Go back to sleep, we'll wake you up when things start getting really exciting around here. Politicians are up to their ears waging party conventions, and nominating mascots.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1c9e9c7e80680e0af36cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="1909"/><figcaption>The UML started the ball rolling, and showed it has unparalleled finesse in the publicity department. Its choice of convention mascot is a naked two-legged one-horned rhino holding the party flag. (Since this is a family newspaper, we have put red undies on the upright rhino-soreass.)</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1ca19c7e80680e0af36djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1250" height="1909"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1ca49c7e80680e0af36ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="846" height="1170"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1ca79c7e80680e0af36fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="846" height="1170"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1caa9c7e80680e0af370jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1399" height="1711"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1cad9c7e80680e0af371jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1246" height="1524"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1cb09c7e80680e0af372jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="1430"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>

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Animule Farm

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141144/636d00bb9c7e80680e0a35f2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1460" height="1086"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba took office nearly two months ago, but aside from five ministers he <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/what-is-delaying-nepal-cabinet-expansion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">has not been able to set up a full Cabinet</a>.It is not for the lack of trying: he needs to balance disparate demands of coalition partners who want their rewards for backing him. The second Covid wave may be waning, and Kathmandu Valley lifted its three-month lockdown on Wednesday, but the economy and development are at a standstill.But that seems to be of little concern to personalities in the parlours of power whose eyes are set on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/they-fail-we-fall/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">grabbing important portfolios</a> ahead of the 2023 elections so they can build up war chests, as well as command the government and security apparatus.Staking their claims to Cabinet positions are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/old-wine-in-old-bottle-in-nepal-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Madhav Kumar Nepal</a> who launched his own party, the CPN (United Socialist) on 25 August, and whose defection in July led to the collapse of the K P Oli government, and paved the way for Deuba to become prime minister for the fifth time.Deuba also needs to pacify other members of the five-party alliance, including his own Nepali Congress (NC), where rival factions need to be placated ahead of his party’s general convention in November so that he can counter rivals for presidentship.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/deubas-denouement/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Deuba</a> has to decide whether it is more important to pacify dissidents like Ram Chandra Poudel, or dangle carrots in front of members supporting Bimalendra Nidhi’s candidature for president of the NC.The Maoist Centre (MC) is also demanding its share, and not just a pound of flesh. The MC’s Pushpa Kamal Dahal complained publicly that he was under “tremendous stress” because of demands from many of the party’s 49 members for ministerships. “I wish I could make all 49 MPs ministers, but there are only 7 slots,” an exasperated Dahal told a gathering last month.Then there is the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) which, besides its own ministerial candidates, is also putting pressure on Deuba to retract the ordinance he used to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-post-breakup-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">allow Madhav Nepal to split off from the UML</a>.That ordinance allowed the Mahanta Thakur faction to also break away from the JSP because it lowered the constitutional threshold of parliamentary party membership for a formal split. The JSP now fears more dissidents may leave the party.Two lengthy meetings of coalition leaders this week in Baluwatar failed to agree on the ministerial lineup. The NC and MC have divided up the most important ministries between themselves. Deuba already has his loyalists in the home affairs and law ministries, and the state minister for health. The Maoists have finance and energy. The two also want to keep foreign affairs, defence, and information.The JSP and United Socialists will have to make do with remaining ministries, and are haggling over the more lucrative ones. Deuba’s problem is that the Constitution only allows 25 ministries in government, and his aides say the partners are working on a compromise but a deal “may take a few more days”.There are also demands from within coalition members. Dahal has to placate comrades from the conflict days. Even the JSP has not been able to finalise its list in order to strike a Mountain-Madhes balance. The remaining member of the alliance, Rastriya Janamorcha has only one MP and has said it does not want to be a part of the government.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/from-the-fire-into-the-frying-pan/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Deuba</a> is working on a quota of 5-7 portfolios for Madhav Nepal’s United Socialists, five more ministries for the Maoists and the JSP, and five more for his own NC. And with that he will have hit the limit for Cabinet size. Negotiations within the coalition are expected to drag on.

