Four months ago, videos of Nepal’s rich, famous, and well-connected spread like wildfire on digital platforms. They were flaunting their lavish lifestyles while many Nepalis could not make enough to get by.&nbsp; This display of nepotistic privilege resonated in particular among the millions of Nepalis who are toiling overseas, or will soon have to migrate to provide for their families. What started out as a protest against #NepoKids and corruption snowballed into violence that brought down the government. The youth envisioned a future where they would not be compelled to leave a country where rulers offer nothing to them.&nbsp; Ironically, the arson and vandalism of international hotel brands, corporate houses and businessmen has dampened the investment climate which is driving more Nepalis abroad. The Labour Ministry has announced plans to make it easier for those affected by the protests to obtain overseas working permits. Even those who wanted to stay in Nepal might now find it easier and more prudent to leave. Over 200,000 Nepalis have obtained labour permits in the four months since the September unrest. Since 2011, 7.6 million Nepalis have officially gone to work overseas, according to the 2024 Nepal Labour Migration Report released by the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Security last month. Of them, 2.8 million have renewed their permits. The report highlights labour migration trends, governance, policies, and data for the fiscal years 2022/23 and 2023/24, and although a bit outdated, the figures give an idea of the scale and spread of Nepal’s migrant workers.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260108110136_4322a0fcff688dc506bef0e38fec7ae40dc9a2e73ed3e72ee671879c8d756868.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260108110136_4322a0fcff688dc506bef0e38fec7ae40dc9a2e73ed3e72ee671879c8d756868" data-rendition-name="original" width="1118" height="614" loading="lazy" alt="migration report"> </figure>  Some highlights: 954, 319 new labour approvals were issued in 2022/23 and 2023/24, 113,056 of which were obtained by women. Half of the total migrant workforce were between the ages of 25-34.&nbsp; Kosi and Madhes Provinces account for the highest share of labour approvals, while Karnali and Sudurpaschim have the lowest. Most of the migrant workers going to India were from those two far-western provinces. The report categorises migration by year, district, province, age, and sex. But it would have done well to disaggregate socio-economic status, caste and ethnicity, and geographical data.&nbsp; The report also highlights strides made towards ensuring better and fairer migration. Since 2023, labour permits are valid for the duration of the contract signed between workers and employers, as opposed to a fixed term of two years previously. Steps have been taken to ensure 'employers pay' with some destinations so that workers do not have to pay exorbitant recruitment fees. Nepal’s diplomatic missions have been mobilised to issue labour permits and better protection to undocumented workers. There have been efforts to provide better legal protection and compensation rights to overseas workers. Bilateral labour agreements have been signed with countries that offer relatively higher wages, and agreements have been proposed with 13 countries to extend opportunities to migrants in more eastern European countries, SAARC countries like the Maldives and higher-income nations like Austria and Luxembourg.&nbsp; In 2022, the Social Security Fund was extended to include Nepali migrant workers abroad. And while the report also includes Nepal's existing G2G agreements, the effectiveness of those deals also need to be discussed. Nepal' G2G partnership with the UK to send Nepali nurses to work there at zero cost, was expected to recruit 100 nurses, but only 41 nurses have obtained labour permits.&nbsp; Meanwhile, Nepal continues to maintain a G2G partnership with Israel, which is committing a genocide in Gaza, and where the security of Nepalis is at risk. Last year, 2,200 Nepalis went to work in Israel as caregivers — 60% of whom are women. &nbsp; Destination countries have also introduced new migration policies unfriendly to nations like Nepal. Late last year, Malaysia’s announcement of new criteria for selecting private recruiting agencies for migrant workers from countries including Nepal. And the nationwide jailbreak in September has not helped Nepal's case either. The UAE stopped issuing visas to Nepali workers for almost two months before allowing it recently, pending attested police reports. Even so, Nepal recorded remittance inflows of $4.88 billion in the first four months of this fiscal year. Nearly 28% of Nepal GDP equivalent comes from remittances, one of the highest proportion in the world that shows low level of domestic economic activity. Nepal’s leadership will have to reconcile with the fact that depending on remittance to hold up the economy is foolish. Even as Nepal tries to sign labour agreements, higher income nations are becoming less and less tolerant of migrants — even as they face labour shortages and invade developing nations at will.&nbsp; At the beginning of the report, Krishna Hari Pushkar, Secretary of the Labour Ministry, writes, ‘Our shared goal should be to ensure that migration is always a choice, not a necessity.’ But for Nepal and Nepalis, migration will be a compulsion for the foreseeable future.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260108110144_843ed024465b5cedc28b86331d7509973b2a6dd646349fd5d542074422e837e4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260108110144_843ed024465b5cedc28b86331d7509973b2a6dd646349fd5d542074422e837e4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="migration report"> </figure>

