Nepal may have defused the population bomb, but its cities and towns are bursting at the seams. Federalism was supposed to improve rural living standards through more accountable governance. Failure to achieve this has accelerated rural outmigration. The 2021 census showed that Nepal’s population declined by 10% in the last decade. The total fertility rate has fallen below the 2.1% replacement level, and that could be a problem in the future. But for now, it is the continuous emptying of mountain districts that is assuming crisis proportions. None of the three levels of government seem to have internalised the gravity of this situation, let alone devised a strategy to reverse the trend. Most internal migration is to the Tarai, which already has 54% of Nepal’s population. Another 21% lives just in Bagmati Province which includes Kathmandu Valley. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301040316_c0efbe7eef4538830300b6aca776239a92c54c16fcb81cb28ac5f17380dadfff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240301040316_c0efbe7eef4538830300b6aca776239a92c54c16fcb81cb28ac5f17380dadfff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1937" height="1140" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis are voting with their feet NT"></figure>  One-third of Nepal’s population is in rural municipalities, and two-thirds is in urban centres. Three-fourths of Nepalis live in just four of the seven provinces: Kosi, Bagmati, Madhes and Lumbini. The trend is even more alarming if we look at the data at district and rural municipality levels. Nearly all hill and mountain districts have seen sharp population declines. Some towns have not just added population from the hinterland, but also sucked up its resources. Municipalities have not been able to keep up with demand for jobs, quality education, affordable healthcare, or water supply. After the first federal elections to local governments in 2017, there was finally hope that local candidates would be held more accountable because of their proximity to the electorate. The campaign slogan of ‘Singha Darbar in every village’ raised hopes that democracy would finally deliver genuine local development. Some city dwellers even returned to their ancestral villages. But hopes were soon dashed because grassroots governments once again failed to deliver. Feeling let down once more, people moved from villages to cities, from the mountains to the plains, and from there many continued abroad. Migration patterns have changed. It is not just young males who are leaving for the cities, entire families are. Houses are padlocked, villages are empty, fields are fallow. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-depopulating-mountains">Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains</a>, Gopal Dahal <div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/16960977/embed" title="Interactive or visual content" class="flourish-embed-iframe" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" style="width:100%;height:600px;" sandbox="allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation"></iframe><div style="width:100%!;margin-top:4px!important;text-align:right!important;"><a class="flourish-credit" href="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/16960977/?utm_source=embed&amp;utm_campaign=visualisation/16960977" target="_top" style="text-decoration:none!important"><img alt="Made with Flourish" src="https://public.flourish.studio/resources/made_with_flourish.svg" style="width:105px!important;height:16px!important;border:none!important;margin:0!important;"></a></div></div> Elected representatives in fancy new municipality offices have not responded appropriately to the enormity of the demographic change taking place. There have been two elections after the new Constitution in 2017 and 2022, meanwhile internal migration into Kathmandu has increased. More than half the population of Kathmandu Valley was not born there. There is urban-to-urban migration as people move from cities like Biratnagar, Birganj, Bharatpur to Kathmandu. Five of the municipalities with the highest population growth: Kageswari Manohara, Karkeswar, Nagarjun, Mahalaxmi, and Suryabinayak are all in Kathmandu Valley. Census data shows where the people have left. Five towns in Gandaki and Sudur Paschim Province have had the most dramatic population declines. Sanfebagar Muncipality in Accham had an annual population decline of 2.55% between 2011-2021. Jamini in Baglung, Galyang in Syangja, and Phalebas in Syangja all lost nearly 2% of their population every year (see map). Urbanisation is driven by aspiration. People move to where there are opportunities and a better quality of life. The mass movement happening now in Nepal is because local governments have not created good conditions in rural areas. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-last-men-standing">The last men standing</a>, Daman Rai  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301040320_63c86e52713ce1684b733409a9768dffd301489f561f267ba4a2968102138c21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240301040320_63c86e52713ce1684b733409a9768dffd301489f561f267ba4a2968102138c21" data-rendition-name="original" width="423" height="185" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis are voting with their feet NT"></figure>  There is another change sweeping villages in Taplejung and Sankhuwasabha. Although their populations have decreased, the number of households has increased. This indicates a trend in rural areas to live in nuclear families instead of joint ones. The last census showed that of the 430 rural municipalities in Nepal, 250 had negative growth. In contrast, of the 293 urban centres, 224 saw population increases. Gandaki Province has the highest rate of outmigration, with 83% of rural municipalities decreasing in population. Only 3% in Madhes Province saw decreases. More than half of rural municipalities seeing population decline can only mean one thing – Nepalis are voting with their feet. Even though political power was theoretically devolved to municipalities and provinces, they were not allocated sufficient resources, and federal entities in Kathmandu still call the shots. Biratnagar, Janakpur, Hetauda, Pokhara, Surkhet and Dhangadi were chosen as provincial capitals, and all have seen a surge in population in the past six years. Perhaps what was needed was not just decentralisation away from Kathmandu, but locating provincial capitals in rural areas to boost job creation, trade and political opportunity. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki

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Nepalis are voting with their feet