Who gets what?

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141132/636cfdbe9c7e80680e0a0c00jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>It doesn’t look like anyone is about to give Prime Minister Brave Lion a honeymoon period. The same folks who were baying for Oli’s blood are now sinking their fangs into the lion’s jugular. And it’s not even 100 days yet.That is very unfair, give the man some time. He has been a prime monster five times before. He knows what he’s doing. He is in no hurry to expand the cabinet because the country seems to run just fine with only four ministers. The longer he can delay adding ministers, the less headaches he has, and the more money the country saves.The Ass just did some back of the envelope calculations, and it seems Nepal’s exchequer has saved 1 Kharab 5 Arabs 31 Corrodes and 47.5 Lacks just in the past 6 weeks by not having to pay for a jumbo prawn size cabinet. We have salvaged on honorariums for all those new honorary ministers, salaries for their brothers-in-law to serve as PAs, on allowances for a Armed Police Farce platoon for every minister, SUVs, smartphones, Dasain bonuses.These savings will add up to so much that they will wipe out Nepal’s burgeoning budget deficit. This is Prime Minister Dubya’s masterstroke to save the economy from collapse. It looks like we do not really need a budget debate in this prorogued parliament after all because we have no balance of payment deficit anymore for the opposition to bash the government about.A skeleton cabinet also means there is less corruption. Imagine all the kickbacks not partaken of, the bribes uncollected, the commissions not handed over under the table. This means the treasury has healthy cash flow so we can send ex-prime ministers for health checkups to Delhi.But now that the Unified Marxist-Leninists are not unified anymore, Brave Lion will have more mouths to feed in the new cabinet. That can easily be resolved, what is more worrying is what we are going to call all these new communist parties — they are splitting like amoebas in heat.It used to be pretty straight forward in the old days, there was just one Communist Party of Nepal (CPN). But then there came the CPN (Mashal) and CPN (Masal) — yes, they were different parties. After that, there were the CPN (Marxist-Leninist) and CPN (Marxist-Leninist-Maoist) which merged with the others to form what we now know as the CPN (Unified Marxist-Leninist). The CPN (Maoists) got so sick of it all that they preferred to go underground and shoot everyone.But now with Makunay registering the CPN (UML-Socialist) he has opened a pandora’s box. Does this mean that the other CPNs are not socialist? If so, what does this mean for dialectic materialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat?And since the comrades seem to be suffering from ideological promiscuity, we have to make space for more communist parties in the days to come:UML (Socialite)CPN (Marxism-Leninism-Hinduism)CPN (Maoist-Monarchist)NCP (Big Plop)CPN (Revolutionary)CPN (Revolting)CPN (Asinine)

The Ass

CPN (Asinine)

