The protest led by digital-native generation is not a rejection of democratic norms but rather an insistence for the Constitution’s most fundamental guarantees to be taken seriously. What confronts us is not youthful defiance, but political impunity masquerading as governance.&nbsp;
The spreading narrative that our protests were about a fleeting social media ban insults our generation’s intelligence. The protest has exposed a deeper generational revolt. No longer will we pay for impunity, we are determined to confront it as a constitutional betrayal rather than an inevitability of culture.
We know what is enshrined in our Constitution. Article 17 guarantees us the right to freedom: a freedom to assemble peacefully and without arms. Yet when we exercised those rights, the state met us with bullets instead of dialogue. That betrayal forces us to ask if Nepal is capable of delivering real democratic substance, or will the upcoming generation be left to inherit yet another endless cycle of hollow symbols and the whims of the powerful?
We, GenZ, are not demanding reforms at the margin. We are asking for the future our Constitution promised. We look ahead with both clarity and urgency.
We envision a democracy true to its words, where the Constitution is honoured in practice; where digital freedom is not revoked when it unsettles entrenched power, where the judiciary upholds the law without fear or favor, and independent watchdogs strike at impunity with unflinching integrity, and where elections reflect the true will of citizens rather than the staged choreography of the elites.
We foresee a cultural transformation-connection being no longer needed for survival. We can only laugh when they label our demands as ‘utopian’, imagine living in a nation where fundamentals of democracy are themselves treated as luxuries.
What is new is our unwillingness to wait. Raised on digital democracy, well aware of the law and fluent in hashtags, we are unafraid to take our case to the streets when institutions have repeatedly failed us. The whole nation is watching the interim government closely, and so are we -- the generation determined to make a system which works for all, not just for the privileged few.
Sambriddhi Aryal, 21, is a fourth-year student at Kathmandu School of Law with a keen eye on constitutional law, civic rights, and the pulse of global change.

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GenZ constitutional awakening

Social media has long been more than entertainment for young Nepalis. It has become a civic space where they stay informed on national issues, challenge authority, demand accountability, and organise for change.
In early September, TikTok, Reddit, and other platforms were flooded with a 'naming and shaming' campaign aimed at so-called 'nepo babies' in Nepal. Echoing similar movements in Indonesia and Sri Lanka, the campaign resonated deeply with disillusioned Nepali Gen Z. &nbsp;
Frustration escalated when the government banned 26 social media platforms including Facebook, WhatsApp, and Instagram, for failing to register within Nepal. The ban shut down the civic space Gen Z relied on. What began online spilled onto the streets, sparking nationwide protests now known as the GenZ protests. Young Nepalis voluntarily marched, demanding two urgent reforms: lifting the social media ban and rooting out corruption.
For many, the anger runs far deeper than digital restrictions. Public trust in politicians has withered after decades of power struggles between Sher Bahadur Deuba, Pushpa Kamal Dahal and K P Oli. Tired of the endless game of musical chairs who promise change but deliver betrayal, GenZ insists that politicians are not divine power to be worshipped but public servants who must answer to the people.
On 8 September, GenZ protesters marched peacefully, carrying artistic placards and singing patriotic songs. Police responded with deadly force firing live rounds, deploying tear gas, and beating protesters with batons and water cannons, resulting in the mass killing of our fellow protesters. What began as a citizen’s duty to hold the government accountable turned into a tragedy because the government forgot that it is the guardian of its people, not their murderer.
On 9 September, rage engulfed the nation. People from every corner joined the protests, responding to the government’s failure and the brutal mass murder of young people. Taking advantage of the situation, some vested groups infiltrated the demonstrations, which escalated into violence, including arson, vandalism, and attacks on property and individuals holding political power.
Following the incident, the government was overthrown, and GenZ formed a citizen’s Government. Our primary demand to this new government is a full and impartial investigation into the mass murder. GenZ has specifically identified former Prime Minister K P Oli, former Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and the former Inspector General of Police Chandra Kuber Khapung who must be investigated free from political interference.&nbsp;
Those found guilty must be held accountable under national law. Additionally, GenZ demands a transparent inquiry into the vandalism and arson that occurred on 9 September, emphasising that attacks on public property undermine the true spirit of their movement.
GenZ’s second demand is the conduction of fair elections on 5 March 2026. The true measure of this interim government’s success lies in fulfilling that commitment.
The third demand is the establishment of a high-level, independent anti-corruption mechanism to investigate graft since the restoration of democracy in 1990. GenZ argues that existing watchdog bodies are toothless, filled with political appointees loyal to ruling parties. The new body must be free from political influence and empowered to investigate and prosecute even the most powerful. These demands are not negotiable.
While united on these core demands, GenZ activists hold different views on the political system’s future. Some advocate for a directly elected prime minister, while others favor reforms within the existing parliamentary structure. Even young members within ruling parties share this frustration, calling for internal reforms and urging long-entrenched leaders to step aside and pass the mantle of leadership to a new generation. This is not a formal demand but a discussion taking place within GenZ circles.
Debates over the Constitution of Nepal 2015 have also surfaced. While some anti-democratic actors have called for its nullification, GenZ protesters firmly reject this. This Constitution was achieved through nearly a decade of struggle. Although it is rare for a Constituent Assembly to fail in delivering a Constitution, Nepal became an exceptional case when the first assembly collapsed without producing one. This failure led to the formation of a second Constituent Assembly, which ultimately delivered the 2015 Constitution.
GenZ continues to uphold the principles of a Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. They emphasise that the Constitution must be implemented in its true spirit ensuring accountability, transparency, and rule of law.
At the same time, no Constitution is perfect. Society is constantly evolving. Space for amendments should always exist, as in any healthy democracy, to address shortcomings and strengthen its foundations. However, this remains a background discussion, not a central agenda of the GenZ movement.
Though triggered by the social media ban, the GenZ protests represent something deeper. This generation demands strengthening the pillars of good governance. For Nepal’s GenZ, this movement is reclaiming democracy, reclaiming their space.
Eight September is embedded into GenZ’s collective memory as a trauma that will continue to haunt Nepal unless the nation changes its course. And if it does not, GenZ will keep rising up, not only as the greatest leaders but, more importantly, as a most formidable opposition. 
 
Tanuja Pandey is a lawyer and climate justice activist.

A new dawn for democracy in Nepal

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131156/63723b799c7e80680e0c95c1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4096" height="2353"/><figcaption>Photo: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure>The Ass has been reminded that this paper takes a break over Dasain, and we skip one issue next week. Yay! Also, there is a full page nude on the back page. Double Yay! But the editor tells me I still have to submit my weekly column. Nay!It is therefore incumbent upon yours truly to circulate this strong internal memo against the media typhoon who owns this paper who sold his soul to Mammon, sacrificing the donkey’s designated Backside place and squeezing the Ass into this obscure inside section.I will therefore not beat around the burning bush indulging in frivolous chitchat, supposedly witty repartees, idle banter, lame puns, below the belt innuendos about the Prime Minister, ridiculing the President’s taste in upholstery from the Ministry of Interior Decoration, or muttering allegedly hilarious asides about the posterior body parts of some prominent members of the Council of Ministers.No, today we shall tackle deadly serious national issues so that we can roll our loins and gird up our sleeves to ensure that Fedex Elections are held as scheduled in November. We should doubly redouble our efforts to protect the Constitution (the world’s best, in fact) that ensures politicians of all hues and cries have equal rights in our democracy to pillage and plunder.We now break our usual programming for this important grabberment announcement:Hear ye, her ye! It is hereby notified to all concerned that this year’s Dasain festival has been postponed until further notice because of the need for belt-tightening during these tumultuous times.All concerned should watch this space for new Dasain dates, but it will most probably be next April, when it will be held in conjunction with New Year 2080 in order to reduce Nepal’s petroleum import bill and the country’s carbon footprint.There will also be a moratorium on mountain goat imports from Tibet till next April because of our balance of trade deficit with China. Water buffalos have also been included in the list of ‘luxury items’ together with iPhone 14s, Old Monk Rum, and Odomos mosquito repellent creams, that are currently restricted for import to save Indian currency reserves from further depletion.Mountain goats and buffaloes will therefore be allowed to carry on with their daily lives until such time as they may again be required to be decapitated in the epic struggle of good against evil next April. For further information, contact the Dept of Humanitarian Sacrifices.Despite austerity, MPs in the prorogued Parliament who knew their days were numbered voted themselves fat Dasain bonuses. Former Chief Justices, Ministers, and Reps in the August House had till end-August to award themselves posthumous pensions so they can keep on enjoying legislative perks, and official cars in their afterlife.As you may have heard, Prime Minister Dubya has decided to give election tickets to Baddie candidates recommended by Comrade Awesome rather than to dissidents within his own party who could challenge The Foremost Lady in future. These tickets are so sought after that they are being sold in the black market, or so I am told.

