Nepal may have defused the population bomb, but its cities and towns are bursting at the seams. Federalism was supposed to improve rural living standards through more accountable governance. Failure to achieve this has accelerated rural outmigration. The 2021 census showed that Nepal’s population declined by 10% in the last decade. The total fertility rate has fallen below the 2.1% replacement level, and that could be a problem in the future. But for now, it is the continuous emptying of mountain districts that is assuming crisis proportions. None of the three levels of government seem to have internalised the gravity of this situation, let alone devised a strategy to reverse the trend. Most internal migration is to the Tarai, which already has 54% of Nepal’s population. Another 21% lives just in Bagmati Province which includes Kathmandu Valley. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301040316_c0efbe7eef4538830300b6aca776239a92c54c16fcb81cb28ac5f17380dadfff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240301040316_c0efbe7eef4538830300b6aca776239a92c54c16fcb81cb28ac5f17380dadfff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1937" height="1140" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis are voting with their feet NT"></figure>  One-third of Nepal’s population is in rural municipalities, and two-thirds is in urban centres. Three-fourths of Nepalis live in just four of the seven provinces: Kosi, Bagmati, Madhes and Lumbini. The trend is even more alarming if we look at the data at district and rural municipality levels. Nearly all hill and mountain districts have seen sharp population declines. Some towns have not just added population from the hinterland, but also sucked up its resources. Municipalities have not been able to keep up with demand for jobs, quality education, affordable healthcare, or water supply. After the first federal elections to local governments in 2017, there was finally hope that local candidates would be held more accountable because of their proximity to the electorate. The campaign slogan of ‘Singha Darbar in every village’ raised hopes that democracy would finally deliver genuine local development. Some city dwellers even returned to their ancestral villages. But hopes were soon dashed because grassroots governments once again failed to deliver. Feeling let down once more, people moved from villages to cities, from the mountains to the plains, and from there many continued abroad. Migration patterns have changed. It is not just young males who are leaving for the cities, entire families are. Houses are padlocked, villages are empty, fields are fallow. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-depopulating-mountains">Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains</a>, Gopal Dahal <div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/16960977/embed" title="Interactive or visual content" class="flourish-embed-iframe" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" style="width:100%;height:600px;" sandbox="allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation"></iframe><div style="width:100%!;margin-top:4px!important;text-align:right!important;"><a class="flourish-credit" href="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/16960977/?utm_source=embed&amp;utm_campaign=visualisation/16960977" target="_top" style="text-decoration:none!important"><img alt="Made with Flourish" src="https://public.flourish.studio/resources/made_with_flourish.svg" style="width:105px!important;height:16px!important;border:none!important;margin:0!important;"></a></div></div> Elected representatives in fancy new municipality offices have not responded appropriately to the enormity of the demographic change taking place. There have been two elections after the new Constitution in 2017 and 2022, meanwhile internal migration into Kathmandu has increased. More than half the population of Kathmandu Valley was not born there. There is urban-to-urban migration as people move from cities like Biratnagar, Birganj, Bharatpur to Kathmandu. Five of the municipalities with the highest population growth: Kageswari Manohara, Karkeswar, Nagarjun, Mahalaxmi, and Suryabinayak are all in Kathmandu Valley. Census data shows where the people have left. Five towns in Gandaki and Sudur Paschim Province have had the most dramatic population declines. Sanfebagar Muncipality in Accham had an annual population decline of 2.55% between 2011-2021. Jamini in Baglung, Galyang in Syangja, and Phalebas in Syangja all lost nearly 2% of their population every year (see map). Urbanisation is driven by aspiration. People move to where there are opportunities and a better quality of life. The mass movement happening now in Nepal is because local governments have not created good conditions in rural areas. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-last-men-standing">The last men standing</a>, Daman Rai  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301040320_63c86e52713ce1684b733409a9768dffd301489f561f267ba4a2968102138c21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240301040320_63c86e52713ce1684b733409a9768dffd301489f561f267ba4a2968102138c21" data-rendition-name="original" width="423" height="185" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis are voting with their feet NT"></figure>  There is another change sweeping villages in Taplejung and Sankhuwasabha. Although their populations have decreased, the number of households has increased. This indicates a trend in rural areas to live in nuclear families instead of joint ones. The last census showed that of the 430 rural municipalities in Nepal, 250 had negative growth. In contrast, of the 293 urban centres, 224 saw population increases. Gandaki Province has the highest rate of outmigration, with 83% of rural municipalities decreasing in population. Only 3% in Madhes Province saw decreases. More than half of rural municipalities seeing population decline can only mean one thing – Nepalis are voting with their feet. Even though political power was theoretically devolved to municipalities and provinces, they were not allocated sufficient resources, and federal entities in Kathmandu still call the shots. Biratnagar, Janakpur, Hetauda, Pokhara, Surkhet and Dhangadi were chosen as provincial capitals, and all have seen a surge in population in the past six years. Perhaps what was needed was not just decentralisation away from Kathmandu, but locating provincial capitals in rural areas to boost job creation, trade and political opportunity. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki

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Nepalis are voting with their feet