<figure><img width="1496" height="1146" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8aea9c7e80680e06b26bjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Min Bajracharya’s iconic photograph of Durga Thapa, 22, as she leapt up during a victory rally on 9 April 1990 to shout “Long live democracy!” All photos: MIN RATNA BAJRACHARYA</figcaption></figure>She leaps up from a sea of protesters, hands outstretched and fingers reddened with vermilion in a double V-for-victory sign. “Long live democracy,” she yells as others, mostly seated men, look on.It is the morning of 9 April 1990. After month long pro-democracy protests on the streets of Kathmandu, King Birendra the previous night had finally given in, announcing that multi-party democracy would be restored – paving the way for Nepal to change  from an absolute to a constitutional monarchy.<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/untold-story-of-photojournalist-min-ratna-bajracharya,2890" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/untold-story-of-photojournalist-min-ratna-bajracharya,2890&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586492846270000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFueBBSVgwp2xg5uIo7eSA6Ke0Vcw">Min Bajracharya</a>, then a 18-year-old aspiring photojournalist, had been closely following the street protests, taking photos of demonstrators, political leaders from banned parties like the Nepali Congress, Nepal Communist Party (ML) and other leftist entities.“I went wherever the protests went,” Bajracharya remembers. “I had a youthful passion and energy for what I was doing.” <figure><img width="938" height="832" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8aed9c7e80680e06b26cjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Durga Thapa (now KC) was back on the streets during demostrations for peace and democracy in 2006.</figcaption></figure>There was a victory rally at the Khula Manch, the formerly underground leaders like Krishna Prasad Bhattarai, Ganesh Man Singh and Man Mohan Adhikari were on stage. As Bhattarai gave a rousing speech, Bajracharya noticed a young student spring up from the crowd, he turned his camera away from the podium to her and took a couple of photographs. “Those were the days before digital so I had to be economical with my film,” recalls Bajracharya, who took the picture with his Nikon F-2 and a 105mm lens.It was only later that afternoon, after he developed the colour prints, that this one photograph caught his eye. His journalistic instinct told him that he had captured a momentous occasion. However, the news outlets in Kathmandu only wanted photographs of political leaders or of crowds. <figure><img width="738" height="560" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8af09c7e80680e06b26djpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Min Bajracharya’s photograph of Ganesh Man Singh and Man Mohan Adhikari after King Birendra restored multi-party democracy thirty years ago this week.</figcaption></figure>“The Nepali Congress wanted photos of Kishunji, and the Communists wanted pictures of Man Mohan Adhikari. This was the beginning of the age of mission journalism,” Bajracharya recalls. “But I knew this particular picture was different. It documented an event, it was motivated solely by journalism, not influenced by partisanship.” It was only two years later, when a German journalist looking through his photographs of the protests picked the photo for the cover of his book, Dawn of Democracy published by the Human Rights Protection Forum that the image became public. The photograph went around after that, republished without credit, permission or payment. Bajracharya is glad that his photo is still a visual symbol of the political upheaval Nepal had experienced in 1990. Bajracharya later became the staff photographer for Himal Khabarpatrika and Nepali Times publishing many powerful photographs of the conflict years, the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/46" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/46&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586492846270000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF-N_bGuWg1Gi1zU0PCTz1Fb-yi8g">royal massacre of 2001</a> and <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/235" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/235&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586492846270000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEUdh_pivllSbX3bQT3zNe8v-YcVA">King Gyanendra’s coup</a>. <figure><img width="747" height="500" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8af29c7e80680e06b26ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Women of Patan on the streets in a pro-democracy rally in April 1990.</figcaption></figure>When the peace and democracy movement erupted in the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11741#.Xo6ezS8w0Wo" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D11741%23.Xo6ezS8w0Wo&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586492846270000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFrfbQcUCJukMbn7KTOKe8YKp5Feg">Kathmandu Spring</a> of 2006, Kunda Dixit, the editor of Nepali Times asked Bajracharya if he knew what had become of the young woman in his famous photograph. Min Bajracharya finally tracked her down and it was to find her once more on the streets shouting “Long live democracy.” Sixteen years after his iconic photo, Bajracharya <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11694#.Xo6cii8w0Wo" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D11694%23.Xo6cii8w0Wo&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586492846270000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG132z5t26uWhQPxjB--2tnH3QJfw">took another photograph of Durga Thapa</a> leading a pro-democracy protest. She was by then 38, a <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14212#.Xo6cIS8w0Wo" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id%3D14212%23.Xo6cIS8w0Wo&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1586492846271000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHtVUWlYo7MlP2_i-6dyUob_qWOIw">civil servant</a>, and has a son. He photographed her again, this time with a Nikon D-100 digital camera with a 24-85 mm lens. That protest was a turning point in the 2006 movement since it was first time government employees joined the demonstrations against King Gyanendra, and Durga Thapa (now KC) was leading it as a Nepali Congress activist. <figure><img width="373" height="529" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8af49c7e80680e06b26fjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>The victory rally at Khula Manch on 9 April 1990.</figcaption></figure><figure><img width="721" height="477" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8af69c7e80680e06b270jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Police baton charging demonstrators in Bhaktapur during pro-democracy protests in April 1990.</figcaption></figure>Min Bajracharya is proud of the famous photograph that also made him famous. But he is saddened by the need for Nepal’s citizens to keep struggling for democracy over and over again. Thirty years later, he still has vivid memories of what he saw and photographed on the night of 8 April 1990 when police, who were unaware of King Birendra’s proclamation on national television to restore democracy, fired on jubilant protesters in Kathmandu, killing many.He can still hear the crack of bullets ricocheting off the houses. “Many people lost their lives needlessly. I am still haunted by what I witnessed that night.”Photo journalist Min Bajracharya. Photo: NABIN BARAL<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110912118/636b8af89c7e80680e06b271jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="154" height="164">

