdc3c13bae550f4c" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Media Survey 2024"></figure>  However, a high proportion of ‘Don’t Know’ responses indicates gaps in media awareness, particularly in areas like Madhes Province, and among less-educated populations. For Nepal’s media sector, therefore, the challenge is to navigate this evolving landscape by balancing the strengths of traditional media with the growing demand for accessible and engaging digital content. While digital news is steadily gaining ground, tv and radio remain relevant for significant population segments. Print media, however, is in steady decline. News on mobiles  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226141212_fd348dd2ddfe3b1035accf96a2959c179c80886f24244938276ebfd9288dd91c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241226141212_fd348dd2ddfe3b1035accf96a2959c179c80886f24244938276ebfd9288dd91c" data-rendition-name="original" width="868" height="645" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Media Survey 2024"></figure>  Digital platforms are increasingly the preferred medium for news, with 46.8% of respondents using the internet (33% of surveyed population) saying they read the news on their mobiles or computers. This trend is most pronounced in Gandaki (69.5%), Bagmati (53.2%), and Kosi (57.0%) Provinces. The younger, better educated are leading this digital shift. For example, 83.3% of respondents with higher education consume news digitally, compared to just 13.1% of illiterate respondents. The gap is evident in regions like Madhes, where only 19.9% engage with digital news, underscoring disparities in access and adoption. This digital transition can be attributed to the accessibility and convenience of mobile devices and the internet, the immediacy of digital news, and the interactive nature of online platforms. Younger and educated audiences increasingly prefer digital platforms for personalised and real-time content, which mainstream press often cannot match. Additionally, the declining relevance of traditional media in some regions stems from their limited ability to adapt to the fast-paced, on-demand consumption habits that digital platforms readily fulfill. This shift underscores the growing importance of technological access and user-centric content in shaping media preferences. Despite its gradual decline, television remains a significant medium, with 37.3% of respondents saying they have watched tv in the past three months. Tv is strongest in Bagmati (48.0%) and Kosi (43.6%) provinces, while Karnali lags at 22.7%. Respondents with higher education (60.7%) are more likely to watch tv than their less-educated counterparts with a notable gender disparity.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226141212_775249f428ea98b1749613cf86585eaadc8382fb8145e2c9c609ddab6e9a7ab4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241226141212_775249f428ea98b1749613cf86585eaadc8382fb8145e2c9c609ddab6e9a7ab4" data-rendition-name="original" width="500" height="587" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Media Survey 2024"></figure>  Radio, once a dominant medium, now caters to a shrinking audience (32.2%). Print media faces the steepest decline (only 13.8% saying they read a newspaper or magazine in the past 6 months), with higher engagement only among urban (28.2%) and educated audiences. Lowest print usage is in Karnali (5.7%). But print still has remarkable staying power among those with higher education (53.4%). Of the surveyed population, 58% say they go to at least one of the legacy media, whereas 73% have internet access. The message for the mainstream press: innovate to remain relevant. Print outlets must rethink strategy, perhaps by targeting urban and educated audiences with specialised or niche content. Previous surveys had shown that many Nepalis would read print if it was available. Nepal’s media landscape is at a tipping point, and the industry must adapt to the changing and diverse needs of an evolving audience. In media we trust  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226141212_d75127854185d1b944d0e2979824c064c3284c706711a41bba47c1ba07f4839b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241226141212_d75127854185d1b944d0e2979824c064c3284c706711a41bba47c1ba07f4839b" data-rendition-name="original" width="844" height="801" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Media Survey 2024"></figure>  Respondents who primarily associate media with the mainstream press are more likely to express ‘Complete Trust’ or ‘Mostly Trust’ driven by the credibility they have built over the decades. Conversely, digital media audiences, while appreciating its accessibility and interactivity, have cautious optimism about the credibility of their content. Bagmati Province with Kathmandu Valley’s media hub leads in trust, with 47.2% expressing ‘Somewhat Trust’. While urban respondents generally report higher trust levels, there is some skepticism in rural areas. Younger respondents aged 16–24 show the highest levels of trust of digital platforms, highlighting their greater engagement and openness to newer forms of media. By contrast, older demographics, (age 60 and above) show lower trust and more uncertainty about online content. This generational divide shows that legacy media need to meet the expectations of younger audiences, while maintaining relevance for older groups. Respondents with higher education consume media more diversely and report higher trust levels (55.4%), while 45.2% of illiterate respondents remain uncertain, reflecting broader literacy, access, and inclusivity issues in the media landscape. The Nepal Media Survey 2024 shows a media landscape in which traditional and digital media coexist. While trust in media remains relatively strong, significant gaps in representation and accessibility persist across regions, age groups, and educational levels. Not surprisingly, younger urban audiences gravitate towards interactive digital platforms, while older and rural populations continue to rely on traditional media. However, pervasive uncertainties among specific demographics highlight the need for a more inclusive and localised approach. As Nepal’s media landscape evolves, it faces dual challenges: maintaining credibility and trust, while adapting to diverse and shifting consumption habits. Media stakeholders need to think about the steps they now need to take for their own survival, to ensure pluralism and healthy public debate, and ensure that the voices of the marginalised are included in the national conversation. Policymakers, media owners and journalists must strive to balance innovation with accessibility, fostering a trusted space that informs, empowers, and connects all Nepalis. This media transition is shaped by regional disparities, generational differences, and the growing dominance of digital platforms. Consumers of news An overwhelming majority (81.7%) of respondents report engaging with news in some form, underscoring a widespread appetite for staying informed. However, 18.3% do not use media for news at all either because of lack of access, or distrust. Regionally, news consumption is strongest in Bagmati (91.6%) and Sudurpaschim (90.5%), while Madhes (60.6%) lags significantly behind. This finding reflects potential challenges in access or outreach in the region. In rural areas, 79.5% of respondents consume news compared to 87.6% in cities. Urbanisation continues to drive higher engagement with media. Among social media platforms, Facebook (62.0%) and YouTube (44.4%) dominate, particularly among younger and urban audiences. In the 16-24 age group, 82.6% of respondents rely on Facebook as their primary news source, while 51.5% turn to YouTube. In contrast, their use of radio (23.6%) and tv (21.3%) is considerably lower. Among those 60 and above, 38.4% rely on radio and tv equally for news. Although Facebook is not a media platform in itself, the tendency to perceive posts on Facebook as ‘news’, or view content shared by traditional media on the site as originating from Facebook likely contributes to this perception. There is a blurring of boundaries between mainstream media and social media platforms, and the content they host. Print media is struggling to maintain relevance, with only 5.3% of respondents citing newspapers and magazines as their go-to news source. This sharp decline in print engagement suggests a broader shift toward instant, accessible digital content, leaving traditional formats struggling to adapt. Interestingly, media aggregate sites like Hamro Patro (6.2%) and emerging spaces like TikTok (1.4%) show how niche tools and apps carve out their own spaces in the news ecosystem. Higher education is a strong predictor of news consumption with 99.1% of respondents using news content in one form or other. Only 52.1% of illiterate respondents engage with news, raising issues of literacy, access, and media inclusion. Responsive media  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241226141212_2201d79424e162f11ab79f3de8675cd7da8018f71cc99ebd49bd9961d362d3cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241226141212_2201d79424e162f11ab79f3de8675cd7da8018f71cc99ebd49bd9961d362d3cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="898" height="810" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal Media Survey 2024"></figure>  The question of how much Nepali media cares about the public issues reveals disparities across regions, demographics, and platforms. While 38.5% of respondents believe the media cares about their needs, a significant 31.2% feels otherwise, with 20% are uncertain. Confidence in media is strongest in Bagmati and Karnali, while Sudurpaschim and Madhes highlight gaps in engagement and relatable coverage. This divide reflects earlier findings about Nepal’s media landscape, where digital platforms dominate urban and younger demographics, while traditional platforms hold sway in rural and older populations. Nepal’s journalism needs to bridge this gap in representation and trust by creating inclusive, localised content that resonates with diverse audiences. The age, urban-rural and education divide is also reflected in how media responsiveness is perceived. The survey result shows that while journalism is often seen as addressing more significant national issues, it struggles to connect with individual or localised concerns with a persistent trust gap and regional disparities. This likely stems from the media’s tendency to prioritise macro-level narratives, such as politics and societal challenges which resonate on a broader scale, while often overlooking the lived experiences of individuals or underrepresented communities. Over half of respondents (51.3%) feel that journalism cares ‘A Great Deal’, ‘Quite a Bit’, about public concerns, while 34.2% feel the media pays only ‘Slight’ or ‘No’ attention to their needs. Age and education continue to influence perceptions of media responsiveness. Younger respondents aged 16–34 are more optimistic, with over 35% stating journalism cares ‘Quite a lot’ about public concerns. However, confidence diminishes among older age groups, where 39.8% of those aged 60 and above express uncertainty. Urban respondents (35.2%) consistently report higher trust in media responsiveness compared to 33.8% in rural areas. This data aligns with earlier findings, where urban audiences, engaging more with digital platforms, feel better represented. The contrast between personal and public perceptions suggests that while Nepali journalism is recognised for addressing large-scale, national issues, it struggles to connect with localised or individual concerns. Digital platforms, which dominate urban and younger audiences, likely contribute to the more positive perceptions of media care for public concerns. In comparison, mainstream media, which is used more by older and rural audiences, may not foster the same level of trust or engagement. Nepal’s traditional press must balance coverage of national issues with more relevant local content to build lasting trust. Bridging this gap requires headline-worthy grassroots storytelling that resonates with individuals and communities while building a national narrative, fostering trust and representation in society. Madhu Acharya is the CEO/President, and Bhumiraj Chapagain, PhD, is the Research Director at Sharecast Data Initiative.