Mustang district has always adapted to socio-cultural and trade influences from the south and north, but this trend has accelerated bringing drastic change to the lives and livelihoods of this region north of the Himalaya.&nbsp; When I first visited <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/mustang-safe-for-trekking-post-quake,2416">Mustang </a>in 1992, we had to walk for a week from Pokhara just to get to Muktinath. Today, this shrine is an 8 hour jeep drive from Pokhara. Nearly all villages in the district are now connected to dirt roads. Horses and mules are still seen, now mainly used to haul goods between villages, or to carry manure to farms.&nbsp; Horse race at this year’s Yartung Festival is a symbolic display of the animal in this rugged and arid region, but it is now more of a tourist attraction displaying a way of life that is on the verge of extinction.&nbsp; In the dining hall of a lodge in Kagbeni, a middle aged woman was threading wool to weave jumpers for her grandchildren. I had stayed in the same lodge 10 years earlier. This time, the woman told me that her children had moved to Kathmandu and overseas, and she has rented the hotel to a businessman from Dhading. Many other lodge-owners here have done the same.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023041505040_567ff49e881d5587ed0c21e30b66acd43c4c4fe0503ab5cfeba96026a0c301c9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2023041505040_567ff49e881d5587ed0c21e30b66acd43c4c4fe0503ab5cfeba96026a0c301c9" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 3"> <figcaption>People from Rukum, Rolpa and Dolpa districts have moved here instead.(Photo: Jagannath Adhikari)</figcaption> </figure>  The pace of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-migration-is-already-happening">outmigration</a> from Mustang has accelerated, as locals move out for better education and jobs. The original Thakali, Loba and Gurung families still own property here, but they hire people from Dolpo, Dhading, Gorkha, Prabat, Maygdi, Rukum and Rolpa to take care of their businesses and farms.&nbsp; In Mustang, highlanders are coming down and lowlanders are moving up. In some cases, down-valley families are simply asked to stay and look after property without paying rent. Some elders still remain, but with the young men and women away, there is a demand for outside caretakers.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mixed-blessings-in-mustang">Mixed blessings in Mustang</a>, Mukesh Pokhrel Many of the shops in Jomsom are run by outsiders who have rented the space from the Mustangi. Most jeep drivers are from outside, even though absentee locals own the vehicles. It is in fact difficult to tell a local from an outsider since the migrants have developed good social connections. On this visit, a lodge-owner in Muktinath said he had hired a young manager from Dailekh to look after his place.&nbsp; This could be the reason why despite depopulation of most mountain districts in Nepal, the 2021 census actually recorded an increase in Mustang. In 2001, Mustang’s population was 14,981, it declined to 13,452 in 2011, and bounced back to 14,596 in 2021.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023041505040_96e49bbed1f44f698fc2a0a45ac2a7c43a6082ce13bbcc350002153112dcb561.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2023041505040_96e49bbed1f44f698fc2a0a45ac2a7c43a6082ce13bbcc350002153112dcb561" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 4"> <figcaption>There used to be 32 households in Chusang village but there are only a handful now.(Photo: Jagannath Adhikari)</figcaption> </figure>  The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">2021 census </a>also showed that 5,907 people (41% of Mustang’s population) were recent migrants, mostly from outside. Another 1,207 Mustang people live overseas -- two-thirds of them in Europe and North America.&nbsp; Along the traditional trekking route from Lete to Muktinath and Lo Manthang, nearly every house has one or two family members working or living in the US, Japan, France, UK, and Australia. Unlike other parts of Nepal, very few are in the Gulf or Malaysia.&nbsp; Most schools in the district have mainly students from migrant families, and the enrollment has shrunk to as low as 4-12 per primary school. This is why the government is trying to merge schools. A few private medium schools in places like Jomsom have children of local families, but most others have sent theirs to Pokhara or Kathmandu. A prominent politician running a hotel here says that the economy could get a boost if people returned and invested in Mustang. But that is not likely to happen, since most moved out at an early age. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230415040456_93d5b98f9016fee28d6ea494fa287281ccbed23e53b4f73f214e8b3e139b7a33.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230415040456_93d5b98f9016fee28d6ea494fa287281ccbed23e53b4f73f214e8b3e139b7a33" data-rendition-name="original" width="768" height="1024" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 2"> </figure>  At this pace of in and out migration, a demographic shift in the district’s ethnic composition may force a redefinition of who a Mustangi is. But migration is not a new phenomenon, in fact even the current inhabitants of Mustang once moved in from Jumla and Tibet.&nbsp; Mustang has a potential to become a trading hub for Chinese commodities, with the upgrading of the road to the border at Korala. Shops in places like Lo Manthang sell mainly goods from north of the border, and the customers are mainly Nepali visitors.&nbsp; Trading opportunities have helped generate income and employment. Mustang’s new ethnic heterogeneity is also enhancing social and cultural capital, and entrepreneurship. But there are also questions as to who is actually benefiting from these changes. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-migration-is-already-happening">Climate migration is already happenning</a> Mustangis are well known as a resilient people well able to adapt to changes. Some of them who moved out when salt trade with Tibet declined in the late 1950s, sought other economic opportunities elsewhere.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023041505044_af7b8f36cdef810b782936589610df1f11bb47f1ffbe724f141ca5c0a7facb7e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="2023041505044_af7b8f36cdef810b782936589610df1f11bb47f1ffbe724f141ca5c0a7facb7e" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 5"> </figure>  That trend continues to the present day. They are moving out in search of prosperity while still holding onto property back home, hoping one day to return when things are right.&nbsp; Jagannath Adhikari is an independent researcher on socio-economic and environmental issues, and occasionally teaches in Nepal and overseas. He has authored several books and research articles on these issues.

Winds of change sweep Mustang

Until some years ago, this village in Halesi of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-local-governments-lead-from-the-front">Khotang</a> used to be a bustling hamlet of 16 households nestled amidst terraced fields. Today, it is a ghost village. The thatched-roof houses are dilapidated, their walls have caved in and there are bushes and grass growing out of the ruins. There used to be 18 families in Purano Gaun, only a handful of people remain. Dharma Raj Karki is the only one whose entire family is still in the village. Navaraj Regmi’s family has already moved to Biratnagar, but he has had to stay back in the village to teach at the local school. Mahesh Regmi’s family has settled in Kathmandu.&nbsp; Only Kamal Raj Regmi of the Nepali Congress is home in the next village of Kathare-Siruvani, forced to stay behind because he was <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/lower-than-usual-turnout-in-nepal-polls">elected</a> ward chair last year.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-depopulating-mountains">Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains</a>, Gopal Dahal  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230411100412_42fcba6d6961b501f657a23807a62dea44f55d10168603512ba27f927fe7189e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230411100412_42fcba6d6961b501f657a23807a62dea44f55d10168603512ba27f927fe7189e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Khotang NT 2"> </figure>  As elsewhere in the mid-mountains of Nepal, the outmigration is that subsistence farmers are impacted by climate change, springs are going dry, life is easier in the Tarai. In addition, last year’s wildfires in Khotang affected many of the families.&nbsp; Not everyone who has migrated has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/migrating-for-domestic-work">relocated</a> to the plains, some have just moved down the mountain to the fertile banks of a river in Regmitar along the Gaighat-Diktel road hoping that business will pick up. “In the past, people used to have to travel for days to buy salt and rice, and sell ghee,” says Hari Budhathoki of Regmitar, but most of the families have moved on down to the next big town of Gaighat in Udaypur district, or to Biratnagar. Many people from eastern Nepal have followed the footsteps of their forebears to move even further afield to Nepali-speaking regions in Northeast India or Sikkim. This is the traditional recruitment region for young Nepalis wishing to join the Brisih, Indian or Nepali militaries.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230411100412_194e579f9c1218cab0261bfe87ca1d6ce496e16706915f39efdf10319f9ce32b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230411100412_194e579f9c1218cab0261bfe87ca1d6ce496e16706915f39efdf10319f9ce32b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Khotang NT 3"> </figure>  Khotang is one of the 32 of Nepal’s 77 districts which have witnessed a sharp decline in population. Most of those districts are in eastern Nepal, with adjoining Bhojpur and Tehrathum witnesses the sharpest declines.&nbsp; But even among Nepal’s eastern districts, Khotang has been hit especially hard – its population fell from 206,321 in 2011 to 175,340 in 2021. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/counting-on-nepal">annual population growth rate</a> is -1.56%, the second-lowest out of all of Nepal’s districts. The village of Bahungaun is completely deserted–its 40 houses abandoned. In Gairikhola, only Judda Bahadur Karki's family remains, while two more families remain in Karkigaun. It is the same story in Tallobadka, Kahule, Okkharbote, Tallosanne, Thumki, Patihattel, Belbote and Simpani – village after villages with just a few elderly men or women. &nbsp; This does not surprise ward chair Anish Karki of Halesi Tuwachung-11, since there have been no incentives for locals to stay. There is no help in finding market for the area’s produce, harvests are destroyed by wild animals, and water supply is erratic. Schools and health posts are not properly run, and there are no jobs.&nbsp; Says Budathoki: “Having a vegetable patch or livestock is no longer a measure of wellbeing. Today, a family’s worth is determined by whether it owns own land in the Tarai.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal's demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki Translated by Shristi Karki from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/135225">Nepali original</a> in <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/135225">himalkhabar.com</a>