original

674x448

610x380

500x500

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

1250x600

1084x550

thumbnail

viewImage

Still a compulsion, not a choice

This is the 78th episode of Diaspora Diaries, a Nepali Times series in collaboration with Migration Lab providing a platform to share experiences of living, working and studying abroad. Pawan Dev Majhi&nbsp; (Son, Mahottari) Growing up, my grandfather and father inspired me to study well by offering incentives of Rs5-10 every Saturday. This worked well, even though I failed to earn a reward every week.&nbsp; This was an especially big deal in my Musahar community where education is not a priority. First come basic necessities like food, roof and clothes. Only after this, can we think about education. As my brother and I grew up, my father in 2009 decided to migrate overseas for work to support our family, and our educational expenses. I come from a community in which passing Grade 10 is a big deal.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026010514018_7443d7d8181ec8cb4504fdfa70f6f740f852079f95f1f4d66c1976a37bd4da0b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026010514018_7443d7d8181ec8cb4504fdfa70f6f740f852079f95f1f4d66c1976a37bd4da0b" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="540" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>  During the Covid-19 lockdown I relied on YouTube videos on my uncle’s phone to prepare for my high school exams. My father was back from Qatar during the lockdown. After I passed Grade 8, my father had bought me a bicycle, but there was no reward for passing Grade 10. We were struggling to survive day-to-day. My father and grandfather wanted me to be a doctor. For them, this meant completing the Health Assistant course. But to be a doctor, I learnt only in grade 10 that I had do an MBBS. My teachers and friends encouraged me. But everything eventually comes down to money. I could not even go to Kathmandu for my further studies because of high expenses.&nbsp; My school had added a +2 course so I was in the first cohort in the science faculty. After my Grade 12 exam, we could not afford coaching classes for the medical school entrance exams that everyone else was taking. I thought I was capable of making it on my own.&nbsp; My results were not good enough for a scholarship. Paying was never an option. I tried again, and appeared for five entrance exams including MBBS, dentistry and public health. Again, I did not get the MBBS scholarship but passed four other exams with scholarships.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026010514018_683df527cd47758b3f8ada16756bc05ce69278c0e9ae6f9c1929ab771ddd10a5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026010514018_683df527cd47758b3f8ada16756bc05ce69278c0e9ae6f9c1929ab771ddd10a5" data-rendition-name="original" width="5712" height="3213" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>  My family urged me to choose dentistry, and I boarded a bus to Kathmandu to enroll. During that journey, I changed my mind to take up entrance preparation for medical school in Kathmandu despite the expenses.&nbsp; My success with the other four exams without any guidance had also boosted my confidence. I thought guidance through coaching classes would help me secure a scholarship for my MBBS as well. My parents supported the decision although they had legitimate fears: I was wasting one more year and what if I did not even get the MBBS OR dentistry scholarship the following year? I came to Kathmandu with Rs50,000 which lasted two months. I tried to find work. I was ready to do anything from dishwashing to tutoring, but failed. Guiltily, I asked my father for help again, and he came through as always by borrowing money. Studying in a preparation institute helped a lot. There were many of us and we had to take mock exams every week. When I was studying alone, I used to be overconfident. Back home, there were too many distractions, with farm work and household chores.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026010514018_529c9a7d44c10df68f53db48a7e184683c81de3cabcabebe11bacd90a438f93f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2026010514018_529c9a7d44c10df68f53db48a7e184683c81de3cabcabebe11bacd90a438f93f" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="2268" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>  In Kathmandu, there was no pressure of this sort. But the loans pushed me to make the most of my time there. I studied till 2AM. All this paid off, and I passed. I did not tell everyone immediately because there was still uncertainty around whether I would get a scholarship or not. Finally, when my name came out on the scholarship list, I could not be happier. We had to deposit money for admission at BPKIHS in Dharan, and we did not have enough to pay that amount.