What do Nepalis think of the media?

‘Tamar river in Tom’s book, is it the same as Tamor River?’ I texted my editor. ‘Yes, the Limbu pronounce it Tamar,’ he wrote back. ‘You have a lot of catching up to do!’ And I did. The fact revealed itself to me even more as I buried my nose in Thomas Bell’s new book, Human Nature. The book takes the reader on a journey as the narrative spans across four different regions in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-mountains-are-melting">Nepal’s mountains</a> that Bell covered in 2016-2018.&nbsp; The years are not directly mentioned in the narrative, but marked by relating them to major events such as the earthquake and indicated vaguely as ‘two months later, in the monsoon’. The first chapter, Migration, takes the readers though Panchthar-Solu in eastern Nepal. The second walk is a chapter called Agriculture, which covers Chautara to Gorkha or the central hills. The third, Architecture, is all the way to upper Dolpo. The last chapter, Conservation, cuts across Jumla to Rara Lake. As a teenager, the first I saw of Nepal’s hills was the east, so the book immediately had me. It also took me back to my own travels to Dolpo and Jumla, constantly revealing everything I had not noticed during my own travels, fetching me names of places, laying before me a new map of Nepal. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/natures-fragile-gift-to-nepal">Nature's fragile gift to Nepal,</a> Ajay Narsingh Rana In the first chapter, we come across Bell’s companion Rajendra, who becomes a conduit to exploring the complexity of Nepal, including the obsession with casteness. The travesty of small talk in Nepali conversations is never lost even as the author records intriguing ideas connected to indigenous knowledge, myth, folklore, rivers, history, anthropology, science, literature, and art. The book also takes heavily from research, evoking Shanker Lamichhane’s literature to Rousseau’s walks. The walks and the research proceeded ‘hand in hand’.&nbsp; “I’d do a bit of reading, then a walk or two, then a load more reading and writing, and so on,” says Bell. “There was a year between the first two walks and the last two, during which I spent a lot of time reading up and made an early draft of part 1.” Little incidents that occur along the way help build a narrative. In some instances, we experience harsh Nepal truths. Near Salpa, a boy beats a snake to death, saying “it bites”. There are conversations about death and hardships with people along the trail, spoken about as though they were the same thing as ‘someone making you wait till the morning’. It broaches on Nepali stoicism or maybe bravado. The narrative is replete not just with people's stories, but the stories they tell and those that have been passed down. The story of Miyapma launches one into a world of myth and fantasy. There are stories lost to us, like that of Tunilu who learned the trick of dying from a lizard.&nbsp; Then the stories of Nidhini the siren and the Banjhankri. The same stories get told in many communities across the world in different ways, converging stories that represent human nature. Humans create stories so life can make sense. The writing is fast paced because of its mostly journalistic style. The quotes bear the tone of individual speakers, something only good journalists can do. The narrative is frank and honest, alternating between serious scholarship and banter. The mood often slips from profound to jocular. For instance: “नुन खुर्सानी पिरो, खाने मान्छे हिरो,” rhymes a jhankri shaman in the fourth chapter. “The first job for a book like this is giving pleasure and entertainment. People should read it for fun,” Bell tells us. And he makes a serious read, a fun one with anecdotes, hand-drawn maps, photographs, a glossary of 30 words on landscape. The book is an<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/60-years-after-1954-devastating-flood-same-failings-of-government-today-post-quake,2433"> environmental history of Nepal</a>. It details the conquest of Prithvi Narayan Shah, explaining how it hinged on establishing an agriculture system that thrived on rice-plantation, which in turn allowed him to create a land-military system and introduce taxation. There are stories about Prithvi Narayan that get told with some discrepancy as they rove across the mountains, the destiny of all oral history. “I hope the book provides an accessible and attractive telling of some aspects of Nepali history for readers who might not know about all of these things, or who hadn’t thought about them in this way before,” Bell says. When in Dolpo, Bell also goes into the intricacies of its trans-Himalayan architecture. There are lengthy, art review-like sections on<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/sacred-survival"> thangkas</a>, where he delves into the history of the sacred style, its relation with the community the work takes inspiration from, and how the visualisation of it continues to impact the people.&nbsp; Art is often woven into religious myths, such as the saga of the heroic Milarepa, where we stumble upon philosophy: ‘This body, so hard to obtain and easily broken…’ Also a reminder that we are each a leader with our own set of disciples. Each of us, our own Milarepa. The fourth section is the strongest in rhetoric as it takes on <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/is-trophy-hunting-okay-to-earn-revenue-for-conservation,2591">Nepal’s conservation history</a>. Like in Tom Bell’s first book, Kathmandu, there is sharp, forthright criticism of the system. The chapter points at the flawed conservation approach that has hurt indigenous science and peoples.&nbsp; While there is the seriousness of a heavy topic, the narrative also bears occasional eccentricities, such as: the old man in Jumla has dogs, cats, fleas, hens, rabbits, goats and bees. “I hope that the book has enough layers that different readers find different things in there that interest and entertain them,” Bell says. Me, I came away with history. Told. Forgotten. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220171240_52e9bef3b714fbfdfac2dfe9adab3a2df897c0a03ff8c71d5a6829902e0ddada.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241220171240_52e9bef3b714fbfdfac2dfe9adab3a2df897c0a03ff8c71d5a6829902e0ddada" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Human nature book details"> </figure>  &nbsp;