The last men standing

The farming household of Gopal and Rupa Pariyar is the only one still left in the sloping village of Chaubise Rural Municipality here in eastern Nepal. After their children go off to school, the couple is alone all day at home. All their neighbours have moved out. They have to walk for an hour to bring water from the nearest spring. Till 10 years ago, there used to be 20 households in this village. They all left one after another for the Tarai, where life is easier. Their terraced farms have turned into jungle, and the monkeys now regularly destroy crops. “We are all alone now, and have to do everything ourselves, there is no one to ask for help when we need it,” says Gopal. “It used to be lively here, neighbours came together for festivals, and to help out with harvest.” Up the mountain in Thulagaon like many others in Chaubise, only four of the 22 families that lived there are left. The mud brick homes are crumbling, the roofs of many of them have caved in, the front yards are covered in shrubs. The rate of out migration is also accelerating: last year alone 561 residents from 185 households got migration certificates from the municipality. The real figure was probably more, many have not even bothered to get papers.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit “No matter what we do to keep people here, they just want to leave, it is becoming a national problem,” says municipality deputy chair Tankamaya Pangmi Magar.&nbsp; She adds, “We keep talking about rural development, but there is no one left to develop here. It hurts to see them abandon their ancestral land like this.” Dhankuta Bazar was the administrative centre of eastern Nepal since the Rana days. Even till recently there would be crowds of people at government offices here. Now, even the residents of the town have moved out. The shops are closed because no one is shopping. Traders have also moved down to the Tarai. Sabitra Rai is the District Coordination Committee head. She says, “We have tried to think of strategies to stop this trend. But have not been able to stop people who seek an easier, more convenient, life in the plains.”&nbsp; Out migration is not just a problem in eastern Nepal, it is happening right across the mid-mountains, and the depopulation is seen in the 2021 census results that were released this week.&nbsp; Here in the east, outmigration in Tehrathum district is even more severe than in Dhankuta. Even in the Myanglung bazar area, fields are fallow, shops are closed because there are not enough customers. Land value has dropped, there is no one buying property. Tehrathum district had a population of 113,111 in the 2001 census, it had dropped to 101,577 in 2011, and in the latest census it is only 89,125. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal's demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230331200340_4e1dced2e0333be915baad939811a575e73ca3233677b38d3904af33e84b28a2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230331200340_4e1dced2e0333be915baad939811a575e73ca3233677b38d3904af33e84b28a2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GOPAL DAHAL</figcaption> </figure>  According to the 2021 census results, 32 of Nepal’s 77 districts have witnessed a sharp decline in population — all of them in the mountains. Of these are all nine districts of Kosi Province, with Khotang, Bhojpur and Tehrathum showing the sharpest declines.&nbsp; Of the 75 municipalities in 14 districts in Kosi Province, only those in Morang, Sunsari and Jhapa have seen population increases. While outmigration is the main factor, birth rate and death rates have also declined.&nbsp; The 2015 Tehrathum District Profile noted that the push factors for outmigration was better health care, education, employment. Social scientist Suresh Dhakal says that although there is no one reason for people moving out, the main one is the search for a more convenient lifestyle.&nbsp; In eastern Nepal, this is not a new phenomenon. It started in the last century with the migration of people to Assam, Sikkim and Bhutan for better opportunities. Recruitment into the British Army and the pension office in Dharan meant that most military families bought land and settled there. Gurkha remittances have allowed the families to buy property, and resulted in the sustained real estate boom in the Dharan-Itahari-Damak corridor in the Tarai. Most people living here are from Khotang, Bhojpur, Tehrathum and Taplejung in the mountains to the north. This trend accelerated during the 1996-2006 Maoist conflict when villagers moved out to flee the violence. Many young men in the mountains are now not just moving down to the Tarai, but to Kathmandu and then for overseas employment.&nbsp; Bhojpur MP from the Maoist party, Sudan Kirati, who is now Minister for Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, had warned three years ago that the outmigration trend was accelerating for better education, health and water supply. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/counting-on-nepal">Counting on Nepal</a>, Editorial Destruction of crops by wildlife and springs going dry due to the climate crisis are also cited as other factors driving people out. Other factors are ethnic and caste discrimination, says journalist Khilanath BK who has himself moved from his home in Bhojpur to Dharan. He says, “Discrimination is more rife in the villages than in the cities.” Then there is the poor condition of the roads, which are impassable in the monsoon and farmers cannot take their produce to market, the sick cannot go to hospital, and good teachers and doctors do not want to stick around in the villages. Poorer farmers cannot cope with the wildlife, and the richer ones move away in search of better opportunities in the cities. “We only have the children and elderly left in the villages here,” says Arjun Mabuhang of Laliguras Municipality. “People are voting with their feet.” Many see increased out-migration as a failure of the 2105 Constitution in guaranteeing balanced development through political devolution to local government through federalism. The political parties had made grandiose promises to “take Single Darbar to every village” but rural development took a back seat.&nbsp; “The world over, the reasons for migration are economic and social security,” explains economist Bigyanbabu Regmi. “Local governments are spending their budgets on non-productive sectors even after federalism, and the rural economy has not improved.”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">No country for young men</a>, Priti Thapa  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230331200340_68d9bf1e7b4a5da8ae06dc2329a8503c642996df591ee01d5e00971f051d122a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230331200340_68d9bf1e7b4a5da8ae06dc2329a8503c642996df591ee01d5e00971f051d122a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains NT"> <figcaption>Gopi Krishna Bhadari of Chaubise has seen his neighbours leave, but has invested in a goat farm. Photo courtesy: BHANDARI FAMILY</figcaption> </figure>  Lack of quality health care and education are other reasons families are moving away. Pregnant women with complications die waiting for an ambulance.&nbsp; Most people from the mountains of eastern Nepal land up in the Tarai districts, where the population growth rate of 1.9% in Sunsari, for example, is higher than even Kathmandu’s 1.4% per year. Population density in Kathmandu is highest (5,108 / sq km) but Sunsari (743 / sq km) is the district with the fifth highest population density in Nepal. Sunsari district’s population of 63,487 in 2001 had swelled to 934,461 in 2021. Most of these people are concentrated in sun sari’s cities like Dharan, Itahari. It is the same story in the urban centres of Morang and Jhapa. The latest figures from the National Statistics Division shows that more than a third of Nepalis are now living in a place away from where they were born. Nepal’s overall population growth is now down to 0.93% per year, but the mountain areas have near negative growth, while the Tarai has 1.56% growth. Most of the undocumented settlers along river banks in the Tarai to crush stones, and in squatter areas of cities have moved down from the mountains. Some are flood and landslide victims who have been promised safer places to live. Meanwhile, the government finds it more beneficial to declare even roadless rural areas municipalities without doing much to ensure services and facilities. It is such gerrymandering that has allowed the government to show that 66% of Nepalis live in ‘urban centres’. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki&nbsp; Infrastructure investment is also concentrated in connecting Tarai cities rather than upgrading connectivity in the mountains. Four mountain rural municipalities in Kosi Province still do not have roads. Desperate to reverse the trend, some rural municipalities like Chhathar in Dhankuta have announced that they will gift a cow and Rs 100,000 to each family who returns. In Chaubise, the municipality is trying to convince families to stay by bringing water supply to them. Dhankuta is trying to spread vocational education classrooms in each municipality.&nbsp; Says Chhathar municipality chair Santabir Gurung: “It is possible to bring people back and hold those who are here. We just have to understand what is driving them out. We need help in education, health, and in job creation from the federal government.” Indeed, there have been many who have refused to leave the clean air and better quality of life in mountain farms.&nbsp; Laliguras municipality chair Mabuhang says establishing quality hospitals and schools would reduce outmigration. He adds, “Now it is not a gap between rich and poor, it is between urban and rural. Even the rich are moving out of villages because of the lack of services. We need to incentivise people to stay put.” Indeed, educated young men are moving away from farming, and attracting them back with cash crops, irrigation and agriculture extension would reverse the trend.&nbsp; The provincial government and elected rural leaders all seem to know what the problems are, and the solutions. It is in the implementation and prioritising resources that there seems to be a problem.&nbsp; Says Kosi Province Chief Minister Hikmat Karki: “We are worried about the outmigration trend from the mountains to the Tarai. We plan to coordinate with the federal government, and invest in rural education and health, infrastructure development.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-migration-is-already-happening">Climate migration is already happening</a> Translated from a Centre for Investigative Journalism report in the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/134960">March-April edition of Himal Khabar.</a>

Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains

The densely packed houses cling to a steep mountainside in scenic Sikles village below the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-other-abc-trek">Annapurnas</a>. The doors of many of the homes are padlocked, some have wads of electricity bills shoved into them. The barren terrace farms below the town now have uttis forests growing in them. The Sikles health post ambulance is permanently stationed in Pokhara, since most of the residents have moved down to the city. The student body of the secondary school in nearby Taprang has shrunk by half. Yet, a new highway will soon make it possible to shorten the three-day trek from Pokhara to Sikles to a one-hour jeep ride. Some of the traditional stone-and-tile Gurung homes are being demolished to build multi-story concrete structures in anticipation of a tourism boom.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal's demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023033021030_15d745dd840441a987ba3f8bf35af930cb6c85de99c87a83c7ab77896d2d6e97.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2023033021030_15d745dd840441a987ba3f8bf35af930cb6c85de99c87a83c7ab77896d2d6e97" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="2268" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 1"> </figure>  A new cable car is planned to nearby Kori Peak at 3,800m which commands a sweeping panorama of Lamjung and Annapurna Himals. “What you see here is the government bringing development to villages, but villagers have moved to cities, and the cities have become unliveable,” laments Buddhi Bahadur Gurung, 70, who is collecting buffalo dung from the trail to turn into fertiliser for his maize field. Most of his family is in Kathmandu, Pokhara or London. The village of Sikles was made famous because it was in the office of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/municipalities-want-to-manage-annapurna">Annapurna Conservation Area</a> (ACA) that Maoist leaders Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai in April 2016 negotiated the ceasefire before being flown to Kathmandu to form an interim government. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230330210312_fe3875d6834a7ee852474a81cc0572e178cad58bfbb33cfe7bffbfeb046cb4cb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230330210312_fe3875d6834a7ee852474a81cc0572e178cad58bfbb33cfe7bffbfeb046cb4cb" data-rendition-name="original" width="2268" height="4032" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 4"> <figcaption>Water buffalo grazing below Annapurna 2 at the point where the proposed Kori Peak cable car will have its terminal.</figcaption> </figure>  Sikles is also the birthplace of Chandra Gurung, who was inspired by shared decision-making and collective participation of his people to design Nepal’s innovative approach to community-led conservation of nature. The ‘Conservation Area’ model has since been replicated in Gauri Shankar, Api Nampa, Manaslu. And it was just after the inauguration of the Kangchenjunga Conservation Area in September 2006 that Chandra Gurung, along with other top Nepali environmentalists, was among the 24 people killed in a helicopter crash. “Everything you see here is because of Chandra, these mountains used to be denuded.” says Purna Gurung, who has retired after working for ACA for 30 years. “But look at Sikles now. Still, what is the use if no one is going to live here?” Even Chandra Gurung’s own house is locked up, and only his elder brother lives there. In stark contrast, another cement-plastered house with iron rods poking out of concrete beams is coming up down the hill.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">No country for young men</a>, Priti Thapa  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023033021038_98227ff8-b691-4696-a95d-13c56ac19249.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2023033021038_98227ff8-b691-4696-a95d-13c56ac19249" data-rendition-name="original" width="3024" height="4032" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 2"> </figure>  “Dr Chandra would not have approved of this new construction,” says resident Bal Bahadur Gurung, shaking his head. “Now it is up to us to carry on his work.” The Kori Peak cable car project has also divided the Sikles community. Some lodge owners in town welcome it, hoping it will boost the local economy and help slow outmigration by creating jobs. Others say it will irreparably damage the wilderness, which is the region’s biggest draw. After <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/survive-revive-thrive">international tourism collapsed during the pandemic</a>, it was mostly Nepalis trekking to Kapuche Lake that brought some income here. The lake itself is an indicator of the climate crisis and is fed by melted ice from more-frequent avalanches from Annapurna II, and at 2,437m is the lowest glacial lake in Nepal. Ward 1 chair Devi Jang Gurung, who was elected last year and is a former radio journalist, is not a fan of the cable car project because, he says, it will just bring visitors on day trips from Pokhara after the road is finished. &nbsp; “Sikles will not benefit at all, tourists will not stay here. In fact, Nepalis going to Kapuche spend much more money because they buy local food and spend nights in homestays,” adds Devi Jung Gurung, who believes that, if properly managed, trekking tourism can reverse the out-migration trend. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/visit-nepal-again/"> Visit Nepal Again</a>, Ashish Dakal  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230330210312_e17a32350e9c36388a77fe621ee178e7e5b3a12173971042ef12b616b485f966.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20230330210312_e17a32350e9c36388a77fe621ee178e7e5b3a12173971042ef12b616b485f966" data-rendition-name="original" width="2268" height="4032" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 3"> <figcaption>The traditional architecture of scenic Sikles amidst a backdrop of Lamjung Himal is changing with new concrete structures.</figcaption> </figure>  Schools in Sikles and Taprang that have seen a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/half-of-nepal-s-girls-may-drop-out-of-school">drop in enrollment</a> are also trying to make 10+2 classes more relevant and useful, so school education does not drive young people away. One idea is to have 9+3 classes with a focus on vocational training in subjects like tourism, disaster preparedness, heritage and environment preservation. The Kori Peak cable car project was being initiated by the same group that operates Chandragiri in Kathmandu Valley, but has been stopped after an interim order from the Supreme Court in response to a public interest litigation arguing that it was being pushed without a proper Environmental Impact Assessment. Also from Sikles is environmentalist Hum Gurung, formerly with the National Trust for Nature Conservation (NTNC) and now Asia Partnership Manager at the Singapore-based BirdLife International Asia. He is worried about unregulated construction that is eroding the traditional architecture of Sikles town and its main attraction besides mountains. “The road has already arrived in Sikles with all its consequences,” he says. “But with new infrastructure like the cable car we have to make sure it has minimum impact and improves livelihoods, creates jobs and slows out-migration. Ultimately it is about balancing economy and ecology.” &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/knowing-our-mountains">Knowing our mountains</a>, Editorial <h2>Sikles Peak</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023033021038_3e87cc1cdaaaf14dc492ea28e852589f7fae7ee524f436a0c97192241d1d134a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="2023033021038_3e87cc1cdaaaf14dc492ea28e852589f7fae7ee524f436a0c97192241d1d134a" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Peak NT"> </figure>  The imposing pointed peak stands out when viewed from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-man-from-sikles">Sikles</a> because of its dramatic summit pyramid. This is why most people coming here mistake it for Mt Machapuchre.&nbsp; But this peak is just a spur of Annapurna 4, and is only 5,900m, compared to 6,990m of Machapuchre, which is not visible from here. Since so many people take selfies saying it is Machapuchre, Sikles native Hum Gurung has decided to christen the mountain Sikles Peak. This is a sensitive topic here because Lamjung Himal which looms over the town bears the name of the adjoining district even though it is now in Kaski after a change in the border.&nbsp; Says Hum Gurung: “Since we cannot change the name of Lamjung Himal, we can at least call this one Sikles Peak.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/himal-pahad-tarai">Himal-Pahad-Tarai</a>