&nbsp; Folks back in the village started a Rs100,000 donation campaign on social media. With that money, I enrolled at BPKHIS. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260105140112_79d782f88860cc172650bac604b61d28d15ccde87737426b1ccc26db836fe7c3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260105140112_79d782f88860cc172650bac604b61d28d15ccde87737426b1ccc26db836fe7c3" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="942" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>  The scholarship only covers tuition costs, there are still living expenses. People have been contributing whatever they can: some sent Rs40, others Rs30,000. I do not know who these people are since online banking does not disclose names of contributors. I am extremely grateful for the support, and it has added a greater sense of responsibility. If we had to take loans, it would have been pressure to pay one person. Now I feel the need to repay everyone who contributed. It helped that I enjoyed school. There was still a lot of work in the fields, but I managed to study for a few hours everyday after coming home. If my father had not migrated I would have dropped out at Grade 8, and there would be pressure on me to also migrate for work. We used to live in a mud house, now it is a sturdier building that is still under construction. My father could not complete the house because his savings went to pay for my education. We will now complete the house. Our father has already done his share of work. He is now 55 and his health is not what it once was. He went to Qatar again after we took more loans for my studies in Kathmandu. He will come home soon. I had dissuaded him from re-migrating last year, but he insisted saying everyone has to do their duty. Indeed, my duty is also to study.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260105140124_529c9a7d44c10df68f53db48a7e184683c81de3cabcabebe11bacd90a438f93f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260105140124_529c9a7d44c10df68f53db48a7e184683c81de3cabcabebe11bacd90a438f93f" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="2268" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>  “I have done my duty” Shiv Narayan Majhi&nbsp; (Father, Qatar) Things are lighter for me after my son passed his MBBS entrance exam with scholarship. I was thrilled to receive his call with this wonderful news.&nbsp; My friends here are also very happy for me. I have told them that I will buy them sweets once I receive my salary this month. People like me who work hard overseas can understand the happiness I feel as a parent. My son was always bright, and that gave me the determination to work harder. Even when he chose to wait another year for an MBBS scholarship and let go of four scholarships, we supported him. My wife farms back home and I earn money overseas for other expenses.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026010514018_b91558554834966e42af06e5dea9442cae9c84c73af8935d2abfb4e0ff6bbbc7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2026010514018_b91558554834966e42af06e5dea9442cae9c84c73af8935d2abfb4e0ff6bbbc7" data-rendition-name="original" width="4032" height="2268" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>  I have invested some of my earnings in land and house, but mostly it has gone for the education of my children. The scholarship reflects our sweat and blood, and he has achieved what even the richest people cannot get easily. When I first came to Qatar 17 years ago, people did not migrate from my village. I had a relative overseas who connected me to a job in Qatar. As a labourer, I was determined to make sure my son had it better and education was the only way out. I never got a chance to study growing up, but I knew the value of school because some educated people from our village had got good jobs as accountants and teachers. Because I had no education, I had to work on other people’s land and we got 3-4 kg of paddy for a whole day’s work. Even here in Qatar, it is physically demanding work in the heat. Those with education are supervisors, timekeepers and engineers who order us around. The trust in my son's capabilities made me work hard and invest in his studies. And that is what I am doing even at age 55. I am still repaying his loans. Now my son tells me to come back. I feel I have done my duty. To support Pawan with his MBBS education, please contribute to Pawan Dev Majhi (Account No. 0960100000794045, Citizens Samrakshit Bachat Khata) or use the QR code.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260105130156_7991539b09db24774e6a47e8e019b82f3b5ca47b9f4f2bfd200baed8e5fb5db5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260105130156_7991539b09db24774e6a47e8e019b82f3b5ca47b9f4f2bfd200baed8e5fb5db5" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="1612" loading="lazy" alt="DD 78"> </figure>