Mustang district has always adapted to socio-cultural and trade influences from the south and north, but this trend has accelerated bringing drastic change to the lives and livelihoods of this region north of the Himalaya.&nbsp; When I first visited <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/mustang-safe-for-trekking-post-quake,2416">Mustang </a>in 1992, we had to walk for a week from Pokhara just to get to Muktinath. Today, this shrine is an 8 hour jeep drive from Pokhara. Nearly all villages in the district are now connected to dirt roads. Horses and mules are still seen, now mainly used to haul goods between villages, or to carry manure to farms.&nbsp; Horse race at this year’s Yartung Festival is a symbolic display of the animal in this rugged and arid region, but it is now more of a tourist attraction displaying a way of life that is on the verge of extinction.&nbsp; In the dining hall of a lodge in Kagbeni, a middle aged woman was threading wool to weave jumpers for her grandchildren. I had stayed in the same lodge 10 years earlier. This time, the woman told me that her children had moved to Kathmandu and overseas, and she has rented the hotel to a businessman from Dhading. Many other lodge-owners here have done the same.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023041505040_567ff49e881d5587ed0c21e30b66acd43c4c4fe0503ab5cfeba96026a0c301c9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2023041505040_567ff49e881d5587ed0c21e30b66acd43c4c4fe0503ab5cfeba96026a0c301c9" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 3"> <figcaption>People from Rukum, Rolpa and Dolpa districts have moved here instead.(Photo: Jagannath Adhikari)</figcaption> </figure>  The pace of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-migration-is-already-happening">outmigration</a> from Mustang has accelerated, as locals move out for better education and jobs. The original Thakali, Loba and Gurung families still own property here, but they hire people from Dolpo, Dhading, Gorkha, Prabat, Maygdi, Rukum and Rolpa to take care of their businesses and farms.&nbsp; In Mustang, highlanders are coming down and lowlanders are moving up. In some cases, down-valley families are simply asked to stay and look after property without paying rent. Some elders still remain, but with the young men and women away, there is a demand for outside caretakers.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mixed-blessings-in-mustang">Mixed blessings in Mustang</a>, Mukesh Pokhrel Many of the shops in Jomsom are run by outsiders who have rented the space from the Mustangi. Most jeep drivers are from outside, even though absentee locals own the vehicles. It is in fact difficult to tell a local from an outsider since the migrants have developed good social connections. On this visit, a lodge-owner in Muktinath said he had hired a young manager from Dailekh to look after his place.&nbsp; This could be the reason why despite depopulation of most mountain districts in Nepal, the 2021 census actually recorded an increase in Mustang. In 2001, Mustang’s population was 14,981, it declined to 13,452 in 2011, and bounced back to 14,596 in 2021.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023041505040_96e49bbed1f44f698fc2a0a45ac2a7c43a6082ce13bbcc350002153112dcb561.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2023041505040_96e49bbed1f44f698fc2a0a45ac2a7c43a6082ce13bbcc350002153112dcb561" data-rendition-name="original" width="1024" height="768" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 4"> <figcaption>There used to be 32 households in Chusang village but there are only a handful now.(Photo: Jagannath Adhikari)</figcaption> </figure>  The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">2021 census </a>also showed that 5,907 people (41% of Mustang’s population) were recent migrants, mostly from outside. Another 1,207 Mustang people live overseas -- two-thirds of them in Europe and North America.&nbsp; Along the traditional trekking route from Lete to Muktinath and Lo Manthang, nearly every house has one or two family members working or living in the US, Japan, France, UK, and Australia. Unlike other parts of Nepal, very few are in the Gulf or Malaysia.&nbsp; Most schools in the district have mainly students from migrant families, and the enrollment has shrunk to as low as 4-12 per primary school. This is why the government is trying to merge schools. A few private medium schools in places like Jomsom have children of local families, but most others have sent theirs to Pokhara or Kathmandu. A prominent politician running a hotel here says that the economy could get a boost if people returned and invested in Mustang. But that is not likely to happen, since most moved out at an early age. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230415040456_93d5b98f9016fee28d6ea494fa287281ccbed23e53b4f73f214e8b3e139b7a33.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230415040456_93d5b98f9016fee28d6ea494fa287281ccbed23e53b4f73f214e8b3e139b7a33" data-rendition-name="original" width="768" height="1024" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 2"> </figure>  At this pace of in and out migration, a demographic shift in the district’s ethnic composition may force a redefinition of who a Mustangi is. But migration is not a new phenomenon, in fact even the current inhabitants of Mustang once moved in from Jumla and Tibet.&nbsp; Mustang has a potential to become a trading hub for Chinese commodities, with the upgrading of the road to the border at Korala. Shops in places like Lo Manthang sell mainly goods from north of the border, and the customers are mainly Nepali visitors.&nbsp; Trading opportunities have helped generate income and employment. Mustang’s new ethnic heterogeneity is also enhancing social and cultural capital, and entrepreneurship. But there are also questions as to who is actually benefiting from these changes. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-migration-is-already-happening">Climate migration is already happenning</a> Mustangis are well known as a resilient people well able to adapt to changes. Some of them who moved out when salt trade with Tibet declined in the late 1950s, sought other economic opportunities elsewhere.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023041505044_af7b8f36cdef810b782936589610df1f11bb47f1ffbe724f141ca5c0a7facb7e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="2023041505044_af7b8f36cdef810b782936589610df1f11bb47f1ffbe724f141ca5c0a7facb7e" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Mustang 5"> </figure>  That trend continues to the present day. They are moving out in search of prosperity while still holding onto property back home, hoping one day to return when things are right.&nbsp; Jagannath Adhikari is an independent researcher on socio-economic and environmental issues, and occasionally teaches in Nepal and overseas. He has authored several books and research articles on these issues.

Winds of change sweep Mustang

Until some years ago, this village in Halesi of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-local-governments-lead-from-the-front">Khotang</a> used to be a bustling hamlet of 16 households nestled amidst terraced fields. Today, it is a ghost village. The thatched-roof houses are dilapidated, their walls have caved in and there are bushes and grass growing out of the ruins. There used to be 18 families in Purano Gaun, only a handful of people remain. Dharma Raj Karki is the only one whose entire family is still in the village. Navaraj Regmi’s family has already moved to Biratnagar, but he has had to stay back in the village to teach at the local school. Mahesh Regmi’s family has settled in Kathmandu.&nbsp; Only Kamal Raj Regmi of the Nepali Congress is home in the next village of Kathare-Siruvani, forced to stay behind because he was <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/lower-than-usual-turnout-in-nepal-polls">elected</a> ward chair last year.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-depopulating-mountains">Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains</a>, Gopal Dahal  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230411100412_42fcba6d6961b501f657a23807a62dea44f55d10168603512ba27f927fe7189e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230411100412_42fcba6d6961b501f657a23807a62dea44f55d10168603512ba27f927fe7189e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Khotang NT 2"> </figure>  As elsewhere in the mid-mountains of Nepal, the outmigration is that subsistence farmers are impacted by climate change, springs are going dry, life is easier in the Tarai. In addition, last year’s wildfires in Khotang affected many of the families.&nbsp; Not everyone who has migrated has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/migrating-for-domestic-work">relocated</a> to the plains, some have just moved down the mountain to the fertile banks of a river in Regmitar along the Gaighat-Diktel road hoping that business will pick up. “In the past, people used to have to travel for days to buy salt and rice, and sell ghee,” says Hari Budhathoki of Regmitar, but most of the families have moved on down to the next big town of Gaighat in Udaypur district, or to Biratnagar. Many people from eastern Nepal have followed the footsteps of their forebears to move even further afield to Nepali-speaking regions in Northeast India or Sikkim. This is the traditional recruitment region for young Nepalis wishing to join the Brisih, Indian or Nepali militaries.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230411100412_194e579f9c1218cab0261bfe87ca1d6ce496e16706915f39efdf10319f9ce32b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20230411100412_194e579f9c1218cab0261bfe87ca1d6ce496e16706915f39efdf10319f9ce32b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Khotang NT 3"> </figure>  Khotang is one of the 32 of Nepal’s 77 districts which have witnessed a sharp decline in population. Most of those districts are in eastern Nepal, with adjoining Bhojpur and Tehrathum witnesses the sharpest declines.&nbsp; But even among Nepal’s eastern districts, Khotang has been hit especially hard – its population fell from 206,321 in 2011 to 175,340 in 2021. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/counting-on-nepal">annual population growth rate</a> is -1.56%, the second-lowest out of all of Nepal’s districts. The village of Bahungaun is completely deserted–its 40 houses abandoned. In Gairikhola, only Judda Bahadur Karki's family remains, while two more families remain in Karkigaun. It is the same story in Tallobadka, Kahule, Okkharbote, Tallosanne, Thumki, Patihattel, Belbote and Simpani – village after villages with just a few elderly men or women. &nbsp; This does not surprise ward chair Anish Karki of Halesi Tuwachung-11, since there have been no incentives for locals to stay. There is no help in finding market for the area’s produce, harvests are destroyed by wild animals, and water supply is erratic. Schools and health posts are not properly run, and there are no jobs.&nbsp; Says Budathoki: “Having a vegetable patch or livestock is no longer a measure of wellbeing. Today, a family’s worth is determined by whether it owns own land in the Tarai.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal's demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki Translated by Shristi Karki from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/135225">Nepali original</a> in <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/135225">himalkhabar.com</a>