Letter from Sikles

Nepal won the first two matches, clinching the T20 series in the UAE, making history: this is the country’s first ever win, and series win, against a Test-playing country.&nbsp; On Tuesday night, Nepal lost the last game by 10 wickets. The West Indies easily met Nepal’s 122 runs in 19.5 overs. Despite that, Nepal had beaten the two-time T20 World Champions which is currently number 6 in T20 rankings. It is important to note that the West Indies are fielding a significantly weaker and younger team than they could. Caribbean heavy hitters Nicholas Pooran, Andre Russell and Shimron Hetmyer are currently resting or playing in domestic leagues. But that does not take away from the fact that, after two narrow misses against South Africa and Bangladesh at the 2024 T20 World Cup, Nepal has now beaten a Test-Playing nation, and done so convincingly.&nbsp; Nepal won the first match of the series on 27 September by 19 runs. Batting first after winning the toss, Nepal put up 148 for 8 after losing openers Kushal Bhurtel and Aasif Sheikh early.&nbsp; Rohit Paudel’s 38 and Kushal Malla’s 30 steadied the innings, and 148 was a reasonable target to defend on the tricky Sharjah pitch. The young Windies dropped a series of catches.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251001031052_5f24273f6da2f52f6414b7ecc485938a4c726431bfa7c2ba435bded3debe9f5a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251001031052_5f24273f6da2f52f6414b7ecc485938a4c726431bfa7c2ba435bded3debe9f5a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal defeats West Indies NT 1"> </figure>  Nepal’s fielding, in contrast, was excellent as it held the West Indies to 129 for 8. Dipendra Singh Airee and Kushal Bhurtel both had run outs, and the team held on to tricky catches throughout.&nbsp; The last ball of the match, with it already won, saw Bhurtel catch Fabian Allen off of Airee’s bowling, throw the ball in the air before stepping outside the boundary, before jumping back in to complete the catch legally.&nbsp; Head coach Stuart Law, former Australian Cricketer, was pleased with the performance. “We deserved it, we played a really good game of cricket. I thought our fielding in the first 15-17 overs was outstanding,” he said, predicting, “the West Indies will be hurt, they’re a proud nation. They’ll come out red-hot on Monday, so we got to be better than tonight.”&nbsp; Bhurtel was ecstatic at having beaten the two-time T20 World Champions. He pointed to the team’s versatility as a big strength. “We have a lot of players who can both bat and bowl. Gulsan (Jha) and Kushal Malla did not bowl at all, and Lalit (Rajbhansi) did not bowl out all of his overs.” And the team still used seven bowlers.&nbsp; If the first match was a surprise, then the second match was a shock. Nepal put up 173 for 6, with Aasif Sheikh hitting 68 not out and Sundeep Jora 63, the two putting up a hundred run fourth wicket partnership.&nbsp; They then bowled out the West Indies for a humiliating 83, with Mohammad Aadil Alam taking 4 for 24 and Kushal Bhurtel 3 for 16.&nbsp; There was more excellence in the field, with the Nepali team taking seven catches, many of them very tricky ones right on the edge of the ropes. This second win sealed the series victory, also a first for Nepali cricket. The margin of victory and the team’s overall dominance were both very obvious.&nbsp; Nepalis in the UAE showed up at the Sharjah Stadium in full support for the Rhinos, wearing jerseys, flags, and dhaka topis, raucously cheering on the team’s performance.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251001031052_217ceb7078e9c253f8db6fec57911eb8e56822e3fc20d520d39e06f475fd6d65.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251001031052_217ceb7078e9c253f8db6fec57911eb8e56822e3fc20d520d39e06f475fd6d65" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="960" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal defeats West Indies NT 1"> </figure>  Fresh on their minds must have been recent protests back home. The Cricket Association of Nepal dedicated the series to those who lost their lives. Captain Rohit Paudel also dedicated his man of the match award from the first T20 to the 74 people killed last month in Nepal.&nbsp; “Since last one month has not been that great for us, so slowly we are getting better. It is great to give a little happiness to the people of Nepal,” said Paudel.&nbsp; Leg-spinner Sandeep Lamichhane was notably absent from both matches, having excused himself from the squad for personal reasons.&nbsp; “It is what it is,” said coach Law. “we are a very competitive team and someone has to stand up in his place.”&nbsp; The wins also open the possibilities for further series, with countries such as Bangladesh, Pakistan or Zimbabwe.&nbsp; CHASING TESTS  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251001031048_70fed823c34d91dfefc078cb5786c2ea04ad70387fbf09424a5304b926cc3e3c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251001031048_70fed823c34d91dfefc078cb5786c2ea04ad70387fbf09424a5304b926cc3e3c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="995" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal defeats West Indies"> </figure>  In international cricket, a ‘Test-playing nation’ is a country that is authorised to play Test Matches by the central governing body, the International Cricket Council (ICC). Test Matches are the longest format of the sport, lasting up to five days, and are the most prestigious.&nbsp; Currently, this exclusive group is made up of Australia, Bangladesh, England, India, Ireland, New Zealand, Pakistan, South Africa, Sri Lanka, West Indies, Zimbabwe, and Afghanistan.&nbsp; Nepal has a ways to go. To become a Test-playing nation, it must first become a full member of the ICC. To do this, they must consistently qualify for ODI and T20 world cups over eight years, and have at least two ICC-accredited venues for hosting matches — currently only the Tribhuvan University Cricket Ground qualifies.&nbsp; Nepal must also have significant youth development infrastructure, a good domestic setup, and a recognised governing body that is financially stable and not corrupt.&nbsp; With the current development of stadiums across Nepal and innovations such as the Nepal Premier League, and performances such as these, Nepal seems firmly on the way.&nbsp;