Father’s migration, son’s education

The very first frame in The Lama’s Son starts with a vision of Shangrila and the quest of a mythical utopia in the Himalaya when the rest of the world is crumbling away. It is also the personal search of filmmaker Kesang Tseten, but what he finds there are adherents of the Bon Po faith clinging to the last remnants of a culture as it erodes away like the sandstone cliffs of Mustang. “It was while editing the documentary that the story became distilled: how does what we see in the high Himalaya relate to the notion of the Shangrila idyll that especially the West ascribed to them,” asked Tseten during a recent trip to Kathmandu from Berne where he now lives. He continued: “Often and perhaps rightly criticised as an orientalist construct, I wondered if there was any basis at all to the Shangrila notion, and I hung the film on that idea.”&nbsp; Tseten takes us to the vast vistas of Mustang and Dolpo, a landscape of his Tibetan ancestors. This is as much an intimate documentation of families on Nepal’s Himalayan rimland torn between remoteness and globalness as it is about Tseten’s own quest for rootedness.&nbsp; We start from Lubra, a 3,000m village in Mustang the 15 households of which follow the Bon faith. Lama Tsultrim is from a 900-year-old lineage of the animist faith and an exponent of the tradition that is slowly being subsumed first by Buddhism and now modernism. For Tseten, the material is familiar, and not at all exotic as it is for non-Nepalis and indeed for many urban Nepalis. Bon, founded in Tibet, predates Buddhism, but over time, the two religions have come to resemble each other.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_ecf8148fbaa17b93c81ddfa3ed244bed266e3ef6af0cd5e6ca7b64c181b97d45.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251113111156_ecf8148fbaa17b93c81ddfa3ed244bed266e3ef6af0cd5e6ca7b64c181b97d45" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  ‘Both believe in karma, rebirth, and that humans can become enlightened. Nature and spirits are predominant in Bon, and rituals are what keep them benign and alight,’ says Tseten, who rarely narrates in his documentaries. “This is not really a personal film as such, but it has a point of view,” Tseten said. “I decided to have a voice-over on this one and cast my presence in the film.”&nbsp; Lubra's Lama Tsultrim is called upon to perform rituals from Kagbeni and other villages, but there is no one to continue the tradition after him, which is passed from father to son. Lama Tsultrim’s son (hence the title of the film) is a sushi chef in New York and has been gone for 20 years. “The Lama is like a setting sun, his son should come back and take over his father’s responsibilities,” says a local youngster chatting with friends. “If he dies tomorrow, where do we go? We can’t just light butter lamps ourselves to the gods.” It is not only the Lama’s son who has left. The village is nearly empty, and more are planning to leave. One of them is Chimi, a teacher who will be joining her fiancé who is an Uber driver in New York. Her brother is already in Hong Kong. In Lo Manthang a local is back home for a three-month vacation after being in New York for 12 years. A shopkeeper was in Japan for several years, and has returned. “Everything has changed, our language, our tsampa, our religion. We used to work and live together, now the children live separately,” says a middle-aged woman. “There are roads now, and vehicles stop right outside our house, but what’s the point? No one stays home.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_47b4c4984fa33e42791b16dba1f078aaa7f9d8bd51ca3bfd5415b436c3a0bf2c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251113111156_47b4c4984fa33e42791b16dba1f078aaa7f9d8bd51ca3bfd5415b436c3a0bf2c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  Like most of Tseten’s films, The Lama’s Son is an honest documentation of a place and people whose lifestyle, culture and heritage cling precariously to the past. In Dri village we come across local women filling their buckets with water. Tseten asks them why the village is so empty: “Where is everyone?” The women reply that they are “here, there and everywhere”. Then it is their turn to ask Tseten about where he lives and what he is doing in their village. Migration is a recurring theme in Tseten’s documentaries from We Corner People, In Search of the Riyal, or Saving Dolma. His previous film Diversity Plaza documented the lives of Nepali and Tibetan emigrants in Jackson Heights in the borough of Queens in New York.