The last men standing

The farming household of Gopal and Rupa Pariyar is the only one still left in the sloping village of Chaubise Rural Municipality here in eastern Nepal. After their children go off to school, the couple is alone all day at home. All their neighbours have moved out. They have to walk for an hour to bring water from the nearest spring. Till 10 years ago, there used to be 20 households in this village. They all left one after another for the Tarai, where life is easier. Their terraced farms have turned into jungle, and the monkeys now regularly destroy crops. “We are all alone now, and have to do everything ourselves, there is no one to ask for help when we need it,” says Gopal. “It used to be lively here, neighbours came together for festivals, and to help out with harvest.” Up the mountain in Thulagaon like many others in Chaubise, only four of the 22 families that lived there are left. The mud brick homes are crumbling, the roofs of many of them have caved in, the front yards are covered in shrubs. The rate of out migration is also accelerating: last year alone 561 residents from 185 households got migration certificates from the municipality. The real figure was probably more, many have not even bothered to get papers.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit “No matter what we do to keep people here, they just want to leave, it is becoming a national problem,” says municipality deputy chair Tankamaya Pangmi Magar.&nbsp; She adds, “We keep talking about rural development, but there is no one left to develop here. It hurts to see them abandon their ancestral land like this.” Dhankuta Bazar was the administrative centre of eastern Nepal since the Rana days. Even till recently there would be crowds of people at government offices here. Now, even the residents of the town have moved out. The shops are closed because no one is shopping. Traders have also moved down to the Tarai. Sabitra Rai is the District Coordination Committee head. She says, “We have tried to think of strategies to stop this trend. But have not been able to stop people who seek an easier, more convenient, life in the plains.”&nbsp; Out migration is not just a problem in eastern Nepal, it is happening right across the mid-mountains, and the depopulation is seen in the 2021 census results that were released this week.&nbsp; Here in the east, outmigration in Tehrathum district is even more severe than in Dhankuta. Even in the Myanglung bazar area, fields are fallow, shops are closed because there are not enough customers. Land value has dropped, there is no one buying property. Tehrathum district had a population of 113,111 in the 2001 census, it had dropped to 101,577 in 2011, and in the latest census it is only 89,125. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal's demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230331200340_4e1dced2e0333be915baad939811a575e73ca3233677b38d3904af33e84b28a2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230331200340_4e1dced2e0333be915baad939811a575e73ca3233677b38d3904af33e84b28a2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains NT"> <figcaption>Photo: GOPAL DAHAL</figcaption> </figure>  According to the 2021 census results, 32 of Nepal’s 77 districts have witnessed a sharp decline in population — all of them in the mountains. Of these are all nine districts of Kosi Province, with Khotang, Bhojpur and Tehrathum showing the sharpest declines.&nbsp; Of the 75 municipalities in 14 districts in Kosi Province, only those in Morang, Sunsari and Jhapa have seen population increases. While outmigration is the main factor, birth rate and death rates have also declined.&nbsp; The 2015 Tehrathum District Profile noted that the push factors for outmigration was better health care, education, employment. Social scientist Suresh Dhakal says that although there is no one reason for people moving out, the main one is the search for a more convenient lifestyle.&nbsp; In eastern Nepal, this is not a new phenomenon. It started in the last century with the migration of people to Assam, Sikkim and Bhutan for better opportunities. Recruitment into the British Army and the pension office in Dharan meant that most military families bought land and settled there. Gurkha remittances have allowed the families to buy property, and resulted in the sustained real estate boom in the Dharan-Itahari-Damak corridor in the Tarai. Most people living here are from Khotang, Bhojpur, Tehrathum and Taplejung in the mountains to the north. This trend accelerated during the 1996-2006 Maoist conflict when villagers moved out to flee the violence. Many young men in the mountains are now not just moving down to the Tarai, but to Kathmandu and then for overseas employment.&nbsp; Bhojpur MP from the Maoist party, Sudan Kirati, who is now Minister for Culture, Tourism and Civil Aviation, had warned three years ago that the outmigration trend was accelerating for better education, health and water supply. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/counting-on-nepal">Counting on Nepal</a>, Editorial Destruction of crops by wildlife and springs going dry due to the climate crisis are also cited as other factors driving people out. Other factors are ethnic and caste discrimination, says journalist Khilanath BK who has himself moved from his home in Bhojpur to Dharan. He says, “Discrimination is more rife in the villages than in the cities.” Then there is the poor condition of the roads, which are impassable in the monsoon and farmers cannot take their produce to market, the sick cannot go to hospital, and good teachers and doctors do not want to stick around in the villages. Poorer farmers cannot cope with the wildlife, and the richer ones move away in search of better opportunities in the cities. “We only have the children and elderly left in the villages here,” says Arjun Mabuhang of Laliguras Municipality. “People are voting with their feet.” Many see increased out-migration as a failure of the 2105 Constitution in guaranteeing balanced development through political devolution to local government through federalism. The political parties had made grandiose promises to “take Single Darbar to every village” but rural development took a back seat.&nbsp; “The world over, the reasons for migration are economic and social security,” explains economist Bigyanbabu Regmi. “Local governments are spending their budgets on non-productive sectors even after federalism, and the rural economy has not improved.”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">No country for young men</a>, Priti Thapa  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230331200340_68d9bf1e7b4a5da8ae06dc2329a8503c642996df591ee01d5e00971f051d122a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230331200340_68d9bf1e7b4a5da8ae06dc2329a8503c642996df591ee01d5e00971f051d122a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains NT"> <figcaption>Gopi Krishna Bhadari of Chaubise has seen his neighbours leave, but has invested in a goat farm. Photo courtesy: BHANDARI FAMILY</figcaption> </figure>  Lack of quality health care and education are other reasons families are moving away. Pregnant women with complications die waiting for an ambulance.&nbsp; Most people from the mountains of eastern Nepal land up in the Tarai districts, where the population growth rate of 1.9% in Sunsari, for example, is higher than even Kathmandu’s 1.4% per year. Population density in Kathmandu is highest (5,108 / sq km) but Sunsari (743 / sq km) is the district with the fifth highest population density in Nepal. Sunsari district’s population of 63,487 in 2001 had swelled to 934,461 in 2021. Most of these people are concentrated in sun sari’s cities like Dharan, Itahari. It is the same story in the urban centres of Morang and Jhapa. The latest figures from the National Statistics Division shows that more than a third of Nepalis are now living in a place away from where they were born. Nepal’s overall population growth is now down to 0.93% per year, but the mountain areas have near negative growth, while the Tarai has 1.56% growth. Most of the undocumented settlers along river banks in the Tarai to crush stones, and in squatter areas of cities have moved down from the mountains. Some are flood and landslide victims who have been promised safer places to live. Meanwhile, the government finds it more beneficial to declare even roadless rural areas municipalities without doing much to ensure services and facilities. It is such gerrymandering that has allowed the government to show that 66% of Nepalis live in ‘urban centres’. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki&nbsp; Infrastructure investment is also concentrated in connecting Tarai cities rather than upgrading connectivity in the mountains. Four mountain rural municipalities in Kosi Province still do not have roads. Desperate to reverse the trend, some rural municipalities like Chhathar in Dhankuta have announced that they will gift a cow and Rs 100,000 to each family who returns. In Chaubise, the municipality is trying to convince families to stay by bringing water supply to them. Dhankuta is trying to spread vocational education classrooms in each municipality.&nbsp; Says Chhathar municipality chair Santabir Gurung: “It is possible to bring people back and hold those who are here. We just have to understand what is driving them out. We need help in education, health, and in job creation from the federal government.” Indeed, there have been many who have refused to leave the clean air and better quality of life in mountain farms.&nbsp; Laliguras municipality chair Mabuhang says establishing quality hospitals and schools would reduce outmigration. He adds, “Now it is not a gap between rich and poor, it is between urban and rural. Even the rich are moving out of villages because of the lack of services. We need to incentivise people to stay put.” Indeed, educated young men are moving away from farming, and attracting them back with cash crops, irrigation and agriculture extension would reverse the trend.&nbsp; The provincial government and elected rural leaders all seem to know what the problems are, and the solutions. It is in the implementation and prioritising resources that there seems to be a problem.&nbsp; Says Kosi Province Chief Minister Hikmat Karki: “We are worried about the outmigration trend from the mountains to the Tarai. We plan to coordinate with the federal government, and invest in rural education and health, infrastructure development.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-migration-is-already-happening">Climate migration is already happening</a> Translated from a Centre for Investigative Journalism report in the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/134960">March-April edition of Himal Khabar.</a>

Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains

The densely packed houses cling to a steep mountainside in scenic Sikles village below the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-other-abc-trek">Annapurnas</a>. The doors of many of the homes are padlocked, some have wads of electricity bills shoved into them. The barren terrace farms below the town now have uttis forests growing in them. The Sikles health post ambulance is permanently stationed in Pokhara, since most of the residents have moved down to the city. The student body of the secondary school in nearby Taprang has shrunk by half. Yet, a new highway will soon make it possible to shorten the three-day trek from Pokhara to Sikles to a one-hour jeep ride. Some of the traditional stone-and-tile Gurung homes are being demolished to build multi-story concrete structures in anticipation of a tourism boom.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-demographic-dividend">Nepal's demographic dividend</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023033021030_15d745dd840441a987ba3f8bf35af930cb6c85de99c87a83c7ab77896d2d6e97.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2023033021030_15d745dd840441a987ba3f8bf35af930cb6c85de99c87a83c7ab77896d2d6e97" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="2268" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 1"> </figure>  A new cable car is planned to nearby Kori Peak at 3,800m which commands a sweeping panorama of Lamjung and Annapurna Himals. “What you see here is the government bringing development to villages, but villagers have moved to cities, and the cities have become unliveable,” laments Buddhi Bahadur Gurung, 70, who is collecting buffalo dung from the trail to turn into fertiliser for his maize field. Most of his family is in Kathmandu, Pokhara or London. The village of Sikles was made famous because it was in the office of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/municipalities-want-to-manage-annapurna">Annapurna Conservation Area</a> (ACA) that Maoist leaders Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Baburam Bhattarai in April 2016 negotiated the ceasefire before being flown to Kathmandu to form an interim government. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230330210312_fe3875d6834a7ee852474a81cc0572e178cad58bfbb33cfe7bffbfeb046cb4cb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230330210312_fe3875d6834a7ee852474a81cc0572e178cad58bfbb33cfe7bffbfeb046cb4cb" data-rendition-name="original" width="2268" height="4032" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 4"> <figcaption>Water buffalo grazing below Annapurna 2 at the point where the proposed Kori Peak cable car will have its terminal.</figcaption> </figure>  Sikles is also the birthplace of Chandra Gurung, who was inspired by shared decision-making and collective participation of his people to design Nepal’s innovative approach to community-led conservation of nature. The ‘Conservation Area’ model has since been replicated in Gauri Shankar, Api Nampa, Manaslu. And it was just after the inauguration of the Kangchenjunga Conservation Area in September 2006 that Chandra Gurung, along with other top Nepali environmentalists, was among the 24 people killed in a helicopter crash. “Everything you see here is because of Chandra, these mountains used to be denuded.” says Purna Gurung, who has retired after working for ACA for 30 years. “But look at Sikles now. Still, what is the use if no one is going to live here?” Even Chandra Gurung’s own house is locked up, and only his elder brother lives there. In stark contrast, another cement-plastered house with iron rods poking out of concrete beams is coming up down the hill.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">No country for young men</a>, Priti Thapa  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023033021038_98227ff8-b691-4696-a95d-13c56ac19249.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2023033021038_98227ff8-b691-4696-a95d-13c56ac19249" data-rendition-name="original" width="3024" height="4032" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 2"> </figure>  “Dr Chandra would not have approved of this new construction,” says resident Bal Bahadur Gurung, shaking his head. “Now it is up to us to carry on his work.” The Kori Peak cable car project has also divided the Sikles community. Some lodge owners in town welcome it, hoping it will boost the local economy and help slow outmigration by creating jobs. Others say it will irreparably damage the wilderness, which is the region’s biggest draw. After <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/survive-revive-thrive">international tourism collapsed during the pandemic</a>, it was mostly Nepalis trekking to Kapuche Lake that brought some income here. The lake itself is an indicator of the climate crisis and is fed by melted ice from more-frequent avalanches from Annapurna II, and at 2,437m is the lowest glacial lake in Nepal. Ward 1 chair Devi Jang Gurung, who was elected last year and is a former radio journalist, is not a fan of the cable car project because, he says, it will just bring visitors on day trips from Pokhara after the road is finished. &nbsp; “Sikles will not benefit at all, tourists will not stay here. In fact, Nepalis going to Kapuche spend much more money because they buy local food and spend nights in homestays,” adds Devi Jung Gurung, who believes that, if properly managed, trekking tourism can reverse the out-migration trend. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/visit-nepal-again/"> Visit Nepal Again</a>, Ashish Dakal  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230330210312_e17a32350e9c36388a77fe621ee178e7e5b3a12173971042ef12b616b485f966.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20230330210312_e17a32350e9c36388a77fe621ee178e7e5b3a12173971042ef12b616b485f966" data-rendition-name="original" width="2268" height="4032" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Nepal NT 3"> <figcaption>The traditional architecture of scenic Sikles amidst a backdrop of Lamjung Himal is changing with new concrete structures.</figcaption> </figure>  Schools in Sikles and Taprang that have seen a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/half-of-nepal-s-girls-may-drop-out-of-school">drop in enrollment</a> are also trying to make 10+2 classes more relevant and useful, so school education does not drive young people away. One idea is to have 9+3 classes with a focus on vocational training in subjects like tourism, disaster preparedness, heritage and environment preservation. The Kori Peak cable car project was being initiated by the same group that operates Chandragiri in Kathmandu Valley, but has been stopped after an interim order from the Supreme Court in response to a public interest litigation arguing that it was being pushed without a proper Environmental Impact Assessment. Also from Sikles is environmentalist Hum Gurung, formerly with the National Trust for Nature Conservation (NTNC) and now Asia Partnership Manager at the Singapore-based BirdLife International Asia. He is worried about unregulated construction that is eroding the traditional architecture of Sikles town and its main attraction besides mountains. “The road has already arrived in Sikles with all its consequences,” he says. “But with new infrastructure like the cable car we have to make sure it has minimum impact and improves livelihoods, creates jobs and slows out-migration. Ultimately it is about balancing economy and ecology.” &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/knowing-our-mountains">Knowing our mountains</a>, Editorial <h2>Sikles Peak</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023033021038_3e87cc1cdaaaf14dc492ea28e852589f7fae7ee524f436a0c97192241d1d134a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="2023033021038_3e87cc1cdaaaf14dc492ea28e852589f7fae7ee524f436a0c97192241d1d134a" data-rendition-name="original" width="6000" height="4000" loading="lazy" alt="Sikles Peak NT"> </figure>  The imposing pointed peak stands out when viewed from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-man-from-sikles">Sikles</a> because of its dramatic summit pyramid. This is why most people coming here mistake it for Mt Machapuchre.&nbsp; But this peak is just a spur of Annapurna 4, and is only 5,900m, compared to 6,990m of Machapuchre, which is not visible from here. Since so many people take selfies saying it is Machapuchre, Sikles native Hum Gurung has decided to christen the mountain Sikles Peak. This is a sensitive topic here because Lamjung Himal which looms over the town bears the name of the adjoining district even though it is now in Kaski after a change in the border.&nbsp; Says Hum Gurung: “Since we cannot change the name of Lamjung Himal, we can at least call this one Sikles Peak.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/himal-pahad-tarai">Himal-Pahad-Tarai</a>