2-1 for Nepal against The Windies

Nepal is still reeling from the short but violent GenZ moment, and the reverberations are being felt around the world.&nbsp;
As news from the killings and rampage from Nepal on 8-9 September spread through the wire services and social media, in the Philippines, East Timor and even faraway Peru, banners on the streets last week referred to ‘learning lessons from Nepal’. In Ladakh last week, <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/25/bloodiest-day-how-gen-z-protest-wave-hit-indias-ladakh-killing-four">protesters set fire to the ruling BJP party office</a> and four people were killed in police firing.&nbsp;
Nepal’s GenZ was praised by <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/19/opinion/asia-protest-youth-nepal-bangladesh.html">international commentators</a> for rising up against chronic corruption and impunity, and for achieving the fastest regime change in history. But the youth were also blamed for the arson and vandalism even though the groups said they had no part in it — most &nbsp;foreign media also did not highlight enough the infiltration by radical groups.
“We were not expecting the protests to turn so violent and deadly. On the second day, things escalated so quickly it became difficult to keep track. We were rushing on the groud and making calls to confirm what was happening,” recalls Paavan Mathema of Agence France-Presse (AFP) in Nepal.
The GenZ protest this month was a lesson on the mechanics of social media. Hashtags like #youthagainstcorruption and #nepobaby from Indonesia inspired Nepal’s youth to take to the streets, but events here in turn triggered protests elsewhere. The international news agencies and mainstream global tv channels were not as important in this information cross-pollination.
The movement was organised online and spread quickly in no time, but it was disinformation and fake news that spread faster than facts. The over-simplification by international media was because it had to explain 30 years of political evolution in a country that they mostly ignored in the past, this sometimes tended to be misleading.&nbsp;
While the Oli government’s social media ban of 26 platforms starting 5 September poured oil on the fire that had already been lit by a disparate group of desperate youth, their outrage over decades of corruption and impunity was reaching a breaking point. There was extreme disenchantment with serial politicians recycling themselves in power.&nbsp;
“The ban on social media definitely triggered the protest, but we put a high priority on accuracy and speed during reporting in such times,” explains the Nepal correspondent for Associated Press (AP) news agency in Nepal Binaj Gurubacharya. “Our own safety also becomes a prime concern in times like these, but should not be at an expense of accuracy.”
CRISIS REPORTING
But headlines everywhere including in The New York Times, The Guardian and others that used wire service content initially highlighted the social media ban as the main reason for the protest. They were soon called out by protesters, while <a href="https://institute.aljazeera.net/en/ajr/article/3358" target="_blank">Al Jazeera</a> and its <a href="https://institute.aljazeera.net/en" target="_blank">Media Institute </a>were applauded for more nuanced coverage.
Another positive example of international media supplementing the stories by local journalists was <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/" target="_blank">France 24’</a>s detailed <a href="https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20250915-nepal-police-protests-violence-kathmandu" target="_blank">forensic analysis</a> of the security forces firing live ammunition at protesters at Parliament on 8 September.&nbsp;
What really went far and wide around the world were dramatic YouTube videos about the violence, and memes on social media. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-accidental-journalist" target="_blank">A British tourist</a> who filmed street protests did the work of an on-the-ground journalist and got millions of views globally for some of <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Slq6zWu9o9w" target="_blank">his YouTube videos</a>.&nbsp;
But some of the misinformation or fake news on social media was also picked up by the mainstream press, like the <a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/south-asia/nepal-violence-ex-pm-khanals-wife-dies-after-house-torched-president-urges-calm-dialogue/articleshow/123791004.cms">wrongly reported death of former Prime Minister Jhalanath Khanal’s wife</a> in an arson attack on their home. A video of the Finance Minister Bishnu Poudel being <a href="https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/video-nepal-finance-minister-chased-through-street-kicked-attacked-9243749">chased and beaten</a> by protesters also turned out to be someone else.&nbsp;
Some international outlets, mainly in India, also fell prey to a fake video that K P Oli had fled to Dubai. Even this newspaper’s online edition had to correct it after wrongly reporting it without verification.&nbsp;
Indian tv channels which did &nbsp;extensive coverage of events in Nepal, with many Nepalis relying on them and believing their content — especially during the protests when Nepal’s main channels went off air as they were being attacked.
All this got out of hand, and protesters in the week after the violence started ridiculing and harassing Indian tv correspondents as they tried to interview talking heads outside the charred Parliament building, or on the streets.
<a href="https://www.newslaundry.com/2025/09/09/foreign-hand-gen-z-data-addiction-5-ways-indian-media-missed-the-nepal-story">Indian media</a> were also the first to accuse US involvement in sparking a ‘colour revolution’ in Nepal. They later claimed that former Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) chief and now Energy Minister Kulman Ghising and even Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah have been appointed interim prime minister in Nepal. These were rumours in Nepal, but were reported as news.&nbsp;
“Fact checking is crucial while covering such movements, and since we are telling an important story about Nepal to the world, double checking becomes important as it sets the international narrative,” says Mathema.
“We were constantly double checking numbers and information with concerned authorities and parties to make sure we were accurate, especially as misinformation was rampant,” she adds.
Apart from Indian media, international news agencies got reinforcements of reporters, photojournalists and editors from the region, and other foreign correspondents also flew in when Kathmandu airport was opened after 48 hours.
Adds Mathema: “Sometimes foreign reporters can give a fresh perspective or an angle which we could not see or cover. So their inputs are always helpful.”
In the aftermath of the violence, there were plenty of jokes and memes, clips of protesters dancing, in weird poses and performing martial arts, showcasing the light hearted side of the protests while also <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-meme-revolution">reaffirming the resilience</a> of people able to bounce back from something so traumatic.
The GenZ clean-up campaigns, neighbourhoods helping restore burnt out police stations and local people’s emotional reaction to the burnt out hulks of government buildings at the city centre also <a href="https://www.scmp.com/week-asia/people/article/3325635/nepals-gen-z-protesters-lead-clean-campaign-after-violent-clashes">made news</a>.
“After the protests, people were quick to gather and clean up public spaces and paint police stations. This is a scene which may not be so common in other countries with similar violence,” adds Gurubacharya. “So it became an important story to also tell the world.”&nbsp;
In less than two days, the world saw a dramatic toppling of a democratic government. With the interim government led by former chief justice Sushila Karki, there is much hope. She has expanded her ministerial cabinet, and the election has been announced for 5 March 2026 but between then and now, a lot remains uncertain.&nbsp;
And Nepal will continue to be watched by national and international media alike until then and after. AP’s Gurubacharya sums it up: “For now, we are taking it one day at a time.”

