<img width="1778" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230112100124/63bfd2799c7e80680e0d3026jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Of the 162 among 165 constituencies where winners of the First Past the Post (FPTP) ballots have been counted from Nepal's parliamentary elections, only nine are women. But they have vowed to raise their voices in Parliament, and not just about gender issues.
There were 225 female candidates among the 2,412 contesting the federal election, and of them Nepal’s mainstream parties fielded only 25 — 11 from UML, seven from the Maoist Centre, five from the Nepali Congress (NC), and only one each from the Rastriya Janamorcha and the Unified Socialists.
Among the nine who won, the UML has the most female MPs with four women elected to office. Bidya Bhattarai was re-elected from Kaski-2, Jwala Kumari Sah, Juli Kumari Mahato, and Bhagwati Chaudhary were elected from Bara-3, Dhanusha-3, and Sunsari-3 respectively.
RSP’s Sobita Gautam and Toshima Karki were elected from Kathmandu-2 and Lalitpur-3, and both young candidates defeated established Maoist women rivals Onsari Gharti Magar and Pampha Bhusal respectively.
"I am glad to have gained the trust of voters of Kathmandu-2, and hope that we move beyond just winners and losers to ensure that democracy delivers development and better services," Gautam said after visiting her grandparents in Dolakha to get their blessings.
Voters in Dolakha headed to the polls once more this week, after voting was disturbed due to a dispute on 20 November. Results from two other constituencies in Syangja and Bajura have also been delayed because of allegations of cheating. 
In Lalitpur, physician Toshima Karki who won as an independent candidate of the RSP got to work immediately by meeting local officials to improve the dilapidated road to Bhaisepati,  with site visits and followup. She has asked her supporters not to spend money on garlands and khada.
"You have elected me to do some real work, and I am now getting down to it," Karki said after her victory rally. 
Meanwhile, NC’s Sita Gurung was elected from Terathum, Maoist Rekha Sharma from Dang-2, Nagarik Unmukti Party’s Ranjita Shrestha from Kailali-1.
In Kaski, Bidya Bhattarai was re-elected with 16,998 votes defeating her closest competitor— RSP’s Madhav Prasad Kandel, who obtained 12,495 votes. Bhattarai has become MP after a by-election following the death of her husband, UML leader Rabindra Adhikari, who was  Minister of Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, was killed along with six others in a helicopter crash in 2019. 
The UML's Juli Mahato won in Dhanusha-3, obtaining 33,388 votes and defeating LSP’s Anil Jha by a margin of 9,702 votes. Mahato, who has been an MP twice through the Proportional Representation (PR) system, contested the election directly for the first time and had the support of the JSP.
In Bara-3 Jwala Kumari Sah garnered 20, 251 votes while her competitor, Rambabu Kumar Yadav of Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) secured 17,279 votes. Sah was previously elected to the Provincial Assembly as a Maoist Centre leader in 2017.
Former State Minister for Forest and Soil Conservation Bhagwati Chaudhary of the UML defeated coalition candidate and five-time Deputy Prime Minister Bijay Kumar Gachhadar, receiving 40,788 to Gachhadar’s 35,600. A member of the Constituent Assembly in 2008, Chaudhary— who began her political career at the All Nepal National Free Students' Union— had competed with Gachhadar in 2013 and 2017, but had lost both times.
In Kathmandu-2, lawyer Sobita Gautam of the RSP was elected with 15, 238 votes while her closest competitor, UML's Maniram Phuyal, received 11,566 votes. RSP’s Toshima Karki, a doctor, was elected from Lalitpur-3, defeating UML's Amrit Bhattarai. Karki obtained 31,136 votes while Khadka got 12, 963 votes.
NC’s only female winner Sita Gurung received 19,707 votes in Terhathum, defeating UML’s Bijay Subba, who got 18,631 votes.
In Dang-2, Maoist leader Rekha Sharma defeated UML General Secretary Shankar Pokhrel by a scant margin of 193 votes. Sharma, a two-time MP under the PR system, contested the direct election for the first time.
Nagarik Unmukti Party Chair Ranjita Shrestha was elected from Kailali-1 with 30,404 votes. She defeated NC leader Ram Janam Chaudhary, who received 18, 081 votes in total.
Defeated women
In 2017, 90 women were voted to Parliament: six women through direct ballots and 84 by popular votes. Four out of six women elected under the FPTP in 2017 were given tickets by their parties again in 2022, three of whom have lost the election this time. UML leader Padma Kumari Aryal is a second-time FPTP candidate from Syangja-2, where the votes are still being counted.
Energy Minister Pampha Bhusal of the Maoist Centre came third in Kathmandu-2 with only 8, 769 votes. Similarly, former House Speaker Onsari Gharti Magar of the Maoists came in fourth place in Lalitpur-3 with 9,459 votes. 