Pratibha Tuladhar

The nature of Nepal

Finding Route 1307 in Nan Province, northern Thailand, bordering Laos, is not an easy task. Even Nan native drivers have a hard time in the isolated mountains without any landmarks or road signs.&nbsp; Nestled on the slopes of the 1500 m Phu Phayak mountain, 4km from the Laos border, Ban Nam Ree Phatthana is perhaps the deepest mountain village in Thailand. Phu Phayak, which means ‘a large mountain teeming with tigers’, has long been the home of the Lua and Hmong who came from Laos.&nbsp; These hill tribes, who suffered all kinds of discrimination and persecution, provided the impetus for the armed struggle of the communist in northern Thailand. And Ban Nam Ree Phatthana was the 708th headquarter of the Communist Party of Thailand in the 1970s, the heart of the northern fighting. Ban Nam Ree Phatthana, with a population of 600 and 100 households, traditionally grew poppies on the hillsides. But since the ‘Phu Phayak Royal Project’ was launched in 2003, the villagers have been producing organic vegetables and fruits. The Project was promoted by the Department of Public Relation in accordance with HM King Bhumibol’s Philosophy of sufficiency economy to develop alternative crops.&nbsp; And the Tourism Authority has been promoting Phu Phayak as an eco-tourism with the slogan “Wandering Phu Phayak, eating organic vegetables, tasting aromatic coffee and climbing to the top of mountains. However, there are no visitors and only flies are flying around in reality.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241221021248_7fd5248bbbe7405fe1d5ffab691d8b0ed5029ee36ba96c40bd9ab3e455572eed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241221021248_7fd5248bbbe7405fe1d5ffab691d8b0ed5029ee36ba96c40bd9ab3e455572eed" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="478" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Nam Ree Pathana"> <figcaption>Prime Minister Suaryud Chulanont attended the opening ceremony of the Phu Phayak Memorial in December 2005.</figcaption> </figure>  Pham Serao, a former communist says: “We appreciate the royal project but we need road development more than anything. There will never be a tourist who will come all the way to the dead-end border valley along this messy road just to eat organic vegetables.” Although the ideological struggle has now turned into a struggle for survival, the people of Ban Nam Ree Phatthana still live with their own pride in having once been a communist guerrilla. “Now the world has changed and the armed struggle is over, but we never regret the fighting we have had for the people and society in the past. And we will never forget the times we spent with our leader Sahai(comrade) Too Khamtan.” Like Pham Serao, old warriors open their hearts even to strange visitors without any hesitation.” Here, Thai historical figures appear. Sahai Too Khamtan refers to Phayom Chulanont, former commander of the Thai People’s Liberation Army, the armed wing of the CPT. Phayom Chulanont is the father of Gen.Surayud Chulanont, who served as Supreme Commander and Prime Minister of Thailand.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241221021248_62796886234ca7e3647243fc63d53b7b1339463c6dd9176788da15f5980b2fbd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241221021248_62796886234ca7e3647243fc63d53b7b1339463c6dd9176788da15f5980b2fbd" data-rendition-name="original" width="256" height="386" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Nam Ree Pathana"> <figcaption>Phayom Chulanont, commander of the Thai People's Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Communist Party of Thailand.</figcaption> </figure>  Lt.Col. Phayom Chulanont joined the coup led by Gen.Plaek Pibulsonggram in 1947 to overthrow Prime Minister Thawan Thamrongnawasawat, but after political differences, he staged his own coup two years later in 1949. The so-called ‘Army Staff School Coup’ ended in failure. Payom soon went into exile in China. In 1957, he returned to his hometown of Phetchabun and entered politics as a member of the House of Representatives. However, when Gen. Sarit Thanarat staged another coup that year to overthrow the Plaek government, Payom joined the CPT and became the commander of the People’s Liberation Army. Since then, Payom, who was called ‘Sahai Too Khamtan’, is known to have led the armed struggle, returned toChina in 1978 for treatment of a chronic illness, and died in the early 1980s. From the beginning, the Communist Party of Thailand hid its organization so thoroughly that even its members did not know who the real leader was, so not only Payom’s death but also his role is still controversial. Phayom left no records or trace. Sahai Too Khamtan remains only in the memories of his comrades.&nbsp; “No matter what anyone says, our leader is Sahai Too Khamtan. We went to the frontline with him and followed his orders. He was a man whose words and actions were always consistent, and treated everyone without discrimination. Sahai Too Khamtan is the one who made me proud to be a communist.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228011236_79c5a63dc123d42258dfc86abd3ef960abb0400139b6412e1bbc468912076bb0.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241228011236_79c5a63dc123d42258dfc86abd3ef960abb0400139b6412e1bbc468912076bb0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1688" height="1166" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Nam Ri Pattana"> <figcaption>Many of those who participated in the armed struggle of the Communist Party of Thailand are now part of Thai society and still live proudly.</figcaption> </figure>  Phi Tak Pisatchan, who followed Payom on the Nan front for four years, expressed deep respect. According to the old guerrillas, it is certain that Payom led the armed struggle as the commander of the Thai People’s Liberation Army, as has been known. However, nothing has been revealed about Payom’s political role within the CPT other than the fact that he was a member of the Central Committee.&nbsp; It is possible to infer that Payom played an important political role through a document from the Democratic Kampuchea (Khmer Rouge) government in 1976 that records him as ‘secretary-general of the Thai Communist Party, Khamtan’.&nbsp; It is not official but it is known that within the CPT, Charoen Wan-Ngam served as secretary-general from the 1960s until his death in 1979. After that, Udom Srisuwan succeeded him as secretary-general.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241221021248_26eacdec4af27e76828b6059d5fd0705046fabbdc2fb3a2ac5d4f756d894c82a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241221021248_26eacdec4af27e76828b6059d5fd0705046fabbdc2fb3a2ac5d4f756d894c82a" data-rendition-name="original" width="4254" height="2760" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Nam Ree Pathana"> <figcaption>Phayom Chulanont, commander of the Thai People's Liberation Army, the armed wing of the Communist Party of Thailand.</figcaption> </figure>  At this point, it is worth seeing Payom’s son, Gen Surayud Chulanont. He was born into a military family. Surayud’s maternal grandfather was Gen. Si Sitthisongkhram, who served as the commander of the Army Operations Command. His father was Payom, who served as a lieutenant colonel in the Thai Army and then as the commander of the Thai People’s Liberation Army of the CPT.&nbsp; He himself served as Supreme Commander of the Royal Thai Armed Force, Prime Minister and then President of the Privy Council now. Also his son Non Chulanon is taking the military path, passing down the military lineage to the fourth generation. However, Surayut’s memories of his father Payom seem to be few. When Payom went into exile in China after the failed coup in 1949, Surayut was only six years old. Then eight years later, in 1957, Payom returned to Thailand, but he said goodbye to his family again when he joined the CPT that year. After that, Surayut graduated from the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, the military’s most elite course. As soon as he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in 1965 when the CPT started the armed struggle, he was sent to the Northern Anti-Communist Front. The cinematic imagination of a father and son pointing guns at each other has become a situation that can happen in reality. But they had never met on the frontline and such a serious affair did not happen.&nbsp; Nevertheless, Suryaut’s experience of having to show loyalty by pointing a gun at his father was not only a personal affliction but also a social tragedy. Through this tragic story of father and son, we can see one of the great strengths of Thai society.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241221021248_d0b74320b05fba1cca59fac9a42f6baa9e6556ecc08023cbe9a60637cdd7dc12.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241221021248_d0b74320b05fba1cca59fac9a42f6baa9e6556ecc08023cbe9a60637cdd7dc12" data-rendition-name="original" width="3648" height="5472" loading="lazy" alt="Ban Nam Ree Pathana"> <figcaption>An altar to honor Payom Chulanont erected in the middle of the Phu Phayak Memorial.</figcaption> </figure>  So, the son of a commander of communist party entered the highest royal military academy. Even though the Cold War is over, this is a story that certainly symbolises the inclusiveness of Thai society. That very symbol stands tall on the ridge of Ban Nam Ree Phatthana. It is called the Phu Phayak Memorial which opened in December 2005. Perhaps, those who visit this place will feel a little bored because there are only photos of maps, poems and history of the CPT on the wall without a single gun or uniform. However, it is an important place in the lives of the villagers.&nbsp; Every year on December 1, the founding anniversary of the Communist Party of Thailand, old guerrillas gather at the Phu Phayak Memorial to pay tribute to the leader and those who died on the front line. As Pham Serao said, it is a place where souls are gathered and commemorate the fallen comrades. The leader here is, of course, the commander of the Thai People’s Liberation Army, Payom, who is enshrined on the altar in the middle of the memorial hall. “As a son, I am proud of my father and mother who gave birth to me. At least my father fought according to his beliefs. To me, my father is a hero. He taught me to be a good soldier and a good citizen,” recounts Gen Surayut of his father. No one knows what his intentions are and society and history will judge whether he is a good soldier or a good citizen. The same goes for Surayut’s life and that of his father, Payom.