Letter from Sikles

Leaked letters from Korea’s Unification Church have revealed its extensive involvement in buying political and media influence worldwide, including links to Nepal’s parties and politicians. Documents obtained by the <a href="https://newstapa.org/eng">Korean Centre for Investigative Journalism</a> (Newstapa) and <a href="https://dunia-asia.org/leaked-true-mother-report-exposes-unification-church-influence-in-nepal-and-north-korea-outreach/">Dunia</a> contain correspondence to and from the controversial religious movement whose leader, 82-year-old <a href="https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/southkorea/politics/20251216/explainer-who-is-han-hak-ja-true-mother-at-center-of-unification-church-scandals">Hak Ja Han</a>, is currently on trial in Seoul for allegedly bribing the wife and associates of disgraced former president Yoon Suk Yeol.&nbsp; The letters and direct messages referenced in the investigation mention three former prime ministers: Madhav Kumar Nepal who has now joined the Nepali Communist Party, K P Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal UML (Unified Marxist-Leninist), and former Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai.&nbsp; The documents detail financial support from the Unification Church (now known as Family Federation for World Peace and Unification) to Nepal Paribar Dal (Nepal Family Party) and its founder <a href="https://reviewnepal.com/national/dhakal-reelected-as-chair-of-pariwar-dal.html">Ek Nath Dhakal,</a> who is a staunch ally of the UML. On Sunday, Dhakal signed an MoU with K P Oli of the UML to cooperate in the March election and beyond. The leaked correspondence concerning Nepal spans the period between the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/elections-of-by-for-men,4038">first federal elections in 2017</a> till the 2022 polls and contains emails between Dhakal and Yong Jeong Shik, Regional President for Asia of the Unification Church, with urgent requests for funds for campaigning and to support the UML.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260124080120_63bb0a555b9f0676b1301b7a71e9cefda7f3eb69e5fa0ff1249a1bbeec0c17bf.png" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260124080120_63bb0a555b9f0676b1301b7a71e9cefda7f3eb69e5fa0ff1249a1bbeec0c17bf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="598" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  ‘Regarding funding, I am truly sorry, but a minimum of $500,000 is required,’ one of the messages to Yong in the report says. ‘Furthermore, as the election is scheduled for December 7th [2017], I would be very grateful if I could receive it as soon as possible. The initial $500,000 was used for overall election expenses, and the additional $500,000 is intended for campaign activities for the Family Party and supporting key leaders.’ In addition, there are also letters requesting an additional $20,000 per month in ‘maintenance costs for the Nepal Family Party and preparations for the<a href="http://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-parties-forge-new-pre-poll-alliances"> 2022 election</a>’.&nbsp; Asked for a reaction to the allegations, Govinda Nath Mishra of the Nepal Paribar Party said: “This is an unnecessary smear campaign against our party. Parties doing good work are always linked to some foreign powers in Nepal to discredit them.” Ek Nath Dhakal has also denied that his party’s affiliation with the UML has anything to do with Unification Church donations. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Korean-movement-in-Nepal,2962">He told Nepali Times in an interview in 2016</a>: “The party has links to all faiths, as it has with the unification movement. The Nepal Family Party is a kind of conservative party with a manifesto that promotes family values, interfaith dialogue and harmony. There are 11 political parties supporting Prime Minister Oli. Nepal Family Party is just one of them.” <div class="embed-block"><div><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 56.25%;"><iframe src="https://cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fembed%2FMcGp_Mn4fwA%3Fsi%3DM3bVjAnbnelwKwAl&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div> In another update to Yong, Dhakal describes the UML’s election campaign in 2017 as ‘proceeding very successfully … it appears certain the Unified Marxist-Leninist will achieve a landslide victory’. Dhakal was not contesting directly as a candidate, but piggybacking on the UML <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/house-of-cards-6alq6pvi">which had put him on the proportional representation list</a>, ostensibly in return for campaign financing. He continues: ‘It is certain that I will be elected as a proportional representation member of the National Assembly due to a shortage of female candidates. I discussed the possibility of my election with Prime Minister Madhav and Prime Minister K P Oli … both have confirmed that I could be moved from 5th place [on the PR list] to 1st or 2nd if necessary.’&nbsp; After the 2017 election, the UML formed a coalition with the Maoists and Prime Minister Oli appointed Dhakal Minister for Peace and Reconstruction overseeing Nepal’s post-conflict and post-earthquake activities. During his tenure, Dhakal organised an ‘<a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-12/01/c_137644390.htm">Asia-Pacific Summit 2018</a>’ in Kathmandu presided over by Hak Ja Han, wife of Rev Sun Myung Moon, founder of the Unification Church and Universal Peace Federation (UPF). The couple are known in the movement as ‘True Parents’ and Hak Ja Han is referred to as ‘True Mother’. Oli addressed the Kathmandu summit which was attended by 1,500 delegates, including Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. The <a href="https://theannapurnaexpress.com/story/15201/">gathering drew criticism</a> for being a proselytisation exercise, prompting Oli to decline attending a ‘blessing’ ceremony by Hak Ja Han.&nbsp; Ever since, the ‘Holy Wine’ has entered Nepal's political lexicon, and is still used derogatorily to label politicians involved.&nbsp; Nepal Paribar Party’s Govinda Nath Mishra says: “Ek Nath Dhakal has become a member of the House of Representatives twice, and our party has since its inception been close to the UML. We are just continuing that cooperation for this election as well.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260124080120_49ed56931f2bd97d75a5c9604e2d4f5cd3474177b302b13db5df2ccbe63994dd.png" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20260124080120_49ed56931f2bd97d75a5c9604e2d4f5cd3474177b302b13db5df2ccbe63994dd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1318" height="1204" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  The Unification Church has said that the leaked documents are not authentic and were unofficial records created by former Director General of the Unification Church’s International Headquarters Yun Young Ho to ‘flaunt his influence’. The Japanese branch of the Unification Church said in a statement this week: ‘After reviewing the documents believed to be the report in question, we have found factual inaccuracies were added or content modified.’ Milan Kumari Rajbanshi, deputy General-Secretary of the Nepal Paribar Party and former MP denied her party was funded by any outside source, and she was no aware of any correspondence between Dhakal and anyone else.&nbsp; She told Nepali Times: “After the September street protests we spoke to many political parties, including GenZ activists, but the UML was the closest to our values.” Rajbanshi will be campaigning in Jhapa-5 on behalf of K P Oli who will be contesting against former Kathmandu mayor Balen Shah. The Newstapa leak show Dhakal and the Unification Church worked behind the scenes in the 2017 election to influence the &nbsp;elections. One email from Dhakal references this: ‘(If) we can secure a majority in next year’s general election … our wish is to educate all parliamentarians for two years until 2020 and create a constitution centred on Cheon Il Guk.’ Cheon Il Guk (천일국) means ‘One Heavenly Kingdom’ and is the vision of a spiritual nation proclaimed by Sun Myung Moon and his Unification Church, and emphasises family values instead of individualism for global unity under a ‘Heavenly Parent’.&nbsp; The emails reveal that the Church was planning to convince Madhav Nepal and K P Oli to take all 150 coalition legislators to Bangkok to introduce them to its beliefs. That trip did not materialise, but the Church had earlier taken 20 Communist MPs to the Philippines and Thailand for ‘principle education’.