Ass s

Dasain is postponed

<figure><img width="3600" height="2400" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238b99c7e80680e0c73a0jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and President Bidya Devi Bhandari join Constitution Day celebrations at Tundikhel on Monday. Photos: RATNA SHRESTHA/RSS</figcaption></figure>Monday 19 September marks the seventh anniversary of the promulgation of the Constitution, and it comes just two days after the first Parliament elected under that federal system was dissolved to pave the way for elections in November.This is a good time to take stock of those five years of Parliament and seven years of the Constitution. Spoiler alert: the report cards on both are not good.The 2015 Constitution was finally finalised after two elections to Constituent Assemblies, and was itself an outcome of the armed struggle waged by the Maoist party from 1996-2006. The very fact that 17,000 Nepalis were killed for the monarchy to be abolished should have made the new secular, federal, democratic republic worth dying for. Alas, the past seven years have proven otherwise.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, EditorialThe Constitution was fast-tracked after the 2015 earthquake because the Nepali Congress-led coalition government was AWOL. To make up, it hurriedly passed the Constitution despite demands for greater autonomy from Madhesi and other groups. There was violence in the Tarai, and then New Delhi expressed its displeasure by punishing quake-ravaged Nepal by enforcing a border blockade for six months.A Constitution is a rulebook for governance, and is by definition work in progress. It needs to be tweaked to respond to changing aspirations and mores of the citizenry. But the past seven years have shown that the ones who made the rules think they were made to be bent and broken. Following the rule in Nepal is an exception, rather than the rule. It is the rule of the lawless.The first elections under the new Constitution were held in 2017 for all three tiers of government. There were some progressive provisions that mandated greater participation of women, the excluded and indigenous groups. Citizens had a chance to elect mayors, chairs and councilors to local governments with inclusive representation. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/">All politics is local</a>, Sahina Shrestha <img width="1000" height="583" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238be9c7e80680e0c73a1jpeg.jpg" alt="">The electoral alliance of the UML and the Maoists swept that election, and the two parties united in 2018 to form the Nepal Communist Party (NCP). There was hope at last that with its strong majority in Parliament and an egalitarian agenda (at least in theory) the Communists would work for the welfare of the people.It took barely a year for those hopes to be dashed. The NCP’s two leaders, K P Oli of the UML and Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists, had a secret arrangement to take turns at prime ministership, but after Oli survived a second kidney transplant, it seems the deal fell through. The power struggle between these two alpha males ultimately brought down the government, and led to the NCP splitting into the UML and Maoist Centre again.Oli tried twice to dissolve Parliament in violation of Constitutional provisions, and was struck down both times by the Supreme Court under Chief Justice Cholendra SJB Rana. It is a supreme irony that even as the country marks Constitution Day, the country’s Chief Justice is under semi-house arrest for what appears to be political vendetta. Rana was prevented from going to his office this week after the dissolution of the Parliament that was debating an impeachment motion against him. Rana was not known for unblemished integrity, but had disallowed unlawful dissolution of Parliament. In the end, his staunchest defender has turned out to be the very K P Oli whose government was ousted by Rana’s Supreme Court verdict last year.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/">Reward performance</a>, EditorialNone of this is surprising. The practice of distributing appointments among short-term allies (bhag-banda) has been the curse of Nepali politics for decades. In 2017, Oli and Dahal divided up between themselves appointments of the office of President, House Speaker, Chief Justice, other constitutional bodies, chief ministers, and even ambassadorships. The division of the spoils got even more extreme since the present coalition came to power since all five members had to be appeased. Neither Parliament nor the Constitution could meet the people’s expectations for better governance, equity and justice because both were held hostage by inter- and intra-party feuds. Their power struggles have been played out in Parliament, where protagonists have blatantly violated the Constitution to gain the upper hand. Ordinances were weaponised as ordnances. Nepal’s federal Constitution was supposed to devolve power to local bodies, they have instead let lack of accountability trickle down to the grassroots. It was meant to decentralise decision-making, but decentralised corruption instead.The November elections offer hope to change all this. It is now up to the people to oust the six elderly gentlemen men who have monopolised, misruled and abused power for decades and bring in a new crop of representatives who understand what the Constitution stands for.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/political-expediency-trumps-nepal-constitution/">Political expediency trumps Nepal Constitution</a>, Santa Gaha Magar

Rule of the lawless

<figure><img width="1400" height="1051" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410118/637205959c7e80680e0b28c5jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI/NEPALI TIMES</figcaption></figure>When the second wave hit Nepal in May 2021, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/helping-nepalis-breathe-again/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">city hospitals ran out of ICU beds and oxygen</a>, and politicians in Kathmandu appeared helpless, local governments across Nepal sprang into action.In Helambu, village chair <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/rural-nepal-fights-back-covid-19/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nima Galgen Sherpa</a> set up action teams in each ward to go house-to-house looking for people with symptoms. They were tested on the spot and told to isolate or quarantine. This strategy did not burden overwhelmed hospitals, and helped contain the contagion. Chair Laxmi Pandey and vice-chair Kopila Malla of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Hupsekot of Nawalparasi district</a> worked together to trace, test, and treat Covid-19. Ever since they were elected in 2017, these two women leaders, despite belonging to different political parties, have set a new benchmark for education, agriculture and nature conservation in rural Nepal. Dhawal Shumsher Rana was r<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/rana-regime-restored-in-nepalganj/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">e-elected mayor of Nepalganj</a> in 2017, and built on a solid track record of good governance and transparency to upgrade urban infrastructure, and improve service delivery in his border city.All these local government leaders have one thing in common: serving their constituents. That is what politics is all about, not the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-ruling-party-feud-affecting-covid-19-response/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">mad scramble for power in Kathmandu</a> that has held Nepal back for decades. The mayors and their deputies may be from different parties, but that almost does not seem to matter since the needs of their constituents are the same.Even as national-level politicians in Kathmandu <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/polls-in-the-time-of-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">dither about local election dates</a>, these grassroots leaders have shown in just five years what is possible when the people they serve are put first.To be sure, not all local leaders have been honest and accountable. A survey in this paper in 2018 showed that more than <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Elected-contractors,4182" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">one-third of elected mayors were contractors</a>. They went on to take corruption to new heights, as illustrated in our investigation of illegal sand-mining in the Tarai.Putting aside these bad apples, there are plenty of examples of responsive and responsible local governments who have now served five years. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-coalition-dilly-dallying-on-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Local elections cannot be postponed</a> just because some national leaders think they will lose. Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba must over-ride opposition from two of his coalition partners, follow the Constitution and safeguard the gains of the past five years.Srijana Tamang is vice-chair of Jugal Rural Municipality, and together with other local leaders we profile in this edition she best understands what the needs of her people are.“They know where we live, they have our number, it is easy for people to tell us about their needs. They can come to our homes and complain about the work we are doing or encourage us to do better,” Tamang told us.Local government elections were the first to be held after Nepal moved to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">federalism</a> following the 2015 Constitution, so it was up to elected representatives to institutionalise it. It became a learning platform for the other two governments in the exercise of federalism and democracy.There were also many good practices that came with the 2017 local elections. For one, it was significant in advancing <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/including-the-excluded-women-dalit-women-in-local-elections,3742" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">female representation</a> in the political sphere of Nepal, and helped bring minorities forward in local governments. Each local tier of government could also function on its own, making policies and taking action to answer the needs of their constituencies.As per Nepal’s Local Election Act 2017, voting for all 753 local units must be held by 19 March. The EC has proposed 27 April and 5 May dates. Leaders of the Maoist Centre and Unified Socialists are so wary of faring badly in local polls, that they want to use a loophole in the law to have it postponed. But all the local leaders Nepali Times spoke to this week spoke with one voice: local elections should be held as scheduled. Local government elections are a mechanism that allows Nepalis to vote for the leaders they want: keep the ones who have done good work, replace those who have not lived up to expectations. Or, maybe experiment with a new face altogether. <a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Pushing back the dates or aborting local elections</a> will be a disservice to Nepalis, undermine the democratic values the nation stands on, and push back development.Arjun Mabuhang, Chair of Laligurans Municipality in Tehrathum sums it up: “It is written in the Constitution that local elections have to be held on time. Choosing their local representatives is the people’s right. Whether they want to keep us or replace us is up to them. The national parties in government should respect that.”Sahina Shrestha