&nbsp; Diversity Plaza was shown at DOC NYC in 2023, and The Lama’s Son will be one of only two Asian films shown next week at one of the biggest documentary film festivals in the world.&nbsp; “The Lama’s Son is not loud, not attention grabbing but intimate, so I was surprised they chose a quiet film for a big, flashy event,” Tseten told us. In Lama’s Son, we also see how climate breakdown is impacting Nepal’s trans-Himalayan regions. Lama Tsultrim shows us the aftermath of a recent glacial flood that swept away houses and fields. The debris-covered farms are as hard as cement.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_c82126a3c2dc4577b99beb9bef20aafa16f532a3f41e59caea17c93914c59fff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251113111156_c82126a3c2dc4577b99beb9bef20aafa16f532a3f41e59caea17c93914c59fff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  The nearby village of Dhey at 3,900m is a high and dry cold desert. Farmers get one crop in a year, but the springs have gone dry and there is no snow in winter. So they are relocating to New Dhey, closer to the road. We follow Kesang Tseten to Samling in Dolpo, which at 4,200m is another Bon village. Locals are preparing for the Walchu festival in which Lama Sherrab carries out elaborate rituals to appease spirits that can turn malevolent. But unlike Lama Tsultrim in Lubra, Lama Sherrab has a community of lamas to help him, including two sons, one of whom will eventually take on his role. We move on to the adjacent village of Bicher and listen in as locals talk about how despite being dirt poor, they thrive in scarcity and are resilient. “We wear sheepskin, eat stew and yak meat, and drink wine. But we are very poor, we have nothing. Look at how dirty our clothes are. We may be dirty, but we have few illnesses,” says one. But even here in Upper Dolpo, a week’s walk from the nearest road, things are changing. There are mobile phones, readymade clothes and instant noodles.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251113111156_d1472165cfa9ffa6edbf72de59167e8cbddcc2bf4a7928f7830e099966259a78.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251113111156_d1472165cfa9ffa6edbf72de59167e8cbddcc2bf4a7928f7830e099966259a78" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="The periphery cannot hold NT"> </figure>  At the Walchu ritual, Tseten watches men and women with hand-woven blankets and down jackets sing and dance after the main ceremony. He narrates: “Bon is sustained by a way of life that fosters a fine but fragile balance between nature and people, where humans come before gods. This is what lies at the heart of Shangrila if there is such a thing.” The film then takes us half-way around the world to a Bon centre in New York, but (spoiler alert) the eponymous Lama’s son never appears. He did not want to be filmed, but it makes for a more powerful portrayal of the life of emigrants forever trapped between two worlds. “Bon villages may be in danger, but the Bon has spread widely across the world,” narrates Tseten, a director who likes to call his storytelling ethnographic, and avoids coming to an apt conclusion. Lama Sherrab’s words after the Walchu ritual is a perfect segue:&nbsp; “Whether you say om mani padme hum (in Buddhism) or matri mi yu (in Bon) they are the same. When you go up, it’s the same heavenly realm. If you go down, it’s still the lord of death who awaits. There isn’t a separate heaven and hell for Buddhists and Bon, it has to be the same for both.” &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025111312110_82817ef48840bb6baa1732d5b0b90c90ead2f9bd9eb0c289940fa61d8058de8d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="2025111312110_82817ef48840bb6baa1732d5b0b90c90ead2f9bd9eb0c289940fa61d8058de8d" data-rendition-name="original" width="7087" height="10004" loading="lazy" alt="The Lama's Son NT"> </figure>  The Lama’s Son by Kesang Tseten, 2025 Shunyata Films To be screened at DOC NYC 16 November at 2:05PM local time, Online: 17-30 November Details <a href="https://www.docnyc.net/film/the-lamas-son/">here</a>.