In Dang-1, UML party whip Shanta Chaudhary was defeated by Metmani Chaudhary of the CPN-Unified Socialists (US). In Arghakhanchi-1, Deputy Speaker Pushpa Bhusal of the NC was defeated by UML candidate Top Bahadur Rayamajhi. Former minister Ram Kumari of CPN-US Ram Kumari Jhakri was defeated by UML leader Gokarna Bista in Gulmi-2. 
In Kathmandu-7, Manushi Yami Bhattarai of the Maoist Centre came in third place. Maoist leader Kalpana Dhamala was defeated in Kathmandu-9 by UML leader Krishna Gopal Shrestha. Anjana Bisankhe of the MC came in fifth place in Kathmandu-10.
In Dang-3 and Kanchanpur-3 UML leaders Komal Oli and Niru Devi Pal were defeated by NC’s Deepak Giri and Ramesh Lekhak respectively.
Meanwhile, Rastriya Janamorcha Party Durga Poudel was defeated by UML candidate Surya Bahadur Thapa Chhetri in Pyuthan. Rastriya Prajatantra Party’s (RPP) Kunti Kumari Shahi came in third place in Dailekh-1 
Former minister Bina Magar of the Maoist Centre was defeated by UML candidate Tara Lama Tamang in Kanchanpur-1. NC Joint General Secretary Mahalakshmi Upadhyay 'Dina' was defeated by RPP leader Deepak Bahadur Singh Makwanpur-1, while former minister Chitra Lekha Yadav of NC was defeated in Siraha-2 by JSP’s Raj Kishore Yadav.

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Nepali women go from home to House

Feudalism noun /ˈfyudlˌɪzəm/
A social system in which people were given land and protection by a nobleman, and had to work and fight for him in return.
Federalism noun /ˈfedərəlɪzəm/
A system of government in which the individual states of a country have control over their own affairs, but are controlled by a central government for national decisions.
Nepal’s 2015 Constitution was the by-product of two constituent assemblies over nine long years of bitter negotiations. As this newspaper <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15383#.Y4PMrC9w2Lc" target="_blank">reported blow-by-blow</a> at the time, there was prolonged deadlock over the style of federalism that delayed passage of the Constitution.
Having a constituent assembly election was part of the package that was agreed upon in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of 2006. Federalism was to be the antidote to feudalism.
This was not an unreasonable demand, although whether the country had to go to war to achieve it was debatable even back then. Nepal had been a feudal state under the absolute monarchy of the Shah and Rana dynasties.
When B P Koirala, as Nepal’s first democratically-elected prime minister, tried to institute land reform and dismantle vestiges of feudalism, he was deposed and imprisoned by King Mahendra in 1960.
The partyless Panchayat system for the next 30 years perpetuated feudalism, with the palace ruling by parcelling out favours in return for unquestioned loyalty to royalty.
The 1990 People’s Movement and the advent of a constitutional monarchy and restoration of multi-party democracy was supposed to change all that. But feudalism was not so easy to uproot — it continued within political parties, even as Singha Darbar replaced Narayanhiti as the centre of power.
When the Maoists launched their armed struggle in 1996, it was ostensibly to demolish feudalism once and for all and replace it with a dictatorship of the proletariat. The feudocracy was not going to hand over power willingly, they reasoned, which was why violence was needed to counter the structural violence of the state.
When the war got mired in a military stalemate after 10 years, the Maoists needed a face-saving achievement to show. Devolving Kathmandu’s &nbsp;centralised power through federalism was one of them.
But the Maoists insisted on an <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13361#.Y4PN5y9w2Lc" target="_blank">ethnicity-based model</a> of federalism with <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16674#.Y4PRBS9w2Lc" target="_blank">at least 14 provinces</a> named after Nepal’s <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15669#.Y4PPBi9w2Lc" target="_blank">various racial groups</a>. The Nepali Congress batted for a <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/As-It-Happens/bring-Madhes-Tharus-Janajati-on-board-and-be-done-with-it,548" target="_blank">territorial form</a> of federalism not much different from the Development Zones of the day, while the UML backed a hybrid model.
One of the ethnicity-based province demands was the case for ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15775#.Y4PQlC9w2Lc" target="_blank">One Madhes One Pradesh</a>’ to address the long-standing struggle of the Nepal Tarai for autonomy and respect from the state. This was a demand backed at one point by India, but fiercely resisted by the dominant parties in Kathmandu.
In the end, the Constitution was hurriedly promulgated after the earthquake in July 2015 that had a truncated Madhes province in the eastern Tarai. Even the naming of the seven provinces was so contentious that they only had numbers. New Delhi was not happy and punished Nepal with a 6-month blockade.
The first elections under the new Constitution for three tiers of government were held in 2017. The idea sounded great: power would be devolved from Kathmandu to provincial assemblies and local municipalities with the central government only acting as a facilitator and handling national needs like infrastructure.
But practice was far removed from theory. Provincial governments became proxies of Kathmandu, provincial assemblies were franchises of the main political parties. The bureaucracy and politicians at the centre were reluctant to yield political decision-making, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/federalism-jeopardy,981" target="_blank">revenue collection</a> and control of police to provincial governments.