&nbsp; In another email to Yong Jeong Shik, Dhakal describes Baburam Bhattarai as being ‘disillusioned with communism’ and that he proposed ‘gathering all minority parties to join the Family Party’. Bhattarai left the Maoists and is contesting from the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party from his Gorkha constituency in March. Despite its connections with Nepal’s Communists, the Unification Church is known to support conservative politics around the world including through ownership of media like <a href="https://www.washingtontimes.com/">The Washington Times</a> newspaper.&nbsp; Founder Sun Myung Moon was deeply involved in pushing for Korean unification, and the Church has worked with Asian countries that have ties with North Korea. Documents show that the Unification Church had tried to get then UML Chair Madhav Kumar Nepal to Pyongyang, but the Nepal government supposedly under pressure from the South Korean, Japanese and US ambassadors got him to call it off. Madhav Nepal had also insisted that he meet Kim Jong Un, but the North Korean side had said it was not possible. But after Nepal left the UML to form the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist) he met the North Korean Ambassador in the presence of Ek Nath Dhakal to plan a visit in order to work towards Korean unification. A 11-member delegation composed of Nepal, Dhakal, MPs and a newspaper publisher visited North Korea in 2017 (pictured below).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260123040128_6690244be7aa18e24a4aef825935a7afcaa893b40191f712ab498105e06aaf51.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20260123040128_6690244be7aa18e24a4aef825935a7afcaa893b40191f712ab498105e06aaf51" data-rendition-name="original" width="2201" height="1148" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  METICULOUS ARCHIVE An extract from correspondence is indicative of the former prime minister’s links to the Unification Church: ‘Madhav Kumar Nepal … maintains a very close relationship with us and could become Prime Minister again at any time. There is no one who knows us as well or respects the Parents as much as former Prime Minister Madhav does … he is someone who regards the True Parents like God.’ The internal documents of the Unification Church obtained by Newstapa is called the ‘TM [True Mother] Special Report’ and appears to have been prepared for Hak Ja Han. The 3,212-page text provides a chronological account of the Church’s management of politicians internationally, its handling donations, and plans to expand political influence through its affiliated media outlets. The document is a meticulous archive apparently compiled by Yun Young Ho, the former Director General of the Unification Church’s International Headquarters, the organisation’s second-in-command.&nbsp; This suggests church affairs were reported directly to Hak Ja Han. Korean investigators are now focusing on whether Han merely received these reports or issued specific directives based on them. Yun testified during the trial in Seoul that the Church’s regional leaders and local partners would send daily field reports which he would synthesise into a ‘Special Report’ format to provide oral briefings to Han. Hak Ja Han therefore may have been personally involved in the Church’s operations in granular detail. Korean special prosecutors are viewing these documents as critical evidence in her trial to prove that she was directly involved in political lobbying. Last week, during a hearing on the Hak Ja Han bribery case, a regional Church leader admitted to personally drafting segments of the ‘True Parents Correspondence Report’ featured in the document. The ‘TM Special Report’ appears to be a compilation of internal documents reprocessed into a single file and includes emails and direct messaging. Certain periods are missing, leading to gaps in the narrative, raising the possibility that specific portions of the report may have been selectively curated or redacted. &nbsp; <h2>Both Koreas in Nepal</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012304018_962b3169d725dbd3dc820aab16a6ab8d3a083b55174558003d4ccfe97fe7789e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="2026012304018_962b3169d725dbd3dc820aab16a6ab8d3a083b55174558003d4ccfe97fe7789e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="1168" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  Buddhism spread northwards across the Himalaya from Nepal to China and Korea 1,000 years ago, but in the past decades two of Korea’s powerful ideologies have come to Nepal. Nepal’s leftist movement, most notably the Nepal Workers Peasants Party (NWPP) <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Bhaktapur-dear-leader,3010">inspired by North Korea’s Kim Il Sung’s Juche Idea</a> espouses a nationalist agenda, and has a strong base in Bhaktapur. Meanwhile, South Korea’s Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon has influenced Nepal’s political, administrative and religious spheres.&nbsp; After establishment of Moon’s Universal Peace Federation (UPF) in 2005, the Church has a sizable presence in Nepal. The movement’s leader is Ek Nath Dhakal of the Nepal Paribar Party (right) who is affiliated with the UML and even served as a minister in a UML-Maoist coalition after being nominated as a PR member to Parliament.&nbsp; <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Korean-movement-in-Nepal,2962">He told this paper in 2016</a>: “I am a Hindu, associated with the Unification Movement. The UPF staged one of its mass weddings at Dashrath Stadium in Kathmandu in 2017 (right). The movement recruits public figures like former president Bidya Devi Bhandari, Madhav Kumar Nepal and others as Ambassadors for Peace. Before he died in 2012 at age 92, Rev Moon had picked Nepal as a ‘model peace nation of God’. The Church says it embraces all religions, and does not even display the Christian cross at its places of worship.&nbsp; While young Nepalis follow South Korean pop culture fever, in Bhaktapur it is Kim Il Sung’s Juche Idea that is the dominant ideology. The Nepal Workers Peasants Party has won just about every district and local election from Bhaktapur, not so much for its politics, but because its representatives have performed well. Bhaktapur’s following of Kim Il Sung is based on Bijukchhe’s vision that his town be self-reliant and deliver development equitably.&nbsp; <h2>A worldwide web</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012304018_5c2949a3715b74f8992a6dcfc305fbaa817a0b834365c737bb81245762d74148.jpg" data-media-id="editor_18" data-image-id="2026012304018_5c2949a3715b74f8992a6dcfc305fbaa817a0b834365c737bb81245762d74148" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="968" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics"> </figure>  In 2022, the Unification Church (Family Federation for World Peace and Unification) arranged a meeting between Yoon Suk Yeol, who was then presidential candidate, and former US Vice President Mike Pence just before South Korean elections. The visit was timed for the ‘World Summit 2022’ hosted by the Universal Peace Federation (UPF), a Unification Church affiliate. The visit was widely covered by the media at the time, but a Newstapa investigation last year confirmed that the Church paid Pence $550,000 to visit Seoul. The visit was designed to bolster Yoon’s diplomatic and security credentials and appeal to religious voters. Yoon knew Pence was a devout Christian, and media at the time reported that both prayed before the meeting. Just like the UPF’s World Summit 2018 in Kathmandu, Cambodian PM Hun Sen was in attendance as was former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. The welcome remark at the Summit was delivered by Yun Young Ho, then-Director General of the Unification Church’s World Headquarters. South Korean Special Prosecutors are currently investigating Yun for allegedly bribing former president Yoon Suk Yeol’s wife Kim Keon Hee.&nbsp; Newstapa also dug up Pence’s financial disclosures filed with the US Office of Government Ethics and the Federal Election Commission and found that Pence reported receiving $550,000 from the UPF for ‘a speaking engagement’ in Seoul in 2022 — an unusually hefty fee. Cambodian Premier Hun Sen has hosted K P Oli several times in Phnom Penh, once as prime minister in 2019, and again last year in August. There seems to be a similar nexus between Hun Sen, the UPF and former President Yoon and his wife Kim Keon Hee. When he became president in 2022, Yoon visited Cambodia with his wife, and South Korea doubled its development assistance to Cambodia to $1.5 billion. The Special Prosecutor in Seoul is investigating allegations that the Unification Church provided funds to Kim Keon Hee in helping a Mekong River project in Cambodia.