Sonia Awale

The periphery cannot hold

Imagine a high-end fair trade tea brand from Nepal that has done everything right, with ethical sourcing practices and international certifications. It has built a loyal base of socially conscious, premium customers in an export market and focuses on quality over quantity. Then one day, a government in the export market introduces a new ‘listing criteria’ that requires exporting a certain amount of tea to at least three countries in the past five years. But this was never a numbers game, it was about a niche market of socially responsible tea lovers.&nbsp; Suddenly, fair trade tea companies are restricted from exporting tea to that country.&nbsp; Pretty unfair for the company, for consumers, for the tea sector. More importantly, for tea farmers and families benefiting from fair standards. The overseas labour industry is facing a similar risk as recruiters, including those that have adopted ethical standards, may soon be barred from finding workers for Malaysia.&nbsp; On 27 October, the Malaysian Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent letters to five countries including Nepal, Bangladesh, Burma, Pakistan and India to ‘rationalise the number of licensed private recruitment agencies permitted to facilitate recruitment and placement of workers to Malaysia’.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141040_050274dddc6cf10224b0ad9283eec7b3bc3c0acd650543a808a8ea473ecf40db.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251030141040_050274dddc6cf10224b0ad9283eec7b3bc3c0acd650543a808a8ea473ecf40db" data-rendition-name="original" width="961" height="1135" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"> </figure>  The letter includes 10 criteria for private recruiting agencies including at least five years of operating experience, deployment of 3,000 workers in the past three years of operation, &nbsp;experience sending workers to at least three countries, a 10,000 sq m office maintained for three years, valid licenses and good conduct certificates, five employer testimonials, and operating their own training and accommodation centres. Two conditions stand out as potentially harmful to Nepal’s ethical recruitment movement. First, although the letter cites a minimum of 3,000 workers, it says three years in the heading and five in the body text. A big enough difference to affect a significant number of recruiters from making the cut, but problematic regardless.&nbsp; Second, the requirement to send workers to at least three countries disproportionately impacts responsible recruiters in Nepal and elsewhere. Turning the selection of workers into a numbers game is dehumanising. Responsible &nbsp;recruiters deprioritise volume, focus on quality of jobs even when business sustainability comes under threat as ethical opportunities that do not require workers to pay any feed and ensure greater transparency are difficult to come by. Sending workers is further impacted by a series of external shocks. For example, in the Malaysian context Nepal banned emigration to Malaysia for two years followed by the Covid pandemic, and then Malaysia’s decision to stop the intake of foreign workers for the last two years.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141040_b1b88b3ae2e94c6bc077529ac6f2a4e380a385ee9a22219edfed25067c9d25a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251030141040_b1b88b3ae2e94c6bc077529ac6f2a4e380a385ee9a22219edfed25067c9d25a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="595" height="841" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141040_2cf252908d18aaf09c875002eef2d92ab45897a56b560addd2dc02311725c8a7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251030141040_2cf252908d18aaf09c875002eef2d92ab45897a56b560addd2dc02311725c8a7" data-rendition-name="original" width="590" height="238" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"> </figure>  Many ethical recruiters have focused on Malaysia because it is a more common labour market for responsible recruitment than other destinations like the Gulf. There is no credible justification to why responsible recruiters well regarded by scores of Malaysia-based multinational companies and with decades of experience should be ‘disqualified’ for not diversifying. Finding jobs for Nepalis in new markets is difficult given fierce competition, challenges &nbsp;identifying companies which follow the employer-pays principle, lack of networks and shortcomings in marketing strategies. These factors hit responsible recruiters harder because profit-motivated employers are often unwilling to cover the costs and fees associated with workers’ recruitment.&nbsp; “The volume of deployment does not determine a recruiter’s capability or the quality of services provided,” says Sujit Shrestha of the Nepal Association of Foreign Employment Agencies (NAFEA). Nepal recently scrapped the licensing renewal requirement that mandated sending at least 100 workers a year as it was impractical. The new Malaysian criteria is similar in nature, he added. The ball is now in Nepal’s court at a time when the interim government does not even have designated heads in the Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Labour, Employment Employment and Social Security. When rumours about the Malaysian action started circulating, NAFEA had raised the issue, but was assured that this was not an attempt to set up a syndicate.