The provinces just became a mechanism for the centre to dispense jobs and patronage. The high cost of maintaining seven provincial governments and assemblies was a waste, and corruption got decentralised as well.
Except for Madhes-based parties and those in the provinces who benefit from patronage, there is not much public support for federalism. Public opinion appears to support the idea that it is an expendable and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/feudalism-to-federalism/" target="_blank">costly second tier of government.</a>
On 20 November, Kathmandu mayor Balen Shah pointedly refused to cast his provincial ballots. The Independent Party’s Rabi Lamichhane did not either, and his party did not even field candidates for provincial assemblies.
However, the problem is not with federalism. It has become an ‘F’ word because it was never allowed to function as designed. And in that respect, Nepal is still a feudal state.

Feudal federalism

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bd59c7e80680e0c95e5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1464"/><figcaption>Aspirants file their candidacy under the first-past-the-post system for the 20 November parliamentary and provincial elections at the Election Commission on Sunday. Photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>The once extreme left Maoists are allies of the centre-right Nepali Congress. The Unified Marxist-Leninists (UML) has suddenly found friends in the Hindu-right RPP and has partnered with the Madhes-based JSP. Top Maoist comrades who had fallen out big time, are back together.Shifting alliances ahead of the November polls prove that ideology does not separate political parties anymore. It is all about finding a partnership that is most likely to propel them to power.On Sunday, Nepal’s political leaders and election hopefuls registered their candidacies for the upcoming November provincial and federal parliament elections under the First Past The Post (FPTP) system with 165 Chief Electoral Officers across the country.The deadline for registering candidates has now lapsed, and coalition and opposition parties, as well independent candidate collectives have completed complicated seat-sharing deals and finalised the lists of who they are fielding and where. On 19 September, political parties had presented their closed list of Proportional Representation (PR) candidates to the Election Commission.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/swing-votes/">Swing votes</a>, Shristi Karki<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bd89c7e80680e0c95e6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bdb9c7e80680e0c95e7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366">Nepal’s recent political history has been defined by petty party infighting, splits, unlikely mergers and lots of horse-trading.  In the days leading up to the  candidacy deadline, all eyes had been on Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba-led five-party coalition and electoral alliance as the parties negotiated seat-sharing.And while Maoist chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal — who political analysts and experts had noted would not hesitate to join hands with his nemesis KP Oli’s UML if offered a better deal and more seats in Parliament — ultimately upheld his commitment to the electoral alliance.But not all parties of the coalition chose to continue the partnership. On Friday, the Madhes-based JSP (Janta Samajwadi Party) quit the five-party electoral partnership after failing to reach a seat sharing agreement, and instead switched alleigance to the UML instead.Subsequently, Mahanta Thakur’s LSP (Loktantrik Samajwadi Party), the other Madhes-based party which split from JSP in 2021 and had been in talks to partner with the UML to contest the November election, formed a partnership with the Deuba-led electoral alliance.After negotiations, coalition leader NC is to contest 89 parliamentary seats, the Maoists secured 45 seats, while Madhav Kumar Nepal’s CPN (Unified Socialists) will get to fight 19 seats and the smaller Rastriya Janamorcha Party 2 seats. The new ally LSP will contest 8 federal parliament seats.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-of-the-lawless/">Rule of the lawless</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bde9c7e80680e0c95e8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723be19c7e80680e0c95e9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1402"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723be49c7e80680e0c95eajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723be79c7e80680e0c95ebjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366">Meanwhile, the UML and JSP have reached an agreement for 35 and 17 federal parliament seats respectively.On Sunday, top political leaders mobilised across the country to file candidacies. NC leader and Proportional Representation candidate Arzoo Deuba Rana filed Prime Minister Deuba’s candidacy on behalf of the NC chair from Dadeldhura.CPN (Unified Socialists) chair Madhav Kumar Nepal registered his candidacy from Rautahat. LSP chair Mahanta Thakur has registered in Mahottari-3, while Rastriya Janamorcha Chair Chitra Bahadur KC will contest the election from Baglung-1.Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was elected to the House of Representatives from Chitwan’s third constituency in 2017, registered his candidacy from Gorkha-2, with the endorsement of Baburam Bhattarai, who currently represents the constituency in parliament. On Monday, Baburam Bhattarai — whose new Nepal Samajwadi Party is contesting the upcoming elections under the Maoist Centre symbol— announced in a letter addressed to Gorkha voters that he would not be running for parliament this election.The former Maoist ideologue on Sunday accompanied Dahal to file his candidacy in Gorkha. There is speculation this is under a deal where the Maoists will allow Bhattarai's daughter Manushi to win in a Kathmandu constituency.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bea9c7e80680e0c95ecjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bed9c7e80680e0c95edjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1920" height="1280"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf09c7e80680e0c95eejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1406">NC leader Shekhar Koirala, who has been at odds with party chair Deuba over his decisions to continue the electoral alliance and the parliamentary seat-sharing deal, is contesting the election from Morang-6. Gagan Thapa on the other hand is a Kathmandu-4 hopeful.The list of FPTP candidates from NC also includes billionaire businessman and Nepal's richest man, Binod Chaudhary, who was previously elected to parliament under the PR system.UML chair KP Oli registered his candidacy from Jhapa-4. Meanwhile, Kamal Thapa, chairman of the Hindu-rigt RPP (Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal) registered his candidacy from Makwanpur 1 with the UML’s support amid protests from the local chapter of the party. JSP chair Upendra Yadav is contesting the election from Saptari’s second constituency.