Sahina Shrestha

Think nationally, vote locally

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d02849c7e80680e0a3685jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1364"/><figcaption>President Bidya Devi Bhandari and Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba attend Constitution day celebration at the army pavilion on Tundikhel on Sunday. Photos: RSS</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d02889c7e80680e0a3686jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="426"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d028b9c7e80680e0a3687jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="426">Nepal’s new federal constitution was promulgated in 2015, but even six years later it is a contested document. While President Bidya Devi Bhandari, Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba were attending a regimented celebration at the army pavilion on Tundikhel, demonstrators nearby were getting ready to march to Parliament to protest the document.The anniversary of the Constitution on 19 September also this year coincided with the start of the Indra Jatra festival, which was much better attended and had more public attendance than the events both for and against the Constitution.After they watched an Army Parade and helicopter flyby, President Bhandari and Prime Minister Deuba went over to Hanuman Dhoka to observe Nepal’s Living Goddess Kumari being pulled in a chariot in front of the Gaddi Baithak.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d028e9c7e80680e0a3688jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d02909c7e80680e0a3689jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">Nepal's Constitution day this year coincided with Kathmandu's Indra Jatra festival, which was much better attended than the events both for and against the Constitution. Photos: AMIT MACHAMASICritics of the Constitution say that it is not an inclusive document, treats women and minorities as second-class citizens, and guarantees social justice and human rights only on paper. The Constitution Amendment March was organised by civil society activists calling themselves the ‘Brihat Nagarik Andolan’ (People’s Movement).‘The 'Constitution Amendment March' with the excluded and maginalised communities including Madhesi, Tharu, Janajati, Dalit, minorities, Muslim and landless squatters who consider the constitution incomplete will head to the parliament on Sunday 2PM.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d02949c7e80680e0a368ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="533"><figcaption>Writer and activist Narayan Wagle was part of the 'Brihat Nagarik Andolan' protest demanding the amendment to the Constitution on Sunday.</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s Constituent Assembly adopted the new constitution in 2015 after deliberating on it for seven years, even as the draft was contested by some sections of the society, most notably the politicians from the Tarai, leading to the unrest in the southern plains. This was the precursor for the five months long blockade imposed by India.For the past six years, Madhes-based­ parties have been up in arms about the new constitution. This year, the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) decided not to take part in the Constitution Day celebrations and the newly-formed Democratic Socialist Party led by Mahanth Thakur marked the day as a black day.‘The Maoist insurgency, the Madhes Movement, the Tharu Rebellion, and struggles of women, indigenous people, Dalits, Muslims delivered Nepal its democratic, secular, federal republic that constitutionally guaranteed inclusion, but it is well known that the state has created obstacles to attain those objectives at every step,’ read a statement by the rally organisers.It went on: ‘The actions of the political parties and main pillars of the state since the Constitution was promulgated prove the necessity of continued vigilance and struggle to protect and institutionalise the gains.’<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110141152/636d02979c7e80680e0a368bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="533"><figcaption>People with a placard that calls Constitution Day as as the black day.</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s Constituent Assembly had to be elected twice in 2008 and 2013 to finally adopt the new constitution in 2015 after deliberating on it for seven years, even as the draft was contested by some sections of the society, most notably the politicians from the Tarai, leading to unrest in the southern plains. This precipitated the five month long border blockade by India.For the past six years, Madhes-based parties have been up in arms about the new Constitution, and have been agitating for greater representation and autonomy. This year, the Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) which is part of the ruling coalition decided not to take part in the Constitution Day celebrations and the newly-formed Democratic Socialist Party led by Mahanth Thakur marked the day as a ‘black day’.Meanwhile, more than two months after he became prime minister, Deuba has still not been able to form a complete Cabinet as haggling goes on over division of ministerial portfolios. Internal divisions within parties and between them have threatened to split the coalition even before it can form a full government.