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251030141044_83c8a174ef116603f747d1cd254c4d353e8b855a41fb99feec54e701f5fc4c3f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251030141044_83c8a174ef116603f747d1cd254c4d353e8b855a41fb99feec54e701f5fc4c3f" data-rendition-name="original" width="3456" height="5184" loading="lazy" alt="Malaysia recruitment"> </figure>  How will governments and recruiters in other origin countries now respond? There is precedence from Bangladesh. Dhaka-based journalist at the Daily Star, Porimol Palma who says, “Earlier, the Malaysian authorities had selected 101 Bangladeshi recruiters unilaterally, despite Bangladesh’s call for a syndicate-free recruitment mechanism.” Between 2022-2024, 450,000 Bangladeshis were recruited under this system with workers paying between $4,500 and $6,000, even though the legal limit was $750. Palma attributes part of the high fees workers had to pay were for commissions or bribes to recruitment syndicates. Adrian Pereira heads the North South Initiative in Malaysia says: “The criteria seems a bit fishy, as they do not appear to address the actual problems in the the recruitment of foreign workers. Some of the criteria seem to encourage a system of monopoly or syndicate rather than a rights-based approach. Every government has the right to set criteria for recruiters, but conventions and ILO (International Labour Organization) standards on recruitment exist. It looks like we’re back to square one.”&nbsp; Whether migrant origin countries including Bangladesh and Nepal accept the terms sent without reservations or push back in good faith remains to be seen. In an ideal world, a collective stance should put workers’ needs and welfare at the centre. How rational is the proposed ‘rationalising strategy’? What aspects of it are promising to curb recruitment abuse and what merits serious reconsideration?&nbsp; Even if the move from the Malaysian side is well-intentioned to address rampant malpractices migrant workers face, Nepal should deliberate on the conditions set, the collateral damage especially on the responsible actors and small but capable recruiters. Alternate options that might serve everyone better before rushing to respond with a chosen list by 15 November. If the proposal is accepted, how would it be done in a transparent and accountable way? It is noteworthy that Indonesia was not listed even though it has the most workers in Malaysia among the 16 countries that send migrants to Malaysia.&nbsp; The Responsible Business Alliance (RBA), the ILO, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), and certification programs like On the Level (OTL) also need to use their leverage to ensure that recruiters, including those they have trained or certified on ethical recruitment principles, are not penalised.&nbsp; This is more than just about protecting the ethical recruitment movement, but raising even more basic questions: Who can legally be a recruiter in Nepal? There are already obligations like hefty security deposit and minimum office requirements. But requirements to have building facilities with ‘accommodations’ or ‘testing centres’ are not among them. There are 1,150 plus players in Nepal’s recruitment sector, with a few hundred engaged in the Malaysian market. A unilateral selection criteria could risk foul play, or lead to unintended, unfavourable consequences. To be sure, overseas recruitment in Nepal is known for ‘settings’, corruption, dog-eat-dog competition, and collusion. The profiteering is out of control, often at the expense of workers. But the solution does not lie in stifling the industry with criteria like deployment volume, building worker accommodations or expanding office floors.&nbsp; The focus should instead be on enforcing rules and laws in both countries that govern the industry, and the Malaysian labour agreement that has not been renewed since October 2023.&nbsp; Meddling in the industry in ways that harms fair competition and ethical actors means workers suffer. The only issue that should be taking precedence is: how will Malaysia’s 10-point criteria and planned arrangement affect migrant workers? We have seen how for identical Malaysia-based jobs, one worker might pay zero while another pays up to Rs400,000, depending on the employer and recruiter. It is unclear if the 10-point selection criteria rewards the responsible employers and recruiters.&nbsp; As a longstanding host country for Nepali migrants, Malaysia deserves credit for nurturing the small but growing ethical recruitment industry here. Export-oriented companies in Malaysia need responsible recruitment partners and have mentored recruiters to strengthen their practices and move away from worker-paid models.&nbsp; The business case for ethical recruitment standards has led many recruiters in Nepal to pivot with many now in various stages of transition from traditional to hybrid or purely ethical practices. This progress needs to be acknowledged and built upon.&nbsp; Large, well-networked recruiters with large physical assets and high volume of workers seem to be the winners of Malaysia’s 10-point criteria after two years of waiting for the Malaysian market to reopen. Responsible recruiters endure long periods of minimal or no deployments that threatens their survival. The letter now sitting on the desk of the interim government in Nepal deepens the concern: rather than just failing to recognise or reward responsible recruiters, does the international recruitment market actually punish them? Upasana Khadka heads Migration Lab, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Upasana Khadka