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/">Is democracy too expensive for Nepal?</a>, Laxmi Basnet<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf39c7e80680e0c95efjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf69c7e80680e0c95f0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf99c7e80680e0c95f1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366">Rabindra Mishra, who exited the Bibeksheel Sajha Party to join the Rajendra Lingden’s Rastriya Prajatantra Party as vice-president, will contest the election from Kathmandu-1. Lingden has registered his candidacy from Jhapa-3.Former television presenter Rabi Lamichhane, who founded the Rastriya Swatantra Party after announcing his intention to run for Parliament, has registered his candidacy from Chitwan-2. Meanwhile, atmospheric scientist Arnico Panday, who had been included in the PR candidates list from the same party, withdrew from the election citing long-Covid complications.Interestingly, Ek Nath Dhakal of the South Korean  <a href="http://upfnepal.org/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://upfnepal.org/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1665414919510000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3m15L16mpMYIGS-8GMK6V3">Universal Peace Federation (UPF)</a> and leader of the Nepal Family Party who once served in K P Oli’s cabinet as Minister of Peace and Reconstruction has also got nominated for a PR slot. The Family Party is considered to be supported by South Korea’s Unification Church of <a href="http://www.upf.org/founders/rev-dr-sun-myung-moon" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.upf.org/founders/rev-dr-sun-myung-moon&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1665414919511000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3m7I8PGPkXcJaiwkX9tNSq">Sun Myung Moon</a> (the 'Moonies').Binod Chaudhary who is standing from Nawalparasi-1, has oscillated back and forth between the NC and UML. At least seven other industrialists and billionaires have got tickets from the NC.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/">Reward performance</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bfc9c7e80680e0c95f2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1740" height="1156">Umesh Shrestha, education and hydropower tycoon and a close adviser to the Deubas, is standing from Chitwan -- his first time to contest elections -- although he was appointed Health Minister during the pandemic.Medical education businessman Sunil Shrestha is contesting from Morang-3. Another hydropower investor, Dipak Khadka is standing from Sankhuwasabha.Contractor Mohan Acharya from Rasuwa is also standing from his district. Another construction magnate Kancharam Tamang is standing from Ramechhap. Tourism entrepreneur Rajendra Bargain got the NC ticket for Gorkha.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi Adhikari

Shristi Karki

Nepal's parties forge new pre-poll alliances

<figure><img width="960" height="640" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238019c7e80680e0c7361jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s provincial and federal elections are due on 20 November, but the political parties seem reluctant to allow their women colleagues to directly contest elections.Prime Minister Deuba of the Nepali Congress (NC) is having a difficult time balancing the conflicting demands from four other parties in the coalition, as well as allowing female candidates to fulfil a Constitutional provision.For K P Oli of the opposition UML, it is all about winning back the House majority even if it is just to thumb his nose at the coalition that ousted him last year. Both the coalition and the opposition are also wary of the crop of young independent candidates and public figures who are in the running because they are aware of public disenchantment of their non-performance. The victory of several independent candidates as mayors of Kathmandu and several other cities has also spooked them. There is much at stake for Deuba and his alliance, for K P Oli and opposition, as well as for the young, independent candidates that hold the attention and scrutiny of much of the Nepali public.All this male politicking has left the women in senior leadership positions to fear that they will be sidelined in violation of Constitutional quotas for female representation.Nepal’s Local Level Election Act requires every party to nominate one male and one female candidate to the head and deputy of municipalities. But the election alliance between the NC and the coalition parties has meant that fewer women were nominated during local elections in May.  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, EditorialAs a result, there are now 163 local governments where the chair and vice chair are both men, and the number of women elected as deputies has gone down from 700 in 2017 to 564 this year.There was a slight increase in female mayors and chiefs in 2022, with the number of female mayors going up from 18 to 25 and the number of village chiefs going up from 63 to 69.“The statistics may show an increase in elected female officials, but women have not been elected to top decision making roles,” said National Assembly member and UML leader Parvati Rawal Thapa. “This is disheartening.”In a rare show of solidarity, Thapa and female leaders from across the political spectrum came together to jointly register objections against their own parties for not meeting the constitutional mandate for increased female participation and candidacy in the November election.They want their parties to field more female leaders under the direct (FPTP) election mechanism over the proportional representation (PR) system.There are 550 provincial assembly seats across Nepal’s seven provinces, out of which 330 will be elected through the direct system and 220 through proportional representation. Meanwhile, out of the 275 members to the House of Representatives, 165 will be elected directly, and 110 through proportional representation.Nepal’s male-dominated parties tend not to give tickets to female candidates for the direct election system, and instead field women in large numbers under the proportional system.