Nepal’s contentious Constitution Day

<figure><img width="1262" height="842" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181152/636be8f89c7e80680e087895jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Locals across Nepal continue to stage protests against the dissolution of the Lower House. Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>As feared, Prime Minister KP Oli’s brinkmanship has led the country to the edge of the cliff. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/over-the-edge-again/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/over-the-edge-again/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGvc_vPKyMERCCkcvPlHqGo4-6s-A">This cartoon in Nepali Times last week</a> was prescient.
The coming days will show whether we as a nation go over, or take a step back. While the role of the Prime Minister to bring matters to the point of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHf8xYtAvY2MUJxw7K3man_jaZl0Q">dissolving the House</a> is obvious, it is also important to recognise the cast of characters who pushed him to the rim of the precipice.
Nepal has not had a prime minister serve a full term since the end of the Rana regime in 1950. The continuity of the Head of Government in office itself was bound to have provided political stability and economic stimulus. That was the hope after the 2017 elections.
The three years of the prime minister’s rule have seen several little-appreciated advances such as the handling of a secessionist group in the Tarai and improvements in Nepal’s international image after years of isolation. But on the whole, the public has not felt the tangible benefits of a government under the new Constitution.
K P Oli had a second kidney transplant in May, and the past ten months have been overtaken by the Covid-19 crisis, but there is little doubt that it is his style of leadership that has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/at-midpoint-nepal-pm-struggles-to-deliver/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/at-midpoint-nepal-pm-struggles-to-deliver/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEbdn5UXoFg9CaqaQPcg8k_CZR30w">undermined the government’s performance.</a>
Oli turned the Prime Minister’s Office into a parallel power centre to Singha Darbar. Decision-making was so centralised in Oli, and there was so much micro-management, that ministers did not feel empowered. For his part, the prime minister seemed to revel in being the fulcrum of the state mechanism.
Oli also failed in cultivating friendships, acted imperious and allowed animosities to fester. Most inexplicable has been his deliberate sidelining of Madhav Kumar Nepal, which has made the latter go in to a most unnatural embrace of Pushpa Kamal Dahal and his Maoist legacy.
The train of events that made the prime minister <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHf8xYtAvY2MUJxw7K3man_jaZl0Q">violate the Constitution</a> has to do with his <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-seat-of-power/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-seat-of-power/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNG2CQ3fwGVwG2sNN6L63HufauVNzg">inability to ‘manage’ Dahal</a>. Oli’s plan three years ago was to manage a massive victory for his UML-Maoist electoral alliance, while at the same time enmeshing Dahal into the new Constitution.
Dahal bided his time because the Constitution did not allow a no-confidence motion for two years after government formation. However, even before that time restriction was over, Dahal made common cause with the top-line ex-UML leadership, who had not got over Oli’s sweeping victory at the party General Convention six years ago.
Dahal also deftly placed his Maoist comrade Agni Sapkota as Speaker, despite him carrying the conflict-era murder case of Arjun Bahadur Lama that is being investigated by the police under a Supreme Court order.
When it became possible to oust the sitting prime minister, Dahal became increasingly aggressive, supported by former prime ministers, Nepal and Jhalnath Khanal, both of whom were blistering in their criticism of the prime minister. Dahal sat back and let the two do the talking.
Ever since the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/using-the-delay-in-mcc-to-dissect-it/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/using-the-delay-in-mcc-to-dissect-it/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFiuysG83l7Zr_lmt7MR1pqm31sOw">Millennium Challenge Compact</a> was not presented before Parliament by the Speaker, despite his duty to do so, Oli came to believe that Dahal wanted him to fail. Just as President Bidya Devi Bhandari is being described as doing Oli’s bidding, Sapkota was following Dahal’s orders in the Speaker’s chair.
For the past year, Dahal has made common cause with disgruntled heavyweights in the CPN Secretariat, trying to create conditions for Oli’s ouster. Whereas the proper way to do so would have been through a vote in the Parliamentary Party of the CPN, there was an attempt to project him as weakened and lacking in legitimacy through constant prodding by the Secretariat.
In essence, this boiled down to a Maoist/Leninist control of the Government by the Party, against which the Prime Minister became increasingly angry and rigid.
This opportunity arrived when the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-pm-oli-goes-it-alone/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-pm-oli-goes-it-alone/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGw5l5hVPTmF4gI1VVT25e2d1gCOA">Constitutional Council met last week</a> to take decision on dozens of appointments that were pending for the CIAA to the NHRC and the various other commissions. When the Speaker stayed away, acting on Dahal’s order, the prime minister’s patience ran out.
Oli clearly feels that Dahal will endanger the polity, and does not want him to take over the government under the new Constitution without showing contrition for the conflict. He also sees himself as the rightfully elected party Chair, and believes Nepal should be willing to wait for the upcoming General Convention to succeed him.
This is where the matters came to a head. On the one hand, lack of effective governance meant that Oli did not have a buffer of public support, and he has been further burdened by an implacably hostile press. On the other hand, Nepal and Dahal wanted to be party Chair and prime minister right away.
As the divisions within the NCP got more and more intractable, everyone who supported political stability had hoped that it was <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-communists-on-verge-of-split-again/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHRx6mLxRHmorT2F34DGxF1w7TEAg">prospect of a party split</a> that would make the three main actors – Oli, Dahal and Nepal – backtrack at the last moment. This did not happen.
It is incongruous that it was not the opposition in Parliament but the NCP’s own members who prepared to bring a no-confidence motion against their own party’s prime minister. Getting wind of this on Sunday morning, the prime minister <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepalis-outraged-by-pm-oli-move/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHf8xYtAvY2MUJxw7K3man_jaZl0Q">recommended dissolution of the Lower House</a>, and President Bhandari (who tends to see things in the same light as the Prime Minister) <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/president-endorses-parliament-dissolution/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/president-endorses-parliament-dissolution/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1608621325764000&amp;usg=AFQjCNH5jUW68GUQH0H2Jc7uGeMHmm_6Ig">promptly provided the stamp of approval.</a>
Prime Minister Oli overstepped the Constitution in calling for a disbandment of the House. The statute states that dissolution is only allowed if the House is not able to elect a prime minister.
Oli’s position defence is that as a prime minister with two-thirds majority, not being able to form a government ipso facto proves the point that none of the other options available through the Constitution can work, hence the dissolution.
The prime minister went one step further to appoint members to constitutional bodies, in particular to the corruption watchdog (CIAA) which Dahal would regard as being specifically targeted at himself because of allegations of his misuse of cantonment funds during the peace process.
Today, the political relationship between those who worked together to bring the new Constitution is in tatters. Important matters of state and the people’s welfare during a pandemic are in limbo. Transitional justice is stuck.
A prime minister who espouses multiparty democracy is on the back foot, while a former Maoist chieftain who proposes party control of government and an executive presidency, is coming strong.
The street protests that have flared should not go out of hand, and the Judiciary as the institution of last recourse should not be sullied by the current fist-fight in the ruling party as it deliberates on the dissolution.
Significantly, the Chief Justice has been a member of the Constitutional Council meeting that made the 45 appointments under the prime minister’s controversial ordinance.
Prime Minister Oli has failed in being a sagacious leader, and he has not been able to rein in Dahal’s nervous ambition. But he has recommended elections in April-May next year, which could not be the action of an autocrat-in-making as his critics would have it.
What has been done to the Constitution has been done, and there seems to be no clean way out of the quagmire other than through the elections that has been called.
In fact, if one were to try and peer through Kathmandu’s murky smog, the new election would be an opportunity for the Nepali Congress, the RSP, the ‘alternative’ Sajha-Bibeksheel party, to move with strength into Parliament, and capitalise on the NCP’s disarray.
When the dust settles over the next few days, one hopes it will be possible to plan for a free, fair and peaceful elections in 2021.

Step back from the brink

Story of Nepali history

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101148/636b779c9c7e80680e064647jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1000" height="1083"/><figcaption>Illustration: SUBHAS RAI</figcaption></figure>When the Nepali Times was preparing to launch two decades ago, many Nepalis were sad, frightened and looking for ways to leave areas affected by armed conflict, and then Nepal altogether.A few decided that the future would depend on what we did and how effectively we did it. Twenty years later, Nepal is at peace with numerous challenges, but at least it is at peace.Nepal went from <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2016/11/20/no-peace-dividend/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">war to peace</a> and from <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14803" target="_blank" rel="noopener">monarchy to republic</a>, it inducted some of the guerrillas into the national army, it held elections at all three levels of government under a new federal constitution, and the ruling party promises citizens stability and a better quality of life. The earthquake, the Indian blockade, endemic corruption and a lack of trust in government, businesses houses and political parties have slowed things down.Throughout these last 20 years, the Nepali Times team had a ringside seat to history being made. It worked hard and worked smart and issue after issue, it kept the hopes and aspirations of Nepal as high as it could with facts, data, images, animation, analysis and, yes, even humour. The colourful and elegantly designed pages of the Nepali Times became conversation pieces every Friday, raising public consciousness about critical issues and allowing people to form communities and organise for action.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=41591&amp;preview_nonce=f9ef547137&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">1,000 weeks of Nepali Times</a>, Mark TurinThe paper became a catalyst, and provided a medium for small and big actions around health, environment, the economy, gender and justice. Confused by day-to-day politics, many of us readers looked forward week after week to stay informed and to make personal and collective decisions based on what the Nepali Times covered, analysed and projected.But even while the Nepali Times marks this 1000th issue, the future of free press and the financial viability of publications cannot and should not be taken for granted. People in power have tried to manipulate or control the media to consolidate power and personal wealth. Media outlets that do not fall in line are under attack. The legacy media, already under financial strain because of the internet, is also facing pressure from the government. This newspaper has been made to suffer for its independence. It has been attacked by both the extreme left and the extreme right in the past 20 years.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/back-to-the-future-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Back to the future in Nepal</a>, Anil ChitrakarThese thousand issues of the Nepali Times are fully archived, and a site search of any subject will show that this archive provides a valuable window on Nepal’s recent history. Future generations of historians will find a handy narrative of how Nepal made its great transition. And perhaps a book summarising the times of Nepali Times would ensure that history is not written by the winners.As regular writers for the Nepali Times, we crave ‘shelf life’, which these archives give us. And this means remembering not to forget what we lived through in the past 20 years, so that we do not repeat the fearful times of conflict, the royal massacre, the communal riots of 2004, or the abuse of human rights in the name of revolution that has left deep scars in Nepali society.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/half-full/nepal-between-two-tomcats,1084" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The great leap</a>, Anil ChitrakarThe earthquake united the Nepali people unlike the politics that divided us. Disasters seem to bring out the best in us, and politics the worst. In the next two decades Nepal will reap what it has sown in the past.The unresolved issues in the Constitution and the challenges related to identity politics, correcting historical wrongs, growing pollution in the Kathmandu valley, corruption and fraud are what we will now be grappling with. To stay tuned, read the Nepali Times.Anil Chitrakar is President of Siddharthinc and writes this forthnightly column ‘½ Full’ for the Nepali Times.