International spotlight on Nepal

From the echo chambers of social media to neighborhood tea shops, the hot topic two weeks after the GenZ revolt toppled Nepal’s government is whether the country should now have a directly elected prime minister. Although this has been proposed before as a way to end the instability in heads of government chosen by the biggest party or coalition in Parliament, it has found supporters and critics in the aftermath of the protests. As democratic as it sounds, a directly elected executive is not that simple.&nbsp; Nepal’s 2015 Constitution does not allow it, but for a young generation impatient for change, this demand raises critical social, political and constitutional questions. Nepal has seen a multiplicity of systems in the past 45 years: from a partyless absolute monarchy to a constitutional one, a parliamentary democracy and then a federal republic. But they have repeatedly failed to bring stability, good governance or an end to corruption in Nepal. But even though lately they have ensured civil liberties, the public was losing hope for the future, especially the young who could air and amplify their outrage on social media. Unbridled corruption and ideologically mismatched fragile coalitions acting with impunity, led many to conclude that a directly elected prime minister would ensure stability and accountability. ‘We have repeatedly trusted the same political parties, but they have repeatedly broken that trust, so it is no longer possible to trust that system anymore,’ says Miraj Dhungana, popular for the TikTok videos asking young people to go out into the streets to rally against corruption, and seen by many as the ‘original’ representative of Gen Z.&nbsp; In interviews he has stated that it has become necessary for Nepal to have a directly elected executive head through constitutional amendment. Dhungana himself did not participate in the protests after his meeting with pro-monarchist businessman Durga Prasai on 7 September sparked controversy that he as a lackey. Binod Deuba Thakuri of the Nepal Student Union who also participated in the GenZ protests thinks Nepal is institutionally not ready for directly elected prime minister: “Our democracy is not mature yet, our institutions are not strong, and we are vulnerable to social media induced populism.”&nbsp; CONSTITUTION AMENDMENT Amending the Constitution would also open a pandora’s box, with other demands, and should be left to the next legislative body, he adds. In her address to the nation on Friday, Prime Minister Sushila Karki who is a former chief justice also clarified that her interim government does not have the mandate to amend the Constitution to make way for a directly elected head of government, and it should be up to the new legislature and government after the 5 March election.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250919130956_799b2d43dccca73b3bff96e435efc0752203117b2cb219d0073994c0e6f2ee25.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250919130956_799b2d43dccca73b3bff96e435efc0752203117b2cb219d0073994c0e6f2ee25" data-rendition-name="original" width="4160" height="2774" loading="lazy" alt="Constitution Day NT"> <figcaption>Constitution Day address by Prime Minister Sushila Karki on 19th September earlier this month.</figcaption> </figure>  The demand for a directly elected executive head was first raised by Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal after the 2006 ceasefire. He proposed himself as Nepal’s first executive president ahead of the 2008 Constituent Assembly elections. While the UML did not strongly oppose the idea, the Nepali Congress (NC) stuck to a parliamentary framework. The 2015 Constitution ultimately clinched it for the current parliamentary system. The Constitution stipulates that the process of selecting a prime minister is based on parliamentary strength: the President appoints the leader of the party with a majority in the House of Representatives, or, in the absence of such a majority, a member who can demonstrate majority support. If these efforts fail, provisions exist for coalition or minority governments, and ultimately for the dissolution of the House and fresh elections. The Constitution currently makes no provision for a directly elected prime minister, which means that any attempt to introduce a directly elected executive would first require the careful design of a democratic mechanism to amend the Constitution and set out the procedures for such an election.&nbsp; “There is no legal legitimacy to have the directly elected executive head of the country in the March election, except if political legitimacy surpasses legality but that would mean a new constitution,” explains senior advocate Surendra Kumar Mahato. “Many other institutional arrangements like the appointment of the judiciary, the role of the president, and other check and balance mechanisms would need to be restructured.” Mahato says: “Nepal’s Constitution itself is not at fault — it is the political actors, who have failed to uphold good governance within its framework. Changing systems does not ensure better governance.”&nbsp; Changing the Constitution also needs a broad political consensus, the institutional capacity of the state must be carefully considered to ensure such a new system can function effectively in practice and not simply in theory. Empowering an executive head through direct elections should not come at the expense of accountability or parliamentary oversight, and there should be checks and balances in place. LESSONS FROM ABROAD Sri Lanka’s 2022 Agralaya was fuelled by the anger that the directly executive head turned out to be an authoritarian who backslides on democracy. Under Sri Lanka’s 1978 Constitution, the country adopted a directly elected executive presidency with sweeping powers over the cabinet, appointments, dismissal of parliament, and control over key institutions.&nbsp; Over the years, President Mahinda Rajapaksa removed term limits via the 18th Amendment in 2010, centralised appointment powers, including judges and heads of independent commissions, and used constitutional changes such as the 20th Amendment (2020) to reverse safeguards that limited presidential authority, thereby subordinating the legislature, weakening oversight, and enabling authoritarian control.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250914060932_a96e1046d0b148982b33f2dcbe56f349dc0c20a087e358360eb2dddcfe0b5072.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250914060932_a96e1046d0b148982b33f2dcbe56f349dc0c20a087e358360eb2dddcfe0b5072" data-rendition-name="original" width="4640" height="2610" loading="lazy" alt="GenZ and Aragalaya"> <figcaption>Anti-government protest in Sri Lanka on 13 April 2022 in front of the Presidential Secretariat. Photo: WIKIPEDIA</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal’s multiparty framework upholds an institutional balance where both the governing party and the opposition have defined roles. This parliamentary setup prevents power from being overly concentrated in one individual and ensures accountability through parliament and competing parties. Beyond the neighbourhood, the United States has a directly elected executive system. Donald Trump exemplifies how direct electoral mandate can fracture institutional check mechanisms. He has leveraged his power to attack judges, frame political opponents, turn legal defeats into rallying points for his supporters, often using pliant media platforms to reinforce the idea that institutional checks impeded the popular will. In Nepal, there is a risk that a directly elected prime minister could bring up a populist media savvy messiah who could use public grievances to get to power and consolidate it. Social media can be mobilised and easily saturated with posts to fuel a political narrative of choice.&nbsp; In the past, former prime minister K P Oli’s ‘digital army’ has been lobbied on his behalf on social media. Even without an ‘IT sena’, it is not unusual for governments to collaborate with social media platforms as seen in the US and India.&nbsp; In Nepal, a directly elected prime minister would raise the stakes, turning the battle for votes into a battle for attention online, where a leader who wins the algorithm also wins the elections, just as Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah demonstrated in 2022 with support from groups like MRR and RONB. The Balen Phenomenon started in social media trickled to the ballot box.&nbsp; The digital space mas ensure that it is not trendy to dislike Balen. Comments that are critical of the Kathmandu Metropolitan City’s treatment of street vendors or of the mayor himself are met with backlash from supporters. Or, if the comments did not get any likes, the algorithms filtered them out as ‘not relevant’.&nbsp; The conversation of Shah often centred on his emotive responses and sentiments, generating strong engagement online. Meanwhile, policy debates received comparatively less attention.&nbsp; “Choosing a leader directly through an election means that we are vulnerable to populism and undermining of the democratic process, accountable institutions,” says Thaukri. Political activist Pradip Gyawali admits that the GenZ revolt was an example of how social media is a powerful tool to organise and disseminate information. But there are risks posed by disinformation and fake news online.&nbsp; “More media and political literacy among the people before the election in March is crucial to control the damage social media could do to influence voter behaviour,” he says.&nbsp; Beyond social media, online news increasingly relies on sensational, click-driven headlines to attract readers in a competitive digital market. A recent survey showed that 82.6% of GenZ (16- 24) rely on Facebook for news and 51.4% on YouTube.&nbsp; Nepali people with higher education seemed to engage with news more (99.1%) than illiterate individuals at 52.1%. Byte-sized headline-only journalism is leaving readers to their own devices, and vulnerable to media infiltration by IT cells.&nbsp; With social media actively shaping the course of elections, and news consumption, debates about changing the Constitution or the system of governance yet again may not ensure the demands for corruption free governance is met. Instead, strengthening media and political literacy among voters is key to prepare for the elections in March. Ayusha Chalise is a communication and development scholar specialising in how politics is experienced in the digital space.