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi Adhikari <img width="600" height="479" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238049c7e80680e0c7362jpeg.jpg" alt="">Nepal held its first democratic elections in 1959, as a result of which Dwarika Devi Thakurani of the NC became the country’s first female parliamentarian. Thakurani served as deputy minister of health and local governance in the council of ministers led by B P Koirala, Nepal’s first female Cabinet member. In subsequent years, the number of female MPs increased steadily  mainly because the interim constitution after 2008 stipulated that women make up one-third of the total candidates.But after 2008 the party brass changed the rules to 33% women required to win the election, as opposed to running for office. This removed any stipulation concerning direct elections, which prompted them to field women in large numbers under the proportional system in 2017.Indeed, Article 38 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that women have the right to participate in all bodies of the state based on the principle of proportional inclusion. Additionally, Article 84 (8) requires that at least one-third of the members elected from each political party represented in the federal Parliament should be women.This is reflected in the provincial election result of 2017 as well. 189 women were elected to provincial assemblies — 17 of those leaders through direct elections and 172 through the proportional representation system. So while 34% of women won in the provincial elections, fulfilling the constitutional provision, only 5% of the candidates elected under the FPTP system were women.Women MPs complain that the national and provincial halls of power have been such that leaders elected under the proportional system are seen by their directly-elected colleagues in parliament as less qualified and less deserving to be there. This has created a chasm between lawmakers elected under different systems.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/">Is democracy too expensive for Nepal?</a>, Laxmi BasnetThis discrimination directly affects women, who are mostly elected through the PR system, as planning and budget distribution are directed towards constituencies that have powerful, directly elected leaders.“We sit alongside each other, and we have been elected to do the same job, but we have been given second-class status because we were not elected directly like they were,” says Chanda Chaudhary, a Loktantrik Samajwadi Party MP. Political parties also sideline women leaders for their perceived inability to ensure campaign financing. Politics of patronage means that powerful businessmen and contractors donate to the campaigns of leaders. Election Observation Committee reports have shown that campaigning expenses were vastly underreported in 2017.“It is taken for granted that men will be able to run while we are asked about our ability to raise money,” says National Assembly member Jayanti Devi Rai of the CPN Unified Socialists. “The electoral system is flawed and costly. We need to look at financing protocols such that candidates can stand regardless of their financial status.”All these hurdles have forced Nepal’s female leaders to re-evaluate the way they present themselves, and what kind of message they put across.“Nepal’s centres of power are patriarchal, so that women are forced to act like men to be noticed and to rise up the ranks,” says Maoist Centre MP Anjana Bishankhe. “Why can’t I contest elections on women’s agenda and women’s issues as my foremost priority?”Nepal’s female elected officials gathered last week to demand 50% election participation, up from the current requirement of 33%.“There is no shortage of smart, capable female leaders ready to directly compete in elections,” says Joint General Secretary of the NC Mahalaxmi Upadhyay. “All the women considering election runs can and should demand constituencies within their parties to contest the upcoming elections.”  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki

The power to have a say in her-story

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131124/637233fc9c7e80680e0c490djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="700"/>A citizen’s campaign to defeat all elder prime ministers in forthcoming elections is going viral in the Nepali cybersphereThe ‘Let’s Defeat Ex-Prime Ministers’ movement is gaining traction, and reaction from the ageing leaders of the political parties shows that they are worried.But can we expect the Young Turks in the main parties to behave any better?One of the more charismatic members of the younger breed of politicians is Gagan Thapa. But even he is nearing 50. In televised Parliament proceedings, he usually gives fiery speeches.Even though his Nepali Congress (NC) is leading the 5-party coalition, Thapa had been critical of the government. He is in the dissident group opposed to the NC contesting the elections in an alliance with the Maoists.But these days, when Gagan Thapa speaks in Parliament, for example on the possibility of Nepal soon being blacklisted internationally for money laundering, his voice is muted.As General Secretary of the NC, Thapa wanted answers on Maoist Finance Minister Janardan Sharma secretly including a corporate middleman in the budget drafting process. But by reinstating Sharma, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba ignored and demeaned his own party colleague.Read more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/pre-poll-calculations/">Pre-poll calculations</a>, Shristi KarkiSince then, Gagan Thapa has not spoken up about the scandal. This is very unlike him, and probably indicates his trepidation about being refused a ticket for elections three months away.When more independent-minded Gagan Thapa, Biswaprakash Sharma and Dhanraj Gurung were elected to senior NC posts last year, there was optimism that Nepal’s foremost democratic party would now see fresh direction.Many thought the superannuated old guard would now be swept away and under Gagan Thapa’s leadership the party and country would turn a new leaf  through better governance and transparency.Alas. We have not seen much of Thapa’s influence on the NC’s functioning. In fact, Prime Minister Deuba prefers to take advice from Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal rather than his own party general secretary.These days, Thapa and other NC dissidents look spent and fatigued. In fact, there is more passion and energy among untethered candidates.Deuba is now 76. He is prime minister for the fifth time. He has teamed up with Dahal, and spends most of his time these days giving plum constituencies to his Maoist partners than to the NC’s own leaders like Gagan Thapa.Deuba’s coalition is sinking deeper in a quagmire of corruption and impunity. As a young democrat, Deuba once defied the Panchayat system and did not compromise on principles. Seeing what he is up to now, one wonder what it was all for.