Anil Chitrakar

Nepal’s history foretold

<img width="1050" height="751" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a676c9c7e80680e0599d8jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>On 11 December, the Prime Minister and Cabinet's office tabled the 'bill to amend and integrate laws relating to the constitution and operation of Nepal special service' in the parliament secretariat.Prakash Panta, member of the National Assembly from the opposition Nepali Congress has requested the parliament to take the Special Service Bill (SSB) back. With allegations that the bill restricts the fundamental rights of citizens, there is concern that provisions of SSB will violate citizens’ fundamental right to privacy.NC parliamentarian Radheshyam Adhikari says this is a direct threat to  citizens' fundamental rights like privacy and freedom. "This bill shows that the government is against democracy and an open society, and does not believe in transparency and accountability. It will allow the government to snoop on anyone it does not like, and use the information to threaten or blackmail them.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/censuring-censorship/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Censuring Censorship</a>, Editorial The SSB will allow the National Investigation Bureau (NIB) to collect any information on anyone without a warrant. The Act's Section 10, subsection 6 states: ‘In the course of information collection or counterintelligence, the Bureau can monitor, intercept, or record the conversations of people or organisations under suspicion or monitoring, made in public, or through any other audio visual or electronic medium.’The Bill also defines interception as the act of monitoring communication channels and gathering data. Though the Bureau has in the past spied on individuals, it is not authorised by law to do so. Now, the bill gives it the right.The Bill makes it compulsory for people to give up any information an  investigation officer requires, and if they refuse the investigators can acquire the information by spying on them if necessary.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-has-press-freedom-but-no-freedom-after-press/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal has press freedom, but no freedom after press, </a>Shashank GautamCritics say this has created the fear of misuse and breach of privacy in the name of investigation. It could also lead to leakage of information and violate fundamental freedom in direct contravention of the constitution.Article 8 of the Constitution states that information regarding a person’s residence, property, documents, statistics, correspondence, or character, cannot be violated unless otherwise required by law.Former Chief Justice Kalyan Shrestha says the bill increases the chance of misuse of power. "There should be clear provisions about where the right to privacy can be breached with monitoring and where it cannot. And there should also be provisions for legal redress if someone's privacy is breached when the government uses this right," he says.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Gagging the press in installments</a>, Sewa Bhattarai Constitution expert Bipin Adhikari goes further, stressing that the law will endanger the country’s democratic polity itself. "A person at the highest level of government may use these provisions to undermine the system itself," he says, referring to how the former king Gyanendra Shah used Article 123 to take power.There is also precedent set by the former head of the Centre for the Investigation of the Abuse of Authority Lokman Singh Karki, who in 2013 operated a state within a state and regularly tapped the phone calls of 293  critical politicians, security officers, civil society leaders, judges and journalists. When Parliament decided to impeach him in 2016, the phone tapping was prominent in the list of reasons.However, there are some who say the danger to democracy has been blown out of proportion. The former head of the National Investigation Bureau Deviram Sharma says, "This law is not meant to snoop on ordinary citizens' phone conversations. It intends to monitor terrorism, antinational activities,  and the activity of dubious foreigners. A draft of the bill was actually prepared 17 years ago, and it has been tabled with timely amendments."Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-undermining-free-expression-hrw/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Nepal undermining free expression: HRW</a>In fact, the draft bill does state that the law is needed to control ‘spying, armed insurgency, coup, inciting others to violence, aiding foreign countries or organisations, breaching the harmony between people of different classes, races, ethnic groups, religions and communities, secessionism, spreading hate and violence, armed and underground groups, illegal activities on border areas, etc.’But that is precisely what worries rights activists, who say that the definition of whom the state is allowed to spy on is so vague and broad that anyone in authority can use it to snoop on political or business rivals, the media or critics of the government.Government across the world have intelligence agencies that are given powers to spy on their own citizens, but these powers are strictly limited by law. Even so, some democratic states like India, the US and UK have made it  easier for intelligence agencies to spy on their citizens, especially when it comes to terrorism. But even there, there have been widespread complaints of misuse.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/creeping-control-over-the-press-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> Creeping control over the press in Nepal,</a> Ajay Pradhan The government tried to pass a similar law to allow surveillance in the last days of the Panchayat in 1990, citing heightened activity of foreign spy agencies. But the Panchayat system collapsed, and with it the first attempt to allow the government to spy on its citizens.The law was discussed again during the Maoist war, and a draft was even drawn up in 2001, but it was not tabled. Even today, snooping on private citizens is barred by law, but that has not stopped the National Investigations Bureau and others to snoop on calls and messages.Security agencies in Nepal regularly use call/sms data in their investigations, which is actually illegal. Some have even made private information public. After Advocate Baburam Aryal and four others filed a case against the practice in February 2016, then Chief Justice Kalyan Shrestha and judge Devendra Gopal Shrestha had ruled that a person's right to privacy was "entirely private and fundamental" and limited the practice.Read also:<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/ifj-asks-nepal-to-revoke-media-gag/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> IFJ asks Nepal to revoke media gag</a>The verdict stated that since there was no law which allowed security officers to tap phone calls or look at sms, the officers would have to take permission from the District Court before doing so."That is a temporary provision. In the long term, there needs to be balance between individual's right to privacy and the state's need to investigate. A full-fledged law is the permanent solution," says ex-Chief Justice Shrestha.The NIB was previously under the Home Ministry, but in February 2018 it was brought under the purview of the Prime Minister’s Office and Cabinet Secretariat. Although the Bureau’s main duty is to safeguard national security,  the proposed bill expands its area of work to include human trafficking, drug trafficking, illegal wildlife trade. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/a-creeping-coup/" target="_blank" rel="noopener"> A creeping coup,</a> Editorial"The objective of the Bureau is to protect the national interest. Giving it unlimited powers increases chances of misuse, especially since departments under the PMO are not accountable to any other government department," says Hemanta Malla, former DIG of Nepal Police.There is still time for parliamentarians to debate the Bill and change its provisions if required, but the government appears to be intent on using its majority in Parliament to ram it through. Experts say the bill should have provisions for legal redress, and provisions against transfer or sale of information collected. NC MP Radheshyam Adhikari concludes: "The way it is reads now, it lets the government pry into people's lives, intimidate them and threaten to disclose their private details if they don't obey." "The government is pushing through a law that is above the constitution. The law will grant extraordinary powers to the Bureau any time, which are to be used only in emergencies. But there is not enough awareness in civil society about this. Yes, security forces should have powers, but there should also be check and balance. The law should provide for investigation of the Bureau, as government investigation will not be enough." <figure><img width="640" height="516" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a676e9c7e80680e0599d9jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="640" height="514" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151128/636a67719c7e80680e0599dajpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>"The Bill is meant to restrict undue activity from foreigners. For example, then chief secretary of the government Lilamani Pudel made a 9-point code of conduct about officers meeting foreigners. That angered them. Baburam Bhattarai had promised to not transfer any secretaries, but transferred one of them within 18 days of becoming PM. We need to stop this kind of meddling. The current protests against the Bill is instigated by such foreigners."