Moonie money in Nepal’s politics

The Kathmandu Valley has attracted an exceptional number of outstanding and accomplished foreigners over the decades, but few as extraordinary as Marilyn Silverstone (1929-1999).&nbsp; Frances Klatzel’s book A Portrait of Ourselves, Marilyn Silverstone: From Photojournalist to Buddhist Nun, is a fitting and fascinating biographical celebration of this American woman whose life of unusual choices took her, as the title suggests, from an affluent Jewish childhood in Scarsdale, New York to becoming an acclaimed and adventurous Magnum photographer.&nbsp; Roving the world, her camera captured many of the most iconic events of the 20th century, her images were published in Time, Life, Newsweek, Look, National Geographic, Paris Match, Vogue and other magazines. Following the teachings of Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche, Marilyn Silverstone devoted the last twenty years of her eventful life to living quietly and practising Buddhism in Nepal. Ordained as a Buddhist nun, she took vows in the sanctified Solukhumbu precincts of Thubten Choling with Venerable Trulshik Rinpoche in the spring of 1977. Living in Kathmandu until her death in Shechen Monastery, which she helped create, Marilyn wrote: ‘When I look back over the years, although I did not know it at the time, ending my life as a Buddhist nun was logical and inevitable.’&nbsp; Ani Marilyn was a familiar figure amid the sacred spaces of the Valley, the lanes of Boudha and even Kathmandu’s drawing rooms during my early years in Nepal, a large smiling presence draped in maroon robes, dyed sneakers, slightly whiskered, robust.&nbsp; As a wedding gift she gave Tenzin and I an inscribed copy of her slim volume, Ocean of Life, aptly named for the span of her achievements and expansive embrace – editor, translator, writer, filmmaker, photographer, journalist and Buddhist nun. Marilyn’s nephew wrote: ‘Her legacy was that she was always herself no matter what chapter of her life that she was living.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100124_70d489c3d161f59668f315ede60cbb213d365357b0a9f2d7aad3b537a14dcb5e.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260122100124_70d489c3d161f59668f315ede60cbb213d365357b0a9f2d7aad3b537a14dcb5e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1164" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Ani Marilyn"> <figcaption>Ani Marilyn as a Tibetan Buddhist nun at Shechen Monastery in Boudha.</figcaption> </figure>  Working with a wide range of impeccable sources, Frances Klatzel has assembled first-hand the personal recollections and unsparing insights from Marilyn’s most intimate friends. One of these, Jane Abell Coon, wrote the Introduction. She was a well-known person in 1980s Kathmandu whose husband Carlton Coon served as American Ambassador to Nepal and she simultaneously as American Ambassador in Bangladesh.&nbsp; The book begins with a rare message from the 14th Dalai Lama and a touching Foreword by Venerable Rabjam Rinpoche. It ends with exquisite excerpts from a Buddhist religious tract that Marilyn had translated from its traditional Tibetan text. Marilyn’s initial trip to India was to photograph Ravi Shankar in 1955, the classical sitar maestro. Increasingly fascinated by ‘the complex and compassionate culture’ of Tibet, her Himalayan archives include images throughout India, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan.&nbsp; The first internationally accredited photojournalist to base herself in India, from 1959 Marilyn lived in Bombay then Delhi, with her lifelong partner Frank Moraes, the Goan journalist, writer, commentator and first Indian editor of the Times of India after Independence. INDIAN INFLUENCERS I remember being taken to meet the legendary Frank Moraes in 1973, by then politically exiled in Marilyn’s elegant but chaotic London house, a magnet for South Asian intellectuals. She was not there, but Frank’s son the poet Dom Moraes was slumped desultory on a sagging sofa. My impression of Frank was well-dressed, polite and slightly distracted. Marilyn’s talent for friendship and wide network of Indian influencers and princely connections gave her unique access to historic events, as well as recording refugees, rituals, droughts, floods, famines and funerals. In addition to maharajahs and global leaders, her images portray personal moments, ordinary people, unflinching pain and flashes of joy. She said: ‘In my job, the closer you get to people, the better off you are.’ This book is illustrated with a thrilling trove of pictures of and by Marilyn, many of which reflect the impact of Henri Cartier-Bresson who signed her up as one of the first women to join his prestigious Magnum photo cooperative.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100124_6dfdef41da5945aea0a8bbd8c1514af5de2adb36361d4e20c29914c59f2039e0.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260122100124_6dfdef41da5945aea0a8bbd8c1514af5de2adb36361d4e20c29914c59f2039e0" data-rendition-name="original" width="2124" height="1404" loading="lazy" alt="Ani Marilyn"> </figure>  Her assignments ranged across warzones in Vietnam, the Shah of Iran’s coronation, and Russian tanks rolling into Prague. Marilyn’s 1960s involved constant travel, her Magnum beat was the ‘Far East’, from Pakistan and Bangladesh to China, Korea, and Japan.&nbsp; With a knack at being in the right place at the right time, Marilyn was the only western woman journalist to record the arrival from Lhasa into ‘safety and exile’ of the young Dalai Lama in 1959. She was at Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s funeral in Delhi, the Chogyal of Sikkim’s marriage to Hope Cooke, and with Jacqueline Kennedy on a small boat at the Lake Palace of Udaipur.&nbsp; Marilyn snapped the Pope giving blessings in Bombay, Mother Teresa attending to the poor, and the Beatles on their way to meet the Maharishi. With Frank, she travelled to Africa and shot Emperor Haile Selassie in Ethiopia, Nigeria’s independence celebrations, and a very old and solar-topied Dr Albert Schweitzer in his jungle hospital in Gabon.&nbsp; A Portrait of Ourselves, Marilyn Silverstone: From Photojournalist to Buddhist Nun, is a highly recommended tribute to an inspirational life, told with discerning honesty and private perceptions by those who knew her best.&nbsp; Her monastic years living in Nepal continued to feature travel, hard work, undiminished curiosity, dogged fights for right, uncompromising support for others, disdain for conformity and battles with ill health, but all with her characteristic good humour. Marilyn leaves us with some sound advice in her own words: “I can say that I did it all. The secret though is just keep walking through life without analysing it too much or clinging to it too much. Just walk on.” &nbsp;&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100140_dc0c465e462bd14e92b2a2e79b5349f23fa039bcda81cc02a9a70adbcee35c7b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260122100140_dc0c465e462bd14e92b2a2e79b5349f23fa039bcda81cc02a9a70adbcee35c7b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="marilyn silverstone"> </figure>

“Just walk on”