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/">Rise of the independents</a>, EditorialThe track record of the NC’s ‘younger’ leaders is making us rethink the wisdom of passing the torch to a new generation of leaders. Just because a politician is young does not seem to guarantee that they will be for reform.Age does not have anything to do with governance ability. Elders have got a bad reputation because of the septuagenarians who have messed up the country, but we have plenty of examples of corrupt, greedy leaders who are young.Instead of expecting youth leadership to be a cure-all for all our ills, we should be on the lookout for competent, honest leaders with a wealth of experience in governance — even if they are long in the tooth.In fact some of the best prime ministers this country has ever had were nearly 80 when they held office: Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Manmohan Adhikari.This does not mean that youth leaders in all the parties and among independents should wait till they also get old. It is understandable that when aged politicians exhibit chronic incompetence even when they were repeatedly given the chance at leadership positions, Nepalis will hanker for a generational change. But being young should not be the sole criteria for being elevated to a leadership position.The grizzled leaders are not going to just hand over the baton to younger leaders. The youth have to show that they have what it takes. After all, Deuba was 49 when he became prime minister for the first time in 1995, by challenging the leadership of ageing Girija Prasad Koirala.Besides Gagan Thapa, there are Shankar Pokhrel, Ram Kumari Jhankri, Gokarna Bista and Barshaman Pun, and many others in the main parties who show promise.But at the rate we are going, when these politicians get to leadership positions, they will no longer be young. And leaders like Gagan Thapa will then be challenged by 30 something leaders telling them to step aside.Arjun DhakalRead more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/election-calculation/">Election calculation</a>, Santa Gaha Magar

Young Turks not getting their turn

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101144/63720df49c7e80680e0b78edjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"/><figcaption>Photo: NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption></figure>“The paradox is this: if economic rationality tells us that the next century will be the age of global integration of the world’s economies, cultural ‘irrationality’ steps in to inform us that it will also be the century of ethnic demands and revived nationalisms. Both reason and imagination tell us that the name of the solution, that point where you can balance the demands of integration and those of the nationalities, is federalism.”-Carlos Fuentes, 1996These were the concluding remarks in 2003 by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/remembering-harka-gurung/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">geologist Harka Gurung</a> quoting the Mexican novelist in his discourse ‘Trident and Thunderbolt: Cultural Dynamics in Nepalese Politics’ as part of Social Science Baha’s Mahesh Chandra Regmi Lecture.There was a reason and relevance to Gurung quoting Fuentes. Nepal was at the peak of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/from-the-frontlines-of-nepals-war/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Maoist conflict</a> and had just come off one of the bloodiest years of the insurgency. Abolition of the monarchy and state restructuring were being hotly debated even in the remotest corners of Nepal. King Gyanendra had staged a coup and political parties were preparing to take to the streets.Gurung was killed in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/remembering-nepals-conservation-heroes/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Ghunsa helicopter crash</a> a few months after the ceasefire, but his 'federalism' solution was finally adopted in the 2015 Constitution.The preamble to the Constitution reads, ‘... resolving to build an egalitarian society based on the principles of proportional inclusion and representation to ensure economic equality, prosperity and social justice by assimilating the multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-religious, multi-cultural and geographically diverse characteristics...’In accordance with this constitutional commitment and provision, elections for 753 local governments were held in 2017. Next month, it will be five years since they took office and on 13 May <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepalis will vote</a> for the second time in local elections.How successful have local governments been in 'establishing prosperity with social justice by addressing the diverse features of Nepali society' as directed by the Constitution? How much has service delivery improved, is it equitable, and is there <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/power-to-the-periphery/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">better governance</a>? What worked, what did not?The lessons learnt during the past five years can be a guide for the next crop of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-governments-lead-from-the-front/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local leaders</a>. We need to thoroughly review the workings of local governments.If we were to believe the political class and commentators in Kathmandu, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/federalism-rule-of-law-and-the-judiciary/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">federalism</a> in five short years has failed Nepal. They argue that federalism has decentralised corruption and sowed the seeds of social division.However, despite some of this being true, most local governments have performed above expectations. According to a recent evaluation, most municipalities scored more than 50 points out of 100 in their report cards.The three local governments that scored above 75 points were all rural municipalities.