Ban Nam Ree Pathana

The Golden Triangle, where the Mekong River divides the borders of Thailand, Burma, and Laos, was once the world’s largest drug producing area and is still a romantic destination for tourists. The term Golden Triangle originally came from a nickname that Burmese drug warlords used to exchange opium for gold in Tachilek, Burmese border town with Thailand in the 1950s.&nbsp; Then, the Golden Triangle became the official name when US Under Secretary of State Marshall Green first used it at a drug-related press conference in 1971. Since then, the Golden Triangle has been used as a term to refer to the poppy-growing region encompassing Chiang Rai Province in Thailand, Shan State in Burma, and northern Laos. Nowadays, some researchers extend the Golden Triangle to include the entire northern part of Thailand, Yunnan Province in southern China, northern Laos, and northern Vietnam for huge drug zone spanning 950,000㎢. Because of its name, many tourists come to the Golden Triangle imagining it as a place overflowing with drugs and filled with poppies. However, there is no trace of drugs or poppies nowadays due to the Thai government’s anti-drug policy, except the ‘Opium Museum’ in Ban Sop Ruak, just on the Thai side of the Mekong River basin.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161252_c260136fb4d158a54e306b9cedf63f8825e2edab20bc59e3eaec673be08f239d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241220161252_c260136fb4d158a54e306b9cedf63f8825e2edab20bc59e3eaec673be08f239d" data-rendition-name="original" width="696" height="392" loading="lazy" alt="The Golden Triangle "> <figcaption>Despite the Thai government's anti-drug policy, still drug trafficking occurs in the border areas including the Golden Triangle.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228011232_9d41eb9b765ff49b17705e3d700ab8cfbcffdedb2edc90a9c40c6576aacd6f11.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241228011232_9d41eb9b765ff49b17705e3d700ab8cfbcffdedb2edc90a9c40c6576aacd6f11" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="1166" loading="lazy" alt="The Golden Triangle"> <figcaption>The Golden Triangle accounts for half of the $30-40 billion that international drug cartels make annually.</figcaption> </figure>  The Golden Triangle Viewpoint is right in front of this Sop Ruak village, where the mighty Mekong River flows. The 300m-long riverbank road lined with a large Buddha sitting on a treasure ship, souvenir shops, restaurants, and hotels is where many tourists gather to take selfies. However, tourists will encounter an unexpectedly awkward landscape at the Golden Triangle viewpoint which is a rare place where they can see three countries from one point. To the north of Burma, there is a casino that resembles a military fortress, and to the east of Laos, there are some buildings under a large sign that says ‘Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone’, run by the Chinese capitals.&nbsp; For discerning tourists, the incongruity between capital and nature in a remote border area can be disappointing. But, there is no need to give up in advance. Tourists can relax at the ancient city of Chiang Saen, located 10km south of the Golden Triangle on the banks of the Mekong River. This ancient city, founded in 545 by the Tai monarch Singha Nuwat from Yunnan, China, disappeared into the back alleys of history after being conquered by the Lanna Kingdom(1292-1775), which ruled northern Thailand in the 13th century.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161252_513ec96f360ac1196a8edaa1eb2435842f298df27cc27833773227865769f6ba.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241220161252_513ec96f360ac1196a8edaa1eb2435842f298df27cc27833773227865769f6ba" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="The Golden Triangle "> <figcaption>Wat Pasak stands as a significant ancient site in Chiang Saen. Renowned for its exquisite stucco craftsmanship dating back to the early Lanna period.</figcaption> </figure>  Anyone can feel the traces of ancient history walking along the ruined walls. Wat Pa Sak, ruins of a Buddhist temple situated outside the city walls with an impressive, well-preserved Chedi with a square base in the Mon style. Wat Phra That Chedi Luang, ruins of Chiang Saen&amp;#39;s main temple. Chiang Saen National Museum with an important collection of Chiang Saen style Buddha statues and many more. The coffee shop on the bank of the Mekong River is also a sacred place that cannot be missed. If you sit down at the riverside coffee shop, you will be able to enjoy the time flowing slowly along the Mekong River. It is a place where only travelers can experience the leisure romance. Next, you will be greeted by bizarre views of Laos across the river. Beyond the small island of Don Sao, you will see a very unrealistic building with a large crown on the head called the Kings Romans Casino. It is one of the main businesses of Kings Romans International, which acquired 102 square km of land in the Golden Triangle Special Economic Zone for 99 years with a $3 billion investment.&nbsp; This Hong Kong-based company has built a ‘Chinese Empire’ in the Golden Triangle. All the businesses, including casinos, hotels, bars, and restaurants, are run by Chinese. Even Chinese police cars drive around on the streets. Meanwhile, the King’s Romance Casino became notorious for drug trafficking, prostitution, human trafficking, and even selling tiger and bear dishes, eventually earning it the nickname of ’Crime City’.