One moment 30 years ago today

During the days of absolute monarchy, Nepal’s communists were underground and organising their party. Many people risked their lives to provide shelter for them.One of them was Balkumari Thapa of Hatiya of Makwanpur district, where a landmark meeting of the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN), under the chairmanship of C P Mainali, was held during the 1989 pro-democracy movement.The first meetings of the All Nepal Women’s Association, the women’s wing of the CPN, were also conducted in Thapa’s home. Recalls Shanta Manavi, founding member of the association: “She let us use her home at great personal risk to organise.”In 1979 the police killed 16 people in a safe house used by communists in Dhankuta, and Thapa was aware that something similar might happen in her house. So she deployed her three sons to keep a look-out whenever party leaders met there. And when they spent the night, she herself stayed awake on sentry duty.It all started when Thapa had to take her sick son to hospital in 1964. She had to break her journey at the house of Badri Prasad Khatiwada, an underground communist party cadre who worked full-time as a teacher. He converted Thapa to communism, explaining it in terms of the imperative to remove exploitation and to fight for equality and justice.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77d89c7e80680e06465ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2268" height="4032"/><figcaption>Balkumari Thapa</figcaption></figure>Now 83, Khatiwada recalls, “I went to Balkumari’s house after school on Fridays, collected everyone nearby, and taught classes in communist theory.”Balkumari’s husband Tilak Bahadur Thapa was an anti-malaria health worker, and was not interested in politics. With all the party workers who had to be fed, the Thapas ran out of food, and she had to farm to earn the money to buy more provisions.“There was no way of knowing how many people would drop in. Sometimes there wouldn’t be any food at home, so I borrowed rice, flour, and other essentials from the neighbours,” Thapa recalls.In 1979, Thapa became a Female Community Health Volunteer and that made it easier for her to travel and mobilise without raising suspicion. By 1981, she had become an active party member and her job included safe-keeping and delivering party documents, organising women, and teaching classes.Manu Sigdel, whom Thapa taught, is currently the chairperson of NCP Makwanpur. He remembers: “The party was more important to her than her own family."<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b77dc9c7e80680e06465fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="550" height="266"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Thapa was arrested and detained for a day in March 1988 for defying a government ban on celebrating Women’s Day. She has since held key positions in the All Nepal Women’s Association and currently holds an advisory position within the Nepal Communist Party.Only after the ban on political parties was lifted in 1989 did Thapa not have to offer a secret safe house anymore. After that, everyone forgot about her selfless devotion to the party.After Thapa fell ill in 2007, the government did arrange for a pacemaker at Gangalal Hospital free of cost, and the Hetauda municipality provided her with financial support.Mukunda Koirala of the NCP in Makwanpur is critical of his party for forgetting Thapa’s sacrifice. He says: “Those she sheltered are now in power, but they have forgotten the people who put them where they are now.”

Forgotten woman who sheltered communist activists

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