Bhairav is the fierce manifestation of Lord Shiva, and his strength is depicted in a fearsome face but he is also a protector and guardian. There are eight forms of Bhairav in Kathmandu, and they are all featured in Mukesh Shrestha’s exhibition Bhairav Bhav at Gallery 108 in Darbar Marg. The artist was moved to contemplate the violent September protests through this series of paintings.&nbsp; “The GenZ protests exposed the greedy and aggressive side of leaders in which many young Nepalis lost their lives. Bhairav teaches people that forms of aggression and peace can go hand in hand, and peace can be chosen,” Shrestha explains. The artworks on display have a distinct palette of yellow, black and white, symbolising peace even during turbulent times. “Yellow is an auspicious colour for Hindus and Buddhists, it also has religious significance,” he says. Each painting is imbued by the black walls of the gallery and spotlight with warm lights. Says gallery manager Pooja Mahato, “The backdrop is black deliberately so that the visitors’ focus goes more to the artwork and less on the surrounding.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012008018_ac2e3090a926cb57fca481d580d1c087b43d392299e2d99231a6044a05696964.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026012008018_ac2e3090a926cb57fca481d580d1c087b43d392299e2d99231a6044a05696964" data-rendition-name="original" width="2784" height="3984" loading="lazy" alt="Bhairav art review"> </figure>  Each of the paintings depicts Bhairav’s face in the real form but the bodies are imagined by the artist. This distinction is also made by the use of colours on the face while the body is conspicuously black and white. As Bhairav is one of Lord Shiva’s forms, serpents are an essential part of the portraits. The pieces on Kal Bhairav of Kathmandu Darbar Square and Bagh Bhairav of Kirtipur ooze power from every angle. Kal Bhairav is the Lord of time, and the Bagh Bhairav represents the ferocity of the tiger. Meanwhile, Unmatta Bhairav, also known as Digambar sacrificed the greed for life and is depicted naked. Couples who do not have children are blessed with offspring if they worship this Bhairav avatar. Then there is Batuk Bhairav, the childish god with a happy face. The blue here creates a vibrant, ritualistic visage even as it emotes calmness. “It is believed that Bhairav came in this child-like form to fool the demons to destroy them, and is represented through small hands and feet,” explains Mahato.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012008018_e1f25fe3e0d9431df47cd8f76182649e969d511298c17c0c92179475e8008809.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026012008018_e1f25fe3e0d9431df47cd8f76182649e969d511298c17c0c92179475e8008809" data-rendition-name="original" width="2120" height="3728" loading="lazy" alt="Bhairav art review"> </figure>  Shweta Bhairav's face is also depicted exactly the same as it is in Kathmandu Darbar Square. Its body includes the feet of Bhramayani Devi, one of the forms of Nava Durga. It is believed that this form of Bhairav is granted entry in Kathmandu only after the welcome of Bhramayani Devi.&nbsp; Shweta Bhairav was wrongly identified as the Akash Bhairav when it was chosen as the motif for Royal Nepal Airlines 60 years ago. Despite this, the carrier’s aircraft still carry the wrong Bhairav on their fuselage. Shanta Bhairav, meanwhile, entered Kathmandu Valley in the form of a human to meet his beloved, Lassi. After agreeing to take the role of the protector for children as many were lost, he was allowed to live in the Valley.&nbsp; The paintings also represent peace and tranquility: lotus flowers emerging from the heads of a male and female body, and military tanks below them. Says Mukesh Shrestha, “Each artwork is a journey from ignorance to knowledge. Whatever we think, we become. If we think of peace, we become peaceful, but if we think of destruction, we become destructive.” Bhairav Bhav By Mukesh Shrestha Gallery 108, Darbar Marg Until 31 January 11am-7pm (Mondays by appointment)

The power of peace

Monday, 8 September marked the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">largest single-day, state-led massacre of protesters</a> in Nepal’s recent history. The indiscriminate firing of automatic weapons on the GenZ demonstrators for over three hours killed 21 people. Most were below 28, waiting to fly overseas as migrant workers.
This sparked the violence of the following day that ultimately left 76 people dead. Postmortem reports show that the protesters on 8 September were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/security-forces-targeted-protestors-disproportionately-hrw">shot directly in the chest, head, and abdomen</a>.
During the GenZ protests, the Nepal Army also killed 10 prisoners who were attempting to flee jails. Yet, no one questioned or condemned the Army for taking such lethal measures.
Brutality and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/transitional-injustice-in-nepal">extrajudicial killings</a> by the security forces are not uncommon in Nepal. They peaked during the Maoist conflict, and recur often. What happened during the GenZ protests was a continuation of culture.
During the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/masochism-in-madhes,563">Madhes Movement in 2015</a>, the K P Oli-led regime was also responsible for more than 50 deaths. Police forces shot and killed 16 people. In Janakpur, a police officer shot and killed a 14-year-old child, Nitu Yadav, at point-blank range while he was trying to hide behind some bushes.&nbsp;
According to witnesses, the masked police officer forced the child to the ground, shot him in the head, and kicked him while shouting, “Shoot this motherf**ker.” No police chiefs were held accountable for these atrocities. The state has still not released the Laal Aayog Report, which investigated <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tikapur-s-protracted-trauma">killings in the Tarai</a>.&nbsp;
In 2026 the Armed Police Force (APF) shot and killed rickshaw driver Bijay Shah in sunsari while he was transporting goods across the border. From 2017 to 2021, at least 22 people died in police custody alone, most of them Madhesi and Dalits.&nbsp;
Police routinely described these deaths as suicides, yet this was never independently verified. In Shah’s case, the APF claimed without evidence that he died in a crossfire. Police institutions continue to function <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/mob-movement-and-mayhem">as they did under the Panchayat regime</a>. In the absence of proper investigation, there is impunity and the killings go on.&nbsp;
This lack of accountability means that the Nepali state has normalised killings by its security apparatus. When pressed about shooting protesters outside Parliament in September, Prime Minister KP Oli and Police Chief Chandra Kuber Khapung defended themselves saying, “Bullets do not have eyes.”&nbsp;
There was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/election-vs-escalation">no remorse or empathy</a>, and a refusal to accept responsibility. They failed to acknowledge that the state has a constitutional mandate to protect its citizens, including those accused of crimes.&nbsp;
Those in power routinely shift the blame onto protesters. In reality, police often initiate intimidation and violence at otherwise peaceful protests, as seen on 8 September. According to witnesses, protesters only became agitated after Nepal Police started firing tear gas, and shooting one of the demonstrators.&nbsp;
The Gauri Bahadur Karki Judicial Investigation Commission has not yet filed its report. But there will be justice only when then-Prime Minister KP Oli, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and Kathmandu CDO Chhabi Rijal are held accountable for their actions or inaction. But it should not end there -- all police officers involved in the killings must also face justice.&nbsp;
No government or political leader in the past decades has tried to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2809">reform police to end their impunity</a>. Politicians in power and police forces maintain an unspoken, unholy nexus – from the local to the state level. It is a mutual protection arrangement. Those in power rely on the police to maintain their power and even prosecute opponents, while the police depend on them for political patronage.&nbsp;
To be sure, Nepal Police just reflects the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-story-so-far">state of the country’s democracy</a>, as well as its lack of commitment to human rights and the rule of law. Genuine reform and democratisation of the police force is needed to uphold human rights and the Constitution, and increase institutional diversity with greater representation of women, Dalits, Madhesi, indigenous and the traditionally excluded.&nbsp;
The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18719">APF was originally formed </a>to suppress the Maoist armed conflict and is now used to quell public protests. It should be dismantled, and the post of Chief District Officer abolished. &nbsp;
The Office of the Attorney General and the National Human Rights Commission have repeatedly failed to address police killings and torture. A strong independent mechanism is needed to investigate abuses of power and prosecute those responsible.&nbsp;
The argument is that holding police to account will damage their morale. Actually, ending impunity and enforcing accountability would enhance the police’s public image and strengthen the institution, enabling it to maintain law and order without turning into a killing machine.&nbsp;
More importantly, we need to design <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-sides-of-the-same-coin">state institutions</a> to be empathetic. Only then will society embody tolerance. If culture of killing is accepted, it fosters violence. This is what happened on 9 September. The mayhem was no coincidence.&nbsp;
Police killings and abuse of power, and their entrenched impunity, have led to mounting public anger towards the state and resentment towards the system. If this continues unchecked, it will threaten the very stability of democracy that these institutions are supposed to safeguard. &nbsp;
Prashanta Khanal is an independent climate and transport policy researcher.&nbsp;

depopulation