&nbsp; The US Treasury Department and the DEA placed it on financial sanctions for child prostitution, drug trafficking, and wildlife trafficking. The Kings Romans area is called Ban Kwan where the hidden history of the Golden Triangle lies. This is where the Battle of Ban Kwan took place, the fiercest battle of the ‘1967 Opium War’.&nbsp; Tourists can freely cross the river to Ban Kwan nowadays, but there is no trace of the history left. After Kings Romans came and destroyed the entire area of Ban Kwan to build roads, hotels and casinos. Although traces cannot be found, history cannot be buried. The ‘1967 Opium War’ in northwestern Laos between February and August 1967.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161252_2c5d938d6d0728233e60eb27b4b0616195a1f607d156c6a28e53b9da73fa5d2d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241220161252_2c5d938d6d0728233e60eb27b4b0616195a1f607d156c6a28e53b9da73fa5d2d" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="The Golden Triangle "> <figcaption>King's Romance Casino, located on the site of the Battle of Ban Kwan.</figcaption> </figure>  The actual fighting took place in Ban Kwan. A mule train, led by Khun Sa, carrying 16 tons of opium crossed into Ban Kwan, where they were attacked by rival drug smugglers from the 3rd and 5th Armies of the Kuomintang’s remnants, Chinese nationalist. In June 1967, Khun Sa sent 16 tons of opium on 300 mules led by 800 armed convoys to Ban Kwan, 320km from Shan State of Burma.&nbsp; The opium, worth $500,000 at the time, is equivalent to $5 million today. For Khun Sa, that was an ambitious deal, enough to buy 1,000 carbines and turn his 2,000-strong army into 3,000 to stand up to the 3,200-strong remnants of the Kuomintang. The person who ordered the opium was Maj.Gen. Ouane Rattikone, the Laotian Army Chief of Staff who had a drug refinery in Ban Kwan. Khun Sa’s convoy safely arrived in Ban Kwan on July 17. However, on July 24, the joint forces of the 3rd and 5th Armies of the Kuomintang sent 1,000 troops to Ban Kwan and attacked Khun Sa’s convoy. That day, Gen. Ouane Rattikone issued an ultimatum to the remnants of the Kuomintang and Khun Sa’s convoy to leave Laos. However, the two factions ignored the warning and fought fiercely for five days.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161252_3adbf695b0109ceed86e1654c1a51c56c424b4a9b16d408759256e43cdd5c4ec.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241220161252_3adbf695b0109ceed86e1654c1a51c56c424b4a9b16d408759256e43cdd5c4ec" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="836" loading="lazy" alt="The Golden Triangle "> <figcaption>Khun Sa's army, a party to the Battle of Ban Kwan during the ‘1967 Opium War’.</figcaption> </figure>  Then Gen Ouane Rattikone launched six Air Force T28 fighter jets to indiscriminately bomb Ban Kwan, and then deployed the 2nd Airborne Battalion to the south of Ban Kwan, two infantry battalions to the north, and two marine ships to attack the two factions. The Laotian army, remnants of Kuomintang, and Khun Sa’s army fought a three-way battle in tiny Ban Kwan.&nbsp; Finally, the drug convoy of Khun Sa, betrayed by Gen.Ouane Rattikone, escaped across the Mekong River to Burma, leaving behind 82 dead and the opium. The remnants of the Kumintang, who suffered 70 dead, paid Gen Ouane Rattikone $7,500 in compensation and retreated across the Mekong River to Sop Ruak. Then returned to Doi Mae Salong, the headquarters of the 5th Army, with the help of the Thai military. Then Gen Ouane Rattikone transported the opium left by Khun Sa to Houay Xai, where his drug refinery was located. The ultimate winner of the Battle of Ban Kwan was Gen Ouane Rattikone. He had been running a drug business with the help of the CIA, was awarded the highest national medal as a hero for defending the territory, and he also amassed enormous wealth from the opium he had taken from Khun Sa. Meanwhile, Khun Sa had suffered great financial and military damage, and was arrested by the Burmese government in 1969 while negotiating with the Shan State rebels in an attempt to restore his power. Then, after being released in 1973, Khun Sa organized the Shan United Army (SUA) and resumed his influence in the international drug market. Opposite, the remnants of the Kuomintang, with the help of the CIA, seized 90% of the drug routes in the Golden Triangle that Khun Sa had been holding back.&nbsp; As the remnants of the Kuomintang and Khun Sa ran wild, opium production in the Golden Triangle, which had been no more than 60 tons per year before World War II, exceeded 1,000 tons in the mid-1970s. The drug war in the Golden Triangle is not a story of the past. The drug war in the Golden Triangle is not over yet. Although the world’s largest opium production site was given to Afghanistan in the 2000s, the Golden Triangle is still alive and well as a production base for drugs including heroin and methamphetamine&nbsp; The Golden Triangle, which includes Burma, Laos, and Thailand, produces about 800 tons of opium, which can make 80 tons of heroin, every year. The value is 17 billion dollars. The Golden Triangle accounts for half of the 30-40 billion dollars that international drug cartels make annually.