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101144/63720df69c7e80680e0b78eejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="967" height="649">This assessment has challenged nay-sayers and proved that real federalism is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">working well in the hinterland</a>. The constitutional provision that women should mandatorily be either mayor or deputy in municipalities and the Dalit community should be represented has changed the dynamics of how Nepal is governed.Local governments are ahead of federal and provincial governments in their ability to spend development budgets. While the centre was <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/reinstate-remove-repeat/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">embroiled in power struggles</a> that paralysed provincial governments, the municipal and ward levels were quietly carrying out their duties. This has meant that there is not as much disillusionment with democracy and federalism at the grassroots.Perhaps the best example of this is how local governments handled the Covid-19 pandemic. While the federal government was engulfed by international procurement scandals, it was the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local leadership that stepped in</a> to provide immediate relief.This is not to say the local government were without faults which they cannot just blame on the lack of necessary laws, intervening agencies and the bureaucracy. Many elected officials have also been accused of being self-serving, inefficient and working as party cadres and not as people’s representatives.We have to learn from these mistakes, remove legal and policy ambiguities and make local governments more responsible and capable by emphasising good governance and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/including-the-excluded-in-the-bureaucracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">inclusion</a>.This requires a paradigm shift. The federal government with its centralised mindset, meddling provincial officials and non-cooperation from the bureaucracy must change radically. After that, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/polls-in-the-time-of-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">it is up to the local government</a> to make further reforms.In their first term, local governments focused on laying the foundations for development. Now, it has to look for economic opportunities to create jobs, raise living standards, develop human resources and conserve heritage.The first order of business to achieve this is to increase the capacity and awareness of the people to question elected representatives so that local levels are sufficiently empowered.The local unit of government is not just the cornerstone of federalism, but also a representation of participatory democracy that connects the state with the people.Federalism is also a threat to anti-democratic and regressive forces that want to take Nepal back to past instability. Federalism is not why the country is falling apart, as some would have it, but the cement that binds this diverse nation together.

Nepal’s local election gives power back to people

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/63720a1c9c7e80680e0b5583jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>When we had a baby, just a few weeks ahead of the first lockdown in 2020, my husband and I had to make some difficult decisions about how to manage childcare and work. We wanted to be around our child in his initial years as much as possible, but we were also not ready to give up work.A few things, including the pandemic and the fact that financially we were able to work part-time, permitted us to spend our child’s first year primarily as his caregivers. When I went back to work a year after giving birth, my husband continued to stay home as the primary caregiver. Which made me think, what if everyone had that opportunity?Nepal’s family leave policies are the bare minimum, with men just getting two weeks paid leave and women two months, and an extra 38 days unpaid for every child. Many women risk losing their livelihood and their jobs when they extend their leave.Data shows that 90% of working women are informally employed, which means they do not have formal contracts, to begin with, so their employers are not mandated by law to provide any kind of family leave.As a young mother, I realise the importance of legally mandated family leaves for all parents, not just for white-collar professionals. But what I also realised is that while family leave is beneficial for children, and has advantages for society as a whole, it is uncomfortable for many people who have been raised in traditional families.Issues like family leave may seem contentious in current policy discourse, but to modern women who do a disproportionate amount of housework and childrearing, and also participate in paid employment, it is of utmost importance.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi KarkiIssues like family leave and<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/leave-no-one-behind-gender-roles,858" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> equal pay</a> are reasons why we need more women in leadership and policy-making roles. Research and real-life situations have shown over and over that the participation of women in legislative bodies improves deliberation and decision-making.This is not a surprise. People of diverse backgrounds are likely to have different life experiences, be affected by different problems, and see the same social issues from unique standpoints.But the participation of women in politics improves decision-making not just regarding women’s issues, but also in matters that affect men and children. Studies have found that women in elected roles also make decisions that reflect the priorities of ethnic/ racial minorities.There is also evidence from India that shows that women politicians invest more in health and education when elected. Women parliamentarians are also known to work more effectively across party lines through women’s caucuses and push through agendas.In May 2020, a video of Jhowa BK, a member of the Karnali Provincial Assembly, speaking about its government’s policies and plans for the next fiscal year, went viral. It was clear from the video that BK is not a seasoned politician or an experienced orator. In the speech itself, she says she is not formally educated.But while there was some mockery of her speech, or of the fact that an illiterate woman was an elected representative, there was widespread appreciation of BK’s heartfelt comments, and of the fact that in our provincial and local governments, we have representatives who are grounded in the realities of the people who voted them to office.