Spooking Nepalis by snooping on them

In the very first page of the first chapter of Nepal 2043: The Road to Prosperity are two maps. The first places Nepal right at the epicentre of Asia, and in the second the Kathmandu is at exactly the midpoint between Mumbai and Beijing. With his trademark optimism, author Sujeev Shakya says Nepal is not land-locked but land-linked to three billion people in China and India. We just need those two economic engines to pull us in the same direction. ‘With China and India becoming the two largest economies in the world in the next two decades … Nepal is the most valuable piece of real estate in the world,’ Shakya writes. For one thing, Nepal does not look beyond India and China for tourism — with the right policies it can attract millions of tourists just from those two countries. Nepal is set to graduate from a low- to a middle-income country by 2026 and to a high-income country in 2043 — hence the name of the book. The year 2043 in the Bikram Sambat calendar is also 2100 — a new Nepali century. The book delves into the past, present and future of Nepal and analyses enablers including hydropower, a fundamental transformation of which will drive the 2043 goal. The commoditisation of electricity will be the biggest transformation. Nepal can deploy ‘Cyber Gurkhas’ to attract foreign investors with the management of data centres with climate friendly renewable energy. Access to technology such as precision agriculture, a data-driven approach to farming to improve food production, reduce environmental impact and enhance profitability could be Nepal’s strategy into 2043 and beyond. ‘Earlier, we needed ploughs and strong hands in agriculture. Now, you need a computer and strong fingers,” Shakya writes, citing a neighbour’s son who inspects his crops from drone cameras. A farmer in an Ilam teashop tells the author he asks AI questions in Nepali, and it answers promptly. The biggest enabler of all is Nepal’s young demography with 62% of the population in the active 15-60 age bracket, while 28% are younger than 14. Nepal’s dependency ratio has dropped to the lowest in history with 100 Nepalis having to support 62 dependents. But this demographic dividend window is closing. Nepal’s total fertility rate declined from 2.62% in 1981 to 0.92% in 2021 — below replacement level. We have less than 30 years left to make the best use of the youth, many of whom are currently studying and working abroad. Nepal’s biggest resource, therefore, is its diaspora spread across the world who send home $20 billion a year. Migration is not just a necessity but an aspiration for many Nepalis, and they are an important source of contacts, investment and soft power. This young and educated group has taken advantage of connectivity and digitisation in all arenas of national life. TikTok and Instagram have become e-commerce platforms, or mobile app-riven digital services. Nepal’s software companies exported over $1 billion worth of IT products last year. Next we need a change in the bureaucratic mindset to eliminate paper and manual processes, which would also contribute to reducing corruption. Shakya comes up with many revelations: 81% of Nepalis live in houses they own, much higher than most other South Asian countries which means higher disposable income. Nepal has the highest tax-to-GDP ratio in South Asia. The banking sector is twice the size of Bangladesh despite Nepal having just one-fifth of its population. In 2021, 12.62% of the population had demat accounts in Nepal, while India had only 5.32%. For every five male investors, there are four women in Nepal while it is 10:1 in India. With such figures and prospects, how come Nepal just went through a violent uprising that took the shortest time to topple a democratically-elected government in modern history? One early chapter of 2043 is actually dedicated to how Nepalis have always thrived on chaos. When people faced up to 20 hours of power cuts a day, people worked around the load-shedding schedule, woke up at ungodly hours to cook and stock up on inverters. They did not put up a fight, or even protest. ''Generally, Nepalis are used to taking things lying down, and perhaps this also needs to change,' says Shakya, writing that line before last month’s uprising. ‘On the one hand, some of these issues speak volumes about the average Nepali’s patience and perhaps optimism that things will change in the long run. On the other hand, one is also forced to wonder how much longer they will be able to put up with unfavourable conditions if things don’t change.’ It does seem Nepali had enough with corruption, governance failure and political apathy to the concerns of ordinary people. The final chapter lists the non-negotiables to realise the 2043 Nepal Roadmap: democratic values and freedom of speech, a capitalist welfare state and socio-political transformation to tackle corruption and impunity. The book notes, ‘Countries transitioning to democratic rule experienced a 20% increase in GDP over a 25 year period compared to what they would have achieved under authoritarian regimes. After the end of the Shah rule in 2006, Nepal’s GDP rose from US$10 billion to US$44 billion by 2024.’ The government’s Vision 2030 document projects Nepal’s GDP at US$100 billion, and the Vision 2043 estimates that it will be a US$423 billion economy with a per capita of US$12,100. However, it will need more than optimism and practical action to make these projections real. China and India loom large throughout the book with examples of small city states like Singapore which have taken advantage of their strategic location. Despite the tension between India and China, the two will have to collaborate given the inherent advantages. China has replaced the United States as India’s biggest trading partner. Sujeev Shakya is a great admirer of former Singaporean diplomat and author Kishore Mahbubani, and he has written a blurb for the book. He quotes Mahbubani saying that for the past 2,000 years, apart from the last two hundred, Asian countries have dominated the world, and it is quite natural that the world’s economic centre is returning to Asia. And Nepal is strategically placed to make the most of it because of its location between two of the world’s fastest growing economies. We just have to get our politics right, and have a strategy for equitable growth in the new Nepali century.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251016091052_78b2d1495d59cd492a17693e0e770b65230c7cb749393ac6643f4676b73832ef.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251016091052_78b2d1495d59cd492a17693e0e770b65230c7cb749393ac6643f4676b73832ef" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Sujeev Shakya book details NT"></figure>

Retrofitting Nepal for future shocks

In the aftermath of the GenZ protests last month, as new PM Sushila Karki chose the first members of her Council of Ministers, youth collectives urged that it reflect the country’s diversity by including women, youth and people from various ethnic and socio-cultural backgrounds.&nbsp;
It took another couple of weeks for Karki to include &nbsp;bureaucrat and public health expert Sangeeta Mishra as &nbsp;Health Minister in her next tranche of ministers. Almost immediately, people dug up a video of Mishra calling herself “Nepali, but a native Indian”.
She was telling it like it was: Mishra is a naturalised Nepali citizen. But there was outrage in the ultra-nationalistic cybersphere. Mishra’s name was withdrawn from the list of ministers, with government officials citing an ongoing investigation at the CIAA.&nbsp;
With her Cabinet still incomplete a month after taking office, Prime Minister Karki was preparing to induct GenZ as ministers. A leak in the media floated the names, one of which was of Tashi Lhazom, a climate activist and filmmaker from Humla’s Limi Valley.&nbsp;
Almost immediately, social media erupted with discriminatory, xenophobic and misogynistic epithets against her: that she supported a separatist movement, that she was a foreign agent, that her citizenship was disputed, that she did not ‘look’ or ‘speak’ like a Nepali.&nbsp;
Political figures like Gyanendra Shahi, a prominent voice calling for the restoration of a Hindu monarchy, added fuel to the fire by making bigoted and false remarks about her heritage.
The former Commissioner of the National Human Rights Commission, Mohna Ansari, wrote on social media that it was shameful to question Lhazom’s identity: ‘Ms Tashi Lhazom is as Nepali as you are. Our society’s ugliest face and biggest flaw is doubting our own. Real patriotism embraces diversity — fake nationalism must end.’
Ansari, a human rights lawyer and activist, has also often been subject to Islamophobic and derogatory comments on digital platforms. &nbsp;
In response, the Indigenous GenZ Collective released Lhazom’s Nepali citizenship certificate to debunk the mistruths spreading on digital as well as mainstream media.
What makes a Nepali? What does a Nepali look or sound like? Who is a Nepali?
‘Had my name been Tashi Poudel, Thapa, Bhattarai or Ghimire, this would not have happened,’ Lhazom said in an interview with Kantipur following an avalanche of bigotry against her. ‘They questioned me because I do not look Nepali, or speak Nepali like a Khas. Because it is not my mother tongue.’
It is an indictment of Nepali society that indigenous Nepalis have to present proof, at the slightest inconvenience of mostly the dominant groups, of being a citizen of this nation simply because they might not fit into an imagined idea of Nepali nationhood by virtue of physical appearance, speech, geography, or faith.
And while we celebrate the successes of Nepal-born naturalised foreign citizens (some now hold elected office in the US) we refuse to afford the same respect to naturalised Nepali citizens, and those born in Nepal to excluded groups, nor do we expect them to work in the national interest if they are given responsibility to govern. And women are singled out twice as much for scrutiny.
Then cyber Nepal went into a tizzy when videos appeared of a biker’s group clad in black t-shirts emblazoned with the acronym ‘TOB’ which was interpreted to stand for ‘Tibetan Original Blood’ and linked to the Free Tibet movement.
The accusations snowballed into disinformation, xenophobia, and even calls for violence against Nepalis of Tibetan heritage and the Tibetan community in Nepal.&nbsp;
In the aftermath of the September protest, the hope was that politics and the bureaucracy would finally be rid of orthodox political actors. But first, we as a nation need to collectively examine the biases and bigotry that exist in Nepal’s socio-cultural space.&nbsp;
Otherwise, Nepal’s multiculturalism will be limited to just words in the Constitution and political tokenism.
No one who is in government now or in future can be expected to be completely free of subjective opinions, ideology, affiliation to a cause, or prior activism. And such criticism falls disproportionately on activists, advocates, and members from underserved and underrepresented communities.&nbsp;
One cannot be apolitical and hope to participate in politics, and as we move forward to rebuild the system it must not just reflect diverse communities, but also celebrate diversity of thought and beliefs.&nbsp;
Resorting to ethnocentrism, racism and chauvinism with conspiracy theories and discriminatory dog-whistling about fellow citizens is a disservice to Nepali nationhood. It is Nepal’s diversity that makes us strong.&nbsp;
Shristi Karki