The Golden Triangle

On the map of Thailand, there is a place that points to Shan State in Burma with a finger at the very northeastern end. It is Ban Hin Taek (The Village of Broken Stone), 28km east of Doi Mae Salong. In 1982, the Thai government renamed it to Ban Thoet Thai (Village to Honour Thai) in an attempt to erase the village’s drug-tainted reputation, but still the old one is better known among the people. Ban Hin Taek, 3km from the Burmese border, is surrounded by mountains 1000~2000m high scarred by slash-and-burn agriculture.&nbsp; But it is not a small village and no different from any other lowland Thai villages at first glance. Modern hospitals, tennis courts, ATM machines, 7-Eleven and WiFi have been added everywhere around. Its prosperity is influenced by the agricultural trade, but also because of the drug trade, although the Thai government has been making great efforts to combat the trade. Originally Ban Hin Taek was founded by the Akha hill tribe who came down from Burma in 1903, but over the years it has become a multi-ethnic village. Among the 4,000 residents in Ban Hin Taek, Akha is still the majority with 40% but Lahu, Lisu, Yao, Shan and Yunnanese live together.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161248_e38b69f1cacdcd5e3b4b63c4b5beda079d5c6376ef49f03e13f2736dc3aeaf96.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241220161248_e38b69f1cacdcd5e3b4b63c4b5beda079d5c6376ef49f03e13f2736dc3aeaf96" data-rendition-name="original" width="5472" height="3648" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>Former headquarter of Shan United Army turned into Khun Sa Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  As the Akha leader Teichin said, the Akha colour is now fading away in the village. Full of colorful traditional costumes that once dazzled visitors have become a story of the past. Unless a very discerning tourist, it would be difficult to find the ‘multi-racial, multi-cultural tourism’ slogan emphasized by the government. Instead, what tourists can see in Ban Hin Taek are numerous ‘Houses of God’. A Catholic cathedral, a Christian church and a mosque stand in the middle of the village, and Thai-style, Yunnan-style as well as Shan-style Buddhist temples surround them. If these various religions are symbols of multiculturalism. But how many people would come all the way to this deep mountain valley, where even transportation is difficult, just to see this religious symbol made of concrete? “It’s just tourism as a slogan, only about 1,000 people visit our village a year,” Teichin said disappointingly. However, you don’t have to be discouraged in advance if you recall the famous saying “You see as much as you know.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161248_4541686282de4138805887d4aec9dc33b5b3dac1414700ef69a99032f5ddffac.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241220161248_4541686282de4138805887d4aec9dc33b5b3dac1414700ef69a99032f5ddffac" data-rendition-name="original" width="2961" height="2360" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>Khun Sa</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228011232_95228145924a575063a0c4f58bfe0d66e25c9e4c84992624a7453e95be6fa57a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241228011232_95228145924a575063a0c4f58bfe0d66e25c9e4c84992624a7453e95be6fa57a" data-rendition-name="original" width="3624" height="5184" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>Khun Sa still alive as a wax doll in the Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  Ban Hin Taek was the heart of the so-called Golden Triangle, which bordered Burma, Thailand, and Laos and produced over 1,000 tons of opium annually in the 1970s. The person who controlled the drug production and route was Khun Sa, known as the ‘Opium King’. He established the headquarters of the Shan United Army, SUA here. The notorious drug lord died long ago. but he still lives in the hearts of the village people. “Khun Sa was a very warm person. He gave money to the poor and built hospitals and schools…we can’t forget him,” says native Ki, who has lived his entire life as a farmer. In fact, Khun Sa’s traces can be found everywhere in Ban Hin Taek. The Tatong Middle and High Schools where nearly 1,000 students study, the modern Mae Fah Luang Hospital, and the roads leading to each village are all legacies left by Khun Sa. No matter what the world says, the people of Ban Hin Taek have always revered Khun Sa as their great benefactor, calling him ‘father’, ‘uncle’ or ‘commander’. “The older people say that back then, there was no trace of opium in Ban Hin Taek, and Khun Sa strictly punished people so that they could not even touch opium,” says village chief Tai Chin. The Thai government has long banned poppy cultivation and has been working hard to eradicate drugs, and there are no poppy plantations today.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161248_c111b144c8cb1a5271a88f04e83cd5c249fbfa2ef00b35d86e9974a6e2a9d87b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241220161248_c111b144c8cb1a5271a88f04e83cd5c249fbfa2ef00b35d86e9974a6e2a9d87b" data-rendition-name="original" width="5313" height="3368" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>The life of Khun Sa, recorded as a hero in the struggle for the liberation of Shan State in the Khun Sa Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  ‘Opium King’ or ‘National Liberation Leader’, there are few figures as controversial as Khun Sa, who has two incompatible nicknames. Khun Sa was born in 1934 in Mongyai, Shan State, Burma. The son of a Chinese father and a Shan mother, Khun Sa, also known as Zhang Qifu, was originally a warlord who led the Ka Kwe Ye, KKY in Loimau, Shan State.&nbsp; KKY was a militia organisation that Gen. Ne Win, who seized power in a coup in 1962, allowed local warlords to arm themselves and act as self-defense forces to fight against the Burmese Communist Party and Shan State rebels. In return, the Burmese military government turned a blind eye to KKY’s opium trafficking. However, when KKY became more obsessed with the opium business than with local defense, the military government imprisoned Khun Sa in 1969 and branded KKY an illegal organization in 1973. Burmese government released Khun Sa in 1973 in exchange for a Russian doctor kidnapped by his subordinates, and he came to Ban Hin Taek with his family in 1976.&nbsp; From then on, Khun Sa transformed from KKY to the leader of the Shan United Army, who called for Shan independence, and appeared on the Burmese-Thai border stage. With 20,000 troops in his arsenal, Khun Sa fought a war for drug supremacy with the remnants of Chiang Kai-shek's Kuomintang who had been chased by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army and crossed the Burmese border, and explosively expanded the international drug market.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161248_ddb1a9b626c30413ec620584fbcc7079b4bc42806f721f90164db1bc801edc9c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241220161248_ddb1a9b626c30413ec620584fbcc7079b4bc42806f721f90164db1bc801edc9c" data-rendition-name="original" width="681" height="419" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>Khun Sa’s Mong Tai Army.</figcaption> </figure>  Before World War II, Indochina’s annual opium production was only 60 tons, but by the mid-1970s, it had surpassed 1,000 tons. At that time, 40% of the opium produced in Burma and 70% of the drugs flowing into the United States passed through Khun Sa’s operations. In 1975, when the Vietnam War ended, the US government, led by the CIA and the DEA designated Khun Sa as the number one wanted enemy. Thus, Ban Hin Taek became the target for strikes. In 1980, under pressure from the US government, Thai Prime Minister Gen Prem Tinsulanonda raised the flag of drug eradication.&nbsp; Finally, the Thai army attacked this mountainous border village Ban Hin Taek with tanks and fighter jets in 1982. After several days of fierce resistance, Khun Sa led the Shan United Army crossed the Burmese border. Since then Khun Sa set up the headquarters of the Shan United Army and a heroin factory in Ho Mong, Shan State, Burma, bordering Thailand. In 1985, he founded the Mong Tai Army by bringing in the Shan United Revolutionary Army, a regional warlord alliance. Having grown in power in Ho Mong, Khun Sa dominated the international drug market until he surrendered to the Burmese military government in 1996.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220161248_f3a6c57f9c4a91ec96ff726e50ef154275f990d78350adde62b11506682a5d92.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241220161248_f3a6c57f9c4a91ec96ff726e50ef154275f990d78350adde62b11506682a5d92" data-rendition-name="original" width="3648" height="5472" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>Statue of Kun Sa on horseback in Khun Sa Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  Despite pressure from the international community, including the United States, the Burmese military government never indicted Khun Sa and he died in Rangoon in 2007. On November 7th of that year, the Ban Hin Taek people held an enormous memorial service for Khun Sa. They then named Khun Sa’s old headquarter, located in a mountain foot behind the central market, the ‘Khun Sa Museum’ as a tourist attraction. A statue of Khun Sa on horseback was erected on the site of the old parade ground, and on one side of the barracks, all kinds of photos and materials commemorating Khun Sa’s struggle for Shan State independence were hung. To be sure, there was not a single word about opium or drugs. And Khun Sa sat as a wax doll in a dark and eerie old office.&nbsp; “Khun Sa fought for Shan State independence. When Khun Sa was here, it wasn’t as hard to make a living as it is now. We all respect Khun Sa,” says Tai Chin. The life of Khun Sa is still connected to the reality of the Burma-Thailand border. For instance, the United Wa State Army which emerged as the world’s largest drug warlord after Khun Sa, is calling for Wa independence against the Burmese government. Drugs that use ‘national liberation’ as their brand are rolling around the Burma-Thailand border even today.&nbsp; Just as the remnants of the Kuomintang used ‘anti-communism’ as their brand of drugs. This is the political economy of drugs. Ban Hin Taek, a remote mountain village, was once the heart of the drug front disguised as the national liberation front.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241228011228_626ea3b7865a3a85ee95efb89a3fe264a4e83b4a71d7464c8d92308e9b535466.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241228011228_626ea3b7865a3a85ee95efb89a3fe264a4e83b4a71d7464c8d92308e9b535466" data-rendition-name="original" width="1272" height="836" loading="lazy" alt="The Legacy of the Lost Army"> <figcaption>The United Wa State Army, which succeeded Kun Sa, is notorious as the world's largest drug warlord.</figcaption> </figure>  &nbsp;