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power/">"Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power"</a>, Nepali Times<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/63720a1f9c7e80680e0b5584jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1051"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Indeed, it is no small feat that we have representatives from diverse backgrounds in federal and provincial parliaments as well as local governments, thanks to the 2015 Constitution and our election laws.Over 40% of the members of the local government assemblies are women. In fact, the Local Governance Operation Act mandates that every body of the local governments have representation from women. But it stops there.The patriarchal biases that we hold, and our male-stream political parties mean that women, especially those from minority groups, are seen as less capable of leadership than men from high caste groups. We can see a snapshot of these biases in the chairs of Nepal’s 753 local governments. Only 18 of them are women.The Local Level Election Act 2017 mandates that each political party must field one man and one woman candidate for the positions of chairperson and deputy chairperson of the local governments. Most political parties, however, fulfilled the requirement put forward by the Local Level Election Act by nominating women for deputy positions.According to the Voices of Women Media’s Women in Leadership infographics booklet, only 7 of 293 municipalities (2.39%) have female Mayors and only 11 of 460 Rural Municipalities have female chairs (also 2.39%).These are positions that there were no quotas for. In fact, despite an electoral system that promotes diversity in legislative bodies, over 40% of mayors/chairs and ward chairs are from dominant caste groups. We also see these biases when we look at the central committee of Nepal’s political parties.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/">All politics is local</a>, Sahina ShresthaSimilarly, despite quotas ensuring the proportional inclusion to women, ethnic minorities, and other under-represented groups in the bureaucracy and other state bodies, there are lots of nuances behind the numbers.According to the Women in Leadership, women also are underrepresented in the upper ranks of the bureaucracy. Only four Chief District Officers and three District Coordination Officers are women (out of 77).Women are also underrepresented in the decision-making positions of the security forces, in the higher levels of the judiciary (the Supreme Court, High Courts, as well as District Courts), and in non-governmental organisations and the media. It is no surprise then, that our problems and their solutions are seen from the male gaze.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101128/63720a239c7e80680e0b5585jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="449">There are also biases against women leaders within the legislative bodies/local governments, especially those who are elected through the proportional election system. They are seen as token representatives who are elected because of their demographic characteristics, as members who represent special interests because of their gender.They are subjected to discrimination within their workplaces, and their authority on issues that are seen as mainstream, such as the economy and infrastructure are questioned even by their fellow representatives.Because the proportional electoral system is designed to bring people from less advantaged groups into leadership roles, candidates elected through the proportional system are often less educated than their counterparts who come from privileged groups.This makes it difficult for these women to participate confidently in deliberation. Being elected to office is only the beginning of the struggle for many women politicians.To be sure, elected women officials are subjected to differential behaviour based on gender bias not just in Nepal but the world over. Even Angela Merkel, one of the most powerful women today who was Chancellor of Germany from 2005 to 2021 and led the European Union through many of its recent trials, has been undermined by her male counterparts, such as Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump. But Merkel’s leadership has also proved to much of the world that women are just as capable as men.Part of the skepticism of women leaders comes from the fact that we see them as representing only the issues of women, but that is not true. On the other hand, it shows just how biased we are that we have that kind of discourse only in the case of women leaders.No one questions a male politician working only for the welfare of men, because men’s issues, we have been conditioned to think, are our common issues. But the moment you bring up family leave and equal wages, you are a ‘women’s parliamentarian’.Nonetheless, the voice of women must be raised and heard in local, provincial, and federal decision-making. As more women and candidates from minority groups are elected into decision-making bodies, their presence in the governments and their participation in deliberation and decision-making will start feeling more and more normal.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Think nationally, vote locally</a>, EditorialWomen who aspire to start a career in politics or move from the ward levels to the municipal levels, and from the municipal to provincial and federal levels will also see other female politicians as role models, and find mentors in more seasoned women leaders.In fact, BK herself has mentioned in interviews that the encouragement of another female politician finally led her to speak up.At this important moment in Nepal’s history, it is up to us whether or not we decide to have more inclusive governments at the local, provincial, and federal levels. There is no evidence that highly educated, well-spoken parliamentarians make better decisions for people’s welfare.Historically, our heavily male and ‘high-caste’ legislators have not prioritised formulating policies that reduce gender, class, and caste disparities, nor they have been unable to develop frameworks to promote sustainable economic growth, promote the health and education infrastructure, and create functional social security.Having more diverse and representative parliaments and local governments will therefore add dimensions to the deliberations that happen in our legislative bodies, and result in better decision-making.Come May, we will have to decide whether our elected bodies should resemble a little bit more like our society, or whether the same Ram, Shyam, and Hari Uncles continue making decisions for the whole lot of us, even though our problems and priorities are widely variable.This time, ward-level minority leaders might file their candidacy for a municipality chair or deputy. Women and minority leaders who were elected in the last election may file their candidacy as FPTP candidates, or as independent candidates if their parties refuse to give them a ticket.This is our chance to make our local governments look more inclusive and less tokenistic.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/">Power to the periphery</a>, Sonia Awale<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101128/63720a249c7e80680e0b5586jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="89" height="109">Aditi Adhikari is an educator and education policy researcher/consultant based in Kathmandu