What makes a Nepali?

We were used to getting stuck in Kathmandu’s notorious traffic with gas fumes and horns blaring. We are still stuck in traffic, but now it is mostly the quiet hum of EVs, and street-level air is noticeably cleaner. Alongside Norway, Nepal has the highest combustion-to-EV conversion rates in the world. And we are not even a middle-income country yet. How did we get here?&nbsp; For the first time in Nepal’s history, 2025 saw an unprecedented turn of events: two back-to-back auto shows a week apart in August, independent of each other. This was timed for the warm up to the Dasain season. &nbsp;&nbsp; The first auto show 6-11 August was the <a href="https://naimanepal.org/mobility-expo" target="_blank">NAIMA Mobility Expo 2025 </a>by the newly established Nepal Automobile Importers and Manufacturers Association which saw 35 new models, many of them EVs with 50 participating brands like Toyota, BYD, Hyundai, Kia, MG, Mahindra, Omoda &amp; Jaecoo, Proton and Leapmotor.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_d8c03f5141f0086814d866543af4d95310f340a7191363e4705aedda8e4b73d0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025101711108_d8c03f5141f0086814d866543af4d95310f340a7191363e4705aedda8e4b73d0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1770" height="1097" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  The exhibition had a strong focus on two-wheelers aimed at affordable and easy mobility in a town now known for long traffic jams (see report). NAIMA attracted a record 100,000 visitors in six days.&nbsp; The second one was the Nepal Automobile Dealer’s Association Auto Show 2025 (<a href="https://youtu.be/emSd0mUuMjU" target="_blank">NADA</a>) to address the growing demands for cars and two-wheelers. It was a natural expression of new market forces at work, on one hand, and popular taste, on the other — one influencing the other.&nbsp; This year’s NADA Auto Show was its 17th iteration, and carried a hefty legacy: exhibiting a contemporary lineup from manufacturers such as Tata, Suzuki, Xpeng and Nammi, but also classics for vintage car lovers like the 1928 Ford Model A and a rare 1955 Austin Princess Dm4 sedan.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_dda7d264ddb12448cc10d9b1cb699632eee975741fc4c56055e4df904579c34f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2025101711108_dda7d264ddb12448cc10d9b1cb699632eee975741fc4c56055e4df904579c34f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1381" height="848" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  It also showcased the Deepal eVTOL (a 2-seater drone), and a humanoid robot with dog. Curious onlookers at Bhrikuti Mandap thronged the show with footfall crossing 170,000.&nbsp; Earlier this year, I had traveled to attend India's largest auto show, the <a href="https://youtu.be/OgIIvXx6yOM?si=zNmMgklzCJpagTye" target="_blank">Bharat Mobility Global expo</a> in January in New Delhi. It was part of a <a href="https://youtu.be/GT6LBKiJvyg?si=r7YaxahjSAnsIfBY" target="_blank">roadtrip</a> from one capital to another with BYD Nepal on a Dolphin. The journey took three days through Bhairawa and then the Lucknow-Agra Expressway, covering a distance of 1200km one way.&nbsp; The drive through the horrid Narayanghat-Butwal corridor alone was testimony that EVs are no longer fragile and could handle a beating. And while both Nepal's economy pales in comparison to India, it was evident that the private passenger segment is well on its way to electrification. More than 70% of all vehicles sold in Nepal last year were electric. Sales representatives are unanimous: inquiries for EVs are at an all-time high and overshadow demand for ICE (Internal Combustion Engine) vehicles. Besides four-wheelers, a fast-growing proportion of scooters were also electric.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251017111016_e4cd988ca915ddd283a86d48fac332f22f98ff776b3d22391e10156ad56d7a1a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251017111016_e4cd988ca915ddd283a86d48fac332f22f98ff776b3d22391e10156ad56d7a1a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1389" height="863" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal"> </figure>  I have spent the last two years <a href="https://youtu.be/256YQa37Ol8?si=Sv1wQ8EdvgMCiTM_" target="_blank">reviewing</a> many of these EVs. The days of batter-powered cars being small toy cars, with sub-par build quality and the range of golf carts have long gone.&nbsp; Fit and finishing in both Chinese and Indian EVs are comparable to established brand names even in Japanese and European markets. But most significantly for us in Nepal, battery technology and range have made inter-city travel on our highways imaginable. The media sometimes portrays Nepal as a prime testing/dumping ground for EVs due to lack of regulation and the proximity to the world’s largest EV exporter (China) and our tough geographical conditions. That is just a part of the story. What actually stands out is the incredible appetite for risk among Nepali buyers.&nbsp; Since the Covid pandemic charging infrastructure has spread across the country. My early trips between Kathmandu and Pokhara saw the possibility of topping up with just one charging gun at the <a href="https://rsr.com.np/" target="_blank">Riverside Springs Resort in Kurintar</a> – and I would have to wait in line, or the charger simply would not be working.&nbsp; These days, by the time I cross Kurintar from Koteswor in my Kona, I will have passed at least 10 charging stations with multiple guns. &nbsp; On my <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver" target="_blank">YouTube reviews</a>, people from across the globe ask about range and handling EVs on poor road conditions like ours. The occasional skeptics also leave comments like: ‘If this works in the higher altitudes and mountainous roads of Nepal, then it should be a breeze down here in the flats of Australia and/or hills around Auckland!’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251017111016_8b4fbe59884538849be6428eb2ce9249627a8970ed9ef4cd3c792682bf26dbed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20251017111016_8b4fbe59884538849be6428eb2ce9249627a8970ed9ef4cd3c792682bf26dbed" data-rendition-name="original" width="1139" height="787" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal"> </figure>  SATURATION? However, both the NAIMA and NADA auto show also confirmed that we could be hitting a peak EV. From having just one car in one budget segment, there are now multiple alternatives stretching from the entry of below Rs3 million to the premium and high-end Rs 10 million price point.&nbsp; Furthermore, the price wars on EVs that started in China a year ago have also trickled across to Nepal. Models such as the <a href="https://youtu.be/3wFN2I81Tq0?si=T6L4SAfRpoyNNvYC" target="_blank">MG S5</a>, Nammi Vigo, BYD Atto 2 (and 1) and <a href="https://youtu.be/y214kWbWTc4?si=bIevanDZEPQdkEs4" target="_blank">Deepal S05</a> saw aggressive pricing schemes and discounts that disrupted pre-existing quotas. Consumers can suddenly afford a lot more cars, and travel a lot further for a considerably smaller price tag.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_276afec1bdbd37497572939a4eada4bef74c9d075cd5851892c4dd1985edb9c5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="2025101711108_276afec1bdbd37497572939a4eada4bef74c9d075cd5851892c4dd1985edb9c5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1953" height="1107" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  However, booking numbers at both auto shows did not necessarily translate into actual deliveries. The fact remains that almost 80% of registered vehicles in Nepal are still two-wheelers, and GDP per capita stands at just $1500 — among the lowest in the world.&nbsp; This means that early first-adopters are first-time buyers, and the remaining customers in the market are more skeptical and less willing. But there are also those that are unlikely to consider the EV suitable to travel to off-road rural areas. For the average Nepali family, upgrading or purchasing a new car is no small decision. It happens in five years or more with resale values being a big determinant. The EV boom may be reaching saturation.&nbsp; Both NADA and NAIMA shows drove home the message that Nepal’s transport sector is on an electric fast-track, but the road ahead will be bumpy.&nbsp; Soon after the shows, the glacial debris flow on the Bhote Kosi knocked out the Rasuwa-Kerung border with China, and earlier landslides had already blocked the Koradi checkpoint. Manufacturers are now using the less convenient Korala border in Mustang. BYD, Leapmotor and Omoda &amp; Jaecoo have begun rerouting their vehicles to make up for delivery deadlines.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025101711108_62fd70a476656062005959c247b38178d8efabf8570c73929295c0a103ff4013.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="2025101711108_62fd70a476656062005959c247b38178d8efabf8570c73929295c0a103ff4013" data-rendition-name="original" width="1438" height="1031" loading="lazy" alt="Electric cars in Nepal NT"> </figure>  Although the distance from the capital to the Korala border (470km) is four times longer than from Rasuwa (128km) &nbsp;and Tatopani (112km), it is still considered faster and more cost effective than shipping via India using sea routes.&nbsp; And then Nepal was engulfed in turmoil after the youth-led protests of 8-9 September and its aftermath. Many automobile showrooms around Thapathali including Tata, Hyundai and CG were vandalised and torched.&nbsp; Sushila Karki leads a caretaker government till elections are held in March, and the unsettled situation will affect the economy and investment climate as well as the automobile sector. Arnav Upadhyay reviews automobiles and promotes road safety under the handle Casually Annoyed Driver on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver" target="_blank">Youtube</a>, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver" target="_blank">Tiktok</a> and <a href="https://www.instagram.com/casuallyannoyeddriver/" target="_blank">IG</a>, and this monthly column Drive Line in Nepali Times.