The Legacy of the Lost Army

‘Do you want people to have access to telephony or do you want to fight corruption? If you want to fight corruption, these people will be completely cut off from information highway for the rest of their lives, okay, full stop. Make up your mind.’ British businessman and self-proclaimed ‘thought leader’ Mohamed Amersi sits across from The Guardian journalist Tom Burgis at his lawyer’s offices in London as he makes this matter-of-fact statement.&nbsp; Amersi was referring to the dealings of Nepali businessman and fixer<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=776#google_vignette"> Ajeya Sumargi</a>, one of the many subjects of his 2024 book Cuckooland: Where the Rich Own the Truth. This is Burgis’ third book, and he weaves a fast-paced tale with investigative reporting to chart the deal-making career of Amersi in the global telecommunication industry. The investigation traces Amersi’s backroom deals with associates of Russian president Vladimir Putin to Gulnara Karimova, the daughter of an Uzbek dictator. Inevitably, Burgis follows the trail to Nepal where a former Maoist commander turned prime minister wants to strike a deal with Lars Nyberg of the Swedish-Finnish firm TeliaSonera to break into the emerging market. Burgis' account of Amersi’s dealings in Nepal begins with the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/if-birendra-was-alive-nepal-could-still-be-a-monarchy"> royal massacre</a> in 2001 and Gyanendra’s ascension to power. The new king stages a coup in 2005 and reimposes absolute monarchy, and on this new stage enters Ajeya Sumargi.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-richest-man-in-the-pandora-papers">Nepal’s richest man in the Pandora Papers&nbsp;</a> Sumargi starts out a smalltime businessman in Hetauda but soon climbs into the circle of movers and shakers in Kathmandu. He is self-made and has made a vocation out of knowing the right people in right places.&nbsp; And the right person to know in Nepal’s new political landscape was Gyanendra’s son-in-law, for whom Sumargi becomes a fixer, ensuring he becomes indispensable. Eventually this leads into his foray into telecoms just as mobile telephony was making inroads in Nepal. But Nepalis are sick of the conflict that had claimed 17,000 lives and of an authoritarian king. A people’s movement in April 2006 <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/lost-decade-of-post-conflict-transition,2139">forced Gyanendra out</a>, and the Maoists were subsequently elected to a Constituent Assembly.&nbsp; By then Sumargi had switched sides and sidled up to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal (aka Prachanda, the Fierce One) Both are pictured, above. He is soon cleaning up illicit funds the Maoists allegedly purloined from stipends meant for former guerrillas in UN-supervised demobilisation camps.&nbsp; Sumargi arranges luxury lodgings in Lazimpat for Dahal in a house purchased in the name of his sister-in-law. Sumargi’s proximity to power earns him a license for Hello Nepal.&nbsp; Enter: TeliaSonera, which at the time also owns and operates Kcell in Kazakhstan and Ucell in Uzbekistan, and Ncell which it acquired in 2008 in Nepal. At a meeting with TeliaSonera boss Lars Nyberg, Prime Minister Dahal suggests purchasing Hello Nepal to make the pesky issue of license renewal go away. Sumargi opens the doors. Telia Sonera opens its wallet. And Sumargi, says the book, coolly pockets $74 million from TeliaSonera’s acquisition of Hello Nepal. He greases the right palms, makes TeliaSonera’s problems go away, and prepares to become an additional $200 million richer.&nbsp; TeliaSonera’s operations in Uzbekistan unravelled after Swedish investigators found it had negotiated with the Uzbek president’s daughter Karimova to obtain licenses and frequencies in return for millions in bribes. Nyberg resigned, and the new management debated whether to pull out of Nepal too.&nbsp; Amersi is unhappy, Sumargi is livid and threatens to sue. Burgis writes that in the end ‘friendship prevails’-- Sumargi is compensated and TeliaSonera’s new directors bury the findings of the investigation into their Nepal operation. After the scandal, TeliaSonera rebranded itself as Telia and divested from Ncell, selling its majority stake to Malaysian conglomerate Axiata for $1.36 billion in 2016.&nbsp; Was Sumargi able to channel the ill-gotten wealth of Maoist leaders through his dealings with Amersi and Co, and if so, how much? Burgis is not able to tell: ‘Whether any of the riches Mohamed Amersi helped to guide towards Sumargi were shared with the Fierce One and the other Maoist leaders, I cannot definitively say.’ In any case, Sumargi offloaded the millions he made from the TeliaSonera deal to his offshore accounts, adding to his considerable wealth, as documented in a 2019 investigation by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) and Centre for Investigative Journalists Nepal (CIJ-N). Amersi, meanwhile, went on to speak at a University of Oxford event about tackling <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-s-corruption-carousel">corruption</a>. The irony is not lost. He is now among the major donors to the British Conservative Party, and rubs shoulders with the likes of Boris Johnson and King Charles. Much of the book is based on the author’s conversation with Amersi in 2023 at his lawyer’s offices, where he was invited by Amersi himself in order to ‘set the record straight’ after an ex-Conservative Party MP questioned his iffy financial dealings. In words that would prove to be more relevant than ever, Burgis writes . ‘Everywhere, the powerful are making a renewed claim to the greatest prize of all: to own the truth. The power to choose what you want reality to be and impose that reality on the world.’&nbsp; The footnotes in Cuckooland contain Burgis’ often derisive, wry commentary on Amersi’s indignant, expletive-laden interjections during his interviews. The footnotes are as interesting as the book’s revelations about Nepal’s crony communism. &nbsp; ‘Your agenda is biased against me, and so you are looking for skeletons,’ Amersi insists to Burgis during one of his tirades. ‘Write your book and you’ll see what happens to it,’ he says during another. The underworld that Burgis has shined his light on is bleak. The lines between <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Kleptocracy-kills,3161">kleptocracy</a> and democracy are blurred, corruption runs rampant, and accountability and truth are lost to the wheeling-dealings that enrich oligarchs.&nbsp; Given the apathy and silence that has greeted the explosive revelations in Cuckooland, perhaps Nepalis would rather have access to telephony than fight corruption. &nbsp;&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220121232_6b15740b65e4feddfc0afc9972cbfcee1852b8442338be2d2d697dc2357c7727.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241220121232_6b15740b65e4feddfc0afc9972cbfcee1852b8442338be2d2d697dc2357c7727" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Cuckooland"> </figure>  &nbsp;