Nepal's democracy keeps doubting itself

Following the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">uprising of 8-9 September</a>, the Nepal Army commenced a series of consultations concerning the transition process, during which the potential reinstatement of the monarchy was reportedly under consideration.&nbsp; However, former King Gyanendra Shah declined to pursue this option without a consensus among the political parties. This information was conveyed by Madhav Kumar Nepal, a former Prime Minister and a notable critic of the monarchy, in a newspaper article. The former king, for his part, delivered his annual Dasain message to the nation on 28 September. He emphasised, among other points, that the younger generation constitutes the foundation of the nation’s future.&nbsp; ‘Only the patriotic spirit, energy, and innovative thinking inherent in them can guide the nation toward strength, prosperity, and self-reliance. Let us reflect upon ourselves in the mirror of our country,’ he said. ‘Our political endeavours have often focused on destruction. Now, our initiatives should aim not at ruin but at improvement.’ Seventeen years <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-ghost-of-monarchy-returns-to-haunt-nepal">after Nepal abolished its monarchy</a> and became a federal secular democratic republic, the monarchy still influences the country’s political scene, mainly because of the persistent weaknesses of democratic institutions. Throughout much of its modern history, Nepal’s political landscape was controlled by the monarchy. During the partyless Panchayat system (1960-1990), the palace was consistently criticised for its authoritarian rule. However, it presented itself as the defender of national unity and sovereignty, especially against Indian influence. The 1990 People’s Movement transitioned Nepal into a constitutional monarchy. However, this period was marred by persistent instability, including the outbreak of a Maoist insurgency in 1996 and a royal palace massacre five years later.&nbsp; By 2005, when <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tell-me-what-the-common-man-is-thinking">the new king, Gyanendra</a>, assumed full control, detaining politicians and restricting press freedoms, the monarchy’s legitimacy was already under scrutiny. The mass movement of 2006 resulted in the end of royal rule, leading to the official abolition of the 240-year-old Shah dynasty in 2008. Supporters of a republic saw this as the outcome of years of activism. In contrast, royalists viewed it as the sudden dismantling of an institution they believed had united Nepal. The new political framework aimed to promote stability, prosperity, and inclusion. However, Nepal has seen over 14 different governments in 17 years. Divided by factionalism, political parties have often focused on overthrowing rivals instead of effective governance. Widespread corruption persists. Infrastructure projects frequently face delays. Millions of young Nepalis leave the country to find jobs, resulting in the loss of many of the nation’s most talented individuals. The common belief that politicians amass wealth while ordinary citizens struggle has caused deep disillusionment. This serious situation led <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/international-spotlight-on-nepal">Nepal’s Generation Z to protest</a> in the streets. Within this broader context, for many, the monarchy has reemerged as a symbol of stability. To some, the king signifies unity that goes beyond partisan divisions. To others, the last Hindu monarch represents cultural continuity amid secular and federalist upheavals. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-deja-vu-on-black-friday">Royalist demonstrations in Kathmandu</a> have mobilised tens of thousands. However, electoral support remains limited. The leading pro-monarchy party, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), secured merely about 6 percent of the vote in the 2022 elections.&nbsp; Major political parties remain steadfast in their commitment to republicanism, and Nepal’s younger, globally connected population broadly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/a-new-dawn-for-democracy-in-nepal">identifies with democracy</a>, despite frustrations with its shortcomings. Remembrances of King Gyanendra’s authoritarian rule serve as strong reminders of why the monarchy was abolished. However, this memory is gradually being replaced by more recent events.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251002111020_c018307c7b7dda363d04be3d65f01d132c81c62bae7ed2aa1ea235a12719b251.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251002111020_c018307c7b7dda363d04be3d65f01d132c81c62bae7ed2aa1ea235a12719b251" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="monarchy in Nepal"> <figcaption>Photo: SAROJ BAIZU</figcaption> </figure>  PUBLIC IMPATIENCE Amid dissatisfaction with political parties, a question has emerged about whether the country needs an institution that can enforce discipline. As a result, calls for the reinstatement of the king are not just about Mr Gyanendra Shah, but also reflect a broader desire for government that is stable, accountable, and respectful. The influence of the monarchy extends into regional affairs. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/america-nepal-and-the-royal-coup-qedzifz9">During the Cold War</a>, the palace adeptly balanced relations between India and China, positioning itself as the guardian of Nepal’s sovereignty.&nbsp; It also carefully navigated pressures from the United States and the Soviet Union. Today, as Nepal faces pressures from New Delhi, Beijing and Washington, some royalists perceive the monarchy as a safeguard against external interference. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/autopsy-of-a-blockade%20,2863">2015 blockade imposed by India</a> impacted Nepal’s economy and led the country to seek closer comprehensive relations with China. As a result, India has adopted a more cautious approach toward Nepal’s republican leadership.&nbsp; China is viewed as supportive of centralised authority, in contrast to Nepal’s democratic institutions. There are perceptions that the United States, previously supportive of the monarchy, may once again consider it a stable partner. Officially, India, China, the broader international community, and major donors continue to support <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-story-so-far">Nepal’s post-2006 political order</a>. At the same time, they observe ongoing discussions among Nepalis about the possibility of a constitutional monarchy within a democratic framework. Following the recent unrest, some Nepalis believe that restoring the monarchy could create uncertainty for India and China, given Nepal’s complex political landscape. Others suggest that worries about perceived Western influence on the interim government through international NGOs might trigger serious soul-searching in New Delhi and Beijing. Despite its limited mandate to hold elections on March 5, 2026, t<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-pm-set-to-expand-her-cabinet">he interim government</a>, led by former Chief Justice <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/madam-prime-minister-of-nepal">Sushila Karki</a>, has an opportunity to start rebuilding public trust. Although the new government continues to enjoy popularity, there is evident public impatience regarding its delays in investigating corruption and misconduct by the previous leadership, as well as the incidents of killings, looting, and arson during the protests.&nbsp; The nation has been further unsettled by whispers of an impending and potentially more significant political upheaval prior to the upcoming elections. Republicans believe that demonstrating the effectiveness of democracy is the best way to mitigate calls for a monarchy. However, if the leadership fails to address key issues such as corruption, unemployment, and institutional strengthening, it could further boost the monarchy’s influence – and potentially lead to its comeback. Sanjay Upadhya is the author oand analyst based in the Unoited States. Originally posted <a href="http://originally%20published%20at%20https//www.linkedin.com/pulse/why-monarchy-still-sways-nepals-republic-sanjay-upadhya-pe4xe" target="_blank">here.</a>

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