Is Nepal reaching peak EV?

Nepali Times: You just climbed Mt Everest without oxygen and then skied down the mountain. How does one even train for something like that?&nbsp; Andrzej Bargiel: What made skiing down Everest possible was all the years of experience I’ve gained in high-altitude mountains. Spending a lot of time in the high mountains helps me read the snow, the conditions, and potential hazards. I need to ski often, especially in steep and exposed terrain, so that it becomes a place where I feel completely at home.&nbsp; I also climb regularly, I am an IFMGA mountain guide. I also run, ride a bike, and work out in the gym. Like in any endurance sport, I have to prepare my body for the demands of an expedition.&nbsp; What motivated you to do Everest? This was actually my third attempt on Everest. After many years of ski mountaineering and racing, I felt it would be great to use that experience to take on a meaningful project in the Himalaya. It’s about exploring what’s really possible, testing my limits, and seeing how far I can go. I was inspired by people like Davo Karničar, Fredrik Ericsson, and Hans Kammerlander, who showed that skiing in the high mountains can truly be done.&nbsp; What do you have to be most careful about when skiing at such high altitude? You really have to manage your energy well, because you need to be ready to spend many hours at very high altitude — even above 8,000 meters. Risk management is essential. You have to read the signals nature gives you and make the right decisions, choosing safe moments to move. The dangers are always there: avalanches, crevasses, extreme fatigue, and exposed terrain, so you have to stay fully aware and focused. Safety comes first, always. You also need to stay open to changing your plans, because in the mountains, things don’t always go the way you expect.&nbsp; Why did you choose autumn and not spring?&nbsp; Autumn is really the only season when you can think about making a full ski descent from the summit all the way to base camp. In the spring there’s much more ice left after winter, and the snow cover is broken. A full descent simply isn’t possible then, because too much rock and ice are exposed. Of course, in spring it’s easier to climb the mountain. The conditions are more stable, the snow is firmer, there’s less avalanche risk, and you don’t have to wade through deep snow. The autumn ascent is very complex and demanding, which is why so few expeditions attempt it. But in autumn, skiing becomes possible. Several meters of fresh snow fall on Everest’s slopes, covering the rocks and ice, and that transforms the mountain into something wild, beautiful, and most importantly skiable. What was your favourite part this time? The moment I remember most fondly was reaching the summit — and that first stretch just below the top, when I clicked into my skis and started moving down through surprisingly nice snow. It felt smooth and natural, a kind of free, easy glide down toward the Hillary Step. I could feel the movement, the flow, and at the same time this awareness that I was skiing from the highest point on Earth. It was just a really good feeling. The Icefall was another special moment. I felt from a skier’s point of view that it really worked. I could make my turns, and the descent itself was fun, technical, but a beautiful one too — full of variety, weaving through ice towers and seracs that looked incredible in the sunlight. It was challenging, but also just pure joy.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251015141012_e9e671e07b089a7d59e4b9ba34df993180ae2dfcae3786113a4d48c515427b3d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251015141012_e9e671e07b089a7d59e4b9ba34df993180ae2dfcae3786113a4d48c515427b3d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1365" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="Andrzej Bargiel NT"> </figure>  And what was most challenging? The hardest moment came on 14 September, during our first summit push attempt. We were breaking trail in deep snow and reached the South Col in the evening. I already knew we wouldn’t be going higher that night, so I decided to stay there, to use the climb to acclimatise.&nbsp; But after that attempt failed, the team completely lost faith that the project could still succeed. Almost everyone started packing up, convinced it was over, nobody thought that the snow would stabilise enough.&nbsp; I skied down from the Col early the next morning in really good conditions, while the rest of the team descended on foot. Rebuilding belief within the team that it could still be done was the toughest part, mentally. It took me several days to bring that energy and motivation back, to make everyone believe again that we could try once more. What was your support crew like?&nbsp; I want to thank the whole team — all team members from Poland, all those who contributed to the project, all the sponsors, and the Seven Summit Treks crew, especially Dawa Sherpa, who had the courage to go to the top with me.&nbsp; In the end, his courage made it possible. Doing it alone would have been almost impossible. With him there, I felt safe, and that made all the difference. What potential for skiing do you see in the Himalaya?&nbsp; Huge. There’s massive potential here both for ski touring and for a more recreational form of skiing. In the Himalaya, there are so many mountains you can ski from, and they don’t have to be eight-thousanders.&nbsp; There is an incredible amount of snow even in the lower valleys during the winter, which makes it a really interesting place for skiing. You can find great powder and enjoy long, wide runs.&nbsp; The key, I think, is to keep developing local guiding structures. There should be more certified guides in Nepal, Sherpas gaining guiding qualifications, and a proper professional rescue service. That would definitely increase the sense of safety for both skiers and tourists coming to the mountains. I’d love to come back to the Himalayas one winter just to ski in those lower parts — in deep snow, on much longer and wider skis – that would be pure pleasure. At those lower altitudes, the fun can be so much greater, with a more relaxed, freeride kind of feeling.

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