Shristi Karki

Nepal’s crony-Communism exposed

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

Four international names in architecture, Shigeru Ban, Rem Koolhaas, Tadao Ando and Louis Isadore Kahn, all left their mark in Nepal. But despite their best intentions, the ambitious designs fizzled out. Ban, Koolhaas and Ando won Pritzkers, the best known international award for architecture, and Kahn could have won it had the prize been given in his lifetime. But their designs fell short of transforming Nepali architecture and did not help inspire local architects.&nbsp; Why were these four ‘starchitects’ unable to pull off their Nepal projects and enrich the country with exemplary contemporary designs? The failure, especially the violation of Kahn’s design, also raises larger questions about how much contemporary architecture is valued in Nepal.&nbsp; Whereas Sri Lanka had Geoffrey Bawa and Bangladesh had Mazharul Islam, the pioneers of contemporary architecture in Nepal have had far less public appreciation. One wonders if Nepali architecture only refers to the monuments and heritage of the past. Nepal does have examples of outstanding modern architecture such as the &nbsp;पाङ्रे घर ‘Wheel House’ and खुट्टे घर &nbsp;‘House on Legs’ by Shankar Nath Rimal in the 1960s. These are the best examples of how some Nepali designers successfully tailored modern architecture to the Nepali context.&nbsp; Ten years ago, Nepal had three architecture magazines, SPACES, praXis and Business Architecture, but none of these survived. This newspaper has prominently covered contemporary architecture, and the built environment, but these are exceptions in Nepal’s media. There have been a few encouraging signs. The 2024 exhibition Modern Encounters in Architecture in Kathmandu Valley (1945-1985) at the Taragaon Museum had many visitors and its accompanying book is a seminal document.&nbsp; In 2023, the Mountain Architecture Dialogue (MAD) that focused on examples of good-practice sustainable contemporary architecture for the mountainous terrains of Nepal was a packed event with over 300 young architects, engineers, environmentalists and architecture students. <h2>Shigeru Ban</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024122003128_8bb8dde080c5698c2585966bef27ce4c08e4ee488d3432b2caac98b9de762dfe.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024122003128_8bb8dde080c5698c2585966bef27ce4c08e4ee488d3432b2caac98b9de762dfe" data-rendition-name="original" width="990" height="1074" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal NT"> </figure>  Shigeru Ban had already built a name for himself in post-disaster construction when he came to Nepal following the 2015 earthquakes in which 500,000 people lost their homes. The basic design and its 3D-rendered images were reviewed in upbeat articles on DOMUS, Architectural Review, Dezeen, and Arch Daily.&nbsp; But his signature cardboard tubes could not handle the monsoon and the roof structure had to be re-designed with timber. Only two shelters were completed in Sindupalchok, and only one of them still stands at the Hyatt Regency grounds today, as Ban’s souvenir to Nepal.&nbsp; <h2>Rem Koolhaas</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024122003128_58afec9b57accfa38327af0936648c6eb2f2e11ff18f1af8ca27383dc57dc222.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024122003128_58afec9b57accfa38327af0936648c6eb2f2e11ff18f1af8ca27383dc57dc222" data-rendition-name="original" width="750" height="722" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal NT"> </figure>  The designs of Dutch architect Rem Koolhaas have a specific signature: bold shapes and an intriguing architectural typology that challenges standard building blocks. Some designs even seem to defy gravity, like the CCTV headquarters in Beijing: an angular, continuous geometry of glass and steel.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220031216_a18dc8a8d6b97bc6fa9d590036cf374f9dc3709c699fe5c5787304bbd05cb17d.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241220031216_a18dc8a8d6b97bc6fa9d590036cf374f9dc3709c699fe5c5787304bbd05cb17d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1812" height="1168" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal"> <figcaption>Rem Koolhaas' design for Ullen's School in Khumaltar.</figcaption> </figure>  Koolhaas was commissioned by Belgian billionaire Guy Ullens to design a new building for Ullens School in Khumaltar. The most prominent feature is its vertical glass block staircase. Some interior spaces have lowered windowsills, which provide ample views and daylight. But the school building has gone unremarked in Nepal. <h2>Tadao Ando</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220031212_cc16bd6feb8be07a7198285b847a45d2126dc3a479e0cc7370331861fc544675.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241220031212_cc16bd6feb8be07a7198285b847a45d2126dc3a479e0cc7370331861fc544675" data-rendition-name="original" width="626" height="628" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal"> </figure>  Doctors providing aid to victims of the Great Hanshin earthquake in 1995 in Japan requested Tadao Ando, who had donated his Pritzker money to the victims, to also make a design for a hospital in Butwal.&nbsp; Ando’s contribution would be pro-bono and the construction was funded by the Hanshin Earthquake victims and by the popular Japanese newspaper Mainichi, as a tribute to Nepali doctors. The first block that Ando designed for the Siddhartha Children and Women’s Hospital (SCWH) was the out-patient department. He quickly realised that he would not be able to pull off structures with his typical style of smooth-finished, high-quality concrete.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220031216_73ec0950d52320277ccc81d4a66fa6aa6acb38141e7b7633683e4cf8179dc579.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241220031216_73ec0950d52320277ccc81d4a66fa6aa6acb38141e7b7633683e4cf8179dc579" data-rendition-name="original" width="1594" height="958" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal"> <figcaption>Tadao Ando's Siddhartha Children and Women Hospital in Butwal.</figcaption> </figure>  Ando wrote in the online architectural catalog Architectuul, that the two main problems with the project were costs and the availability of local technology. ‘It became a facility that has a slightly different expression from the buildings I have completed so far,’ he wrote. He designed a colonnade for the west façade that would provide shelter from harsh sunlight, and the exposed brick walls were locally manufactured bricks.&nbsp; The hospital is characterised by modernist cuboidal massing, but the outer brick façades now appear unintentionally badly weathered by monsoons. The interiors lack both sufficient natural light and natural ventilation. <h2>Louis I Kahn</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024122003128_612e199d62fb3e72b6b8f6a936b0fa0451d8c0aa3d831c071320bf423ee3d67f.png" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2024122003128_612e199d62fb3e72b6b8f6a936b0fa0451d8c0aa3d831c071320bf423ee3d67f" data-rendition-name="original" width="694" height="926" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal NT"> </figure>  American architect Louis I Kahn had experience of projects in South Asia, and several were under construction when he died suddenly in 1974. Amongst these were the National Assembly complex in Dhaka, the Indian Institute of Management in Ahmedabad and the Family Planning and Maternal Child Welfare Centre in Kathmandu.&nbsp; Kahn had started the USAID funded project in Nepal by developing a master plan for the government institutional zone in Kathmandu, which included a building for the Health Ministry. The building’s façade in exposed brick has deeply recessed vertical windows for shading.&nbsp; The balancing of accentuated horizontal lines in the brickwork with the verticality of the larger composition is the work of a master. The brick walls rise up into punctured parapet walls at the roof level. These square apertures ‘frame the sky’.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241220031216_69c2e4972dbe38773e0a3a3f1129485c9c87033ee84cd454e24ae0dc772d05cf.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241220031216_69c2e4972dbe38773e0a3a3f1129485c9c87033ee84cd454e24ae0dc772d05cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1924" height="1242" loading="lazy" alt="Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal"> <figcaption>Louis Kahn's plan for the Ministry of Health.</figcaption> </figure>  When Kahn died, only the eastern half of the building was finished. The Western part was never built and Nepal’s bureaucrats decided that without paint, the exposed brick façade was not finished. Then in 1995, citing roof leakage and a space crunch, the Health Ministry added a floor.&nbsp; The frames-to-the-sky in the roof parapet were converted into windows and topped off with a sloping roof of corrugated steel sheets, whose only virtue was that it was cost-effective.&nbsp; Kahn’s orthogonal composition, which clean horizontal and vertical lines, was desecrated despite a public outcry and legal challenges from architects and cultural organisations. A version of this article was first published in HIMAL Southasian. Illustrations by Varun S Bapu.

Forgotten international starchitects in Nepal

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.