Who gets to recruit for Malaysia?

Today, migration is no longer about awe-inspiring journeys of Xuanzang, Marco Polo, Ibn Battuta, or James Cook. They ventured across oceans and deserts in expeditions into unknown lands without permits and sometimes even received an audience with curious royalty.
We overlook the migration of the earliest humans, those bold crossings over <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/knowing-our-mountains">mountains</a> and plains, rivers and seas, islands and continents, by people who knew no boundaries, only the pull of necessity, survival, and discovery. They exercised the most ancient human freedom: the freedom of movement.&nbsp;
Now, when we hear the word migration, our minds leap not to the journey but to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/free-visa-free-ticket-policy-in-limbo?%2F">borders, passports, patrols, visas</a>. We ask whether someone’s movement is ‘legal’ or ‘illegal’, allowed or forbidden. We debate thresholds and quotas, risks and threats. Rarely do we ask the more human question: does a person not have the right to seek safety, pursue happiness, or simply <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/behind-the-cliff">go on an adventure </a>elsewhere?
For most of human history, the idea that one needed permission to move would have been absurd. Questioning human migration was questioning human nature — it still is. For over 90% of our existence as <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=434">hunter-gatherers</a>, humans were entirely dependent on movement.
Even with the rise of agriculture and the building of cities, migration remained natural to individual and social life. Entire communities shifted with the seasons. Trade and travel routes like the Silk Road, the trans-Saharan highways were arteries of constant movement. Nomadic peoples endured. Even the settled recognised<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/migration-not-a-wish-but-necessity-for-nepalis"> migration as a response</a> to drought, war, or opportunity. One needed no reason, or any reason would suffice.
This right to move is older than nearly all others. It predates the right to property, the most revered right in American political mythology. The right to the ‘pursuit of happiness’, enshrined in the US Declaration of Independence (1776), presupposes freedom of movement. Before there was<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-freedom-after-expression-y4inku06"> freedom of speech</a>, freedom of religion, the right to vote, or the right to due process, there was the right to migrate.&nbsp;
Often, it was the only freedom you could use to protect other personal rights by going to a new place. As the most respected freedom, it was the guardian of all other rights and freedoms.
Religious traditions elevated migration into a moral duty. The Buddha’s Great Renunciation, the exiles in the Ramayana and Mahabharata, and the Anishinaabe migration were considered sacred journeys shaping both the self and the world.
But<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/india-has-arrived"> the rise of modern nation-states</a>, colonial cartographies, and rigid immigration regimes has replaced this freedom with control. The invention of passports, visa systems, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/security-or-espionage">surveillance bureaucracies</a> has shackled what was once humanity’s most basic instinct. A species that roamed the earth for millennia now finds itself trapped inside boxes, walled by citizenship papers, embassies, fences, and checkpoints.
Ironically, it was the very colonial powers that moved freely across oceans and continents in search of resources and dominion turned around to criminalise movement when it came from the margins.
When the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted, freedom of movement was included but subtly severed from the act of migration. The right to leave was affirmed, the right to enter was not. It was a masterstroke of legal illusion, a political magic trick from the Western sleeve that has since cast a spell over global consciousness. A disillusion so complete, we forgot that the right to leave was also a right to arrive.&nbsp;
They even manufactured some baseless rights like preemptive self-defence, preemptive strikes, trade liberalisation, and economic embargo, but somehow framed the right to migrate as too unrealistic, too disruptive, too dangerous to recognise.
Denying the right to free movement has never been merely a matter of security or order, it reflects much deeper structural concerns. Facilitating and even coercing the flow of capital and resources from the Global South while restricting the movement of people ensures that global inequality remains entrenched, locking entire populations into structural disadvantage.
Today, we speak of migration as a problem. A disruption to be managed. We no longer greet migrants with wonder. We do not ask about their journeys, their struggles, their dreams. We fear them.
Our attention has shifted from people to policies, from humanity to geography. People are trapped in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/world-wars">war zones</a>, failing economies, and ecological disasters, not because they cannot escape, but because they are not allowed to. The powerful still glide across borders with ease, the vulnerable are held hostage by the coordinates of their birth.
This system has seeded hatred and xenophobia, nationalism, and exploitation. It has enabled trafficking where safe passage is denied. It has weaponised difference and built moral hierarchies out of geography.
To forget this freedom is not only to forget our past, it is to endanger our future. In boxing humanity into artificial lines, we have betrayed <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/%20identical-political-trajectories-in-Nepal-and-South-Africa,4057">the very idea of freedom</a>. We have turned a natural preservation instinct, a birthright, into a crime. We have silenced the journey. And in doing so, we have not only lost sight of our first freedom, we have lost a piece of what it means to be human.
Bashir Mobasher, PhD, teaches at the American University, New York University and the American University of Afghanistan Departments of Political Science.&nbsp;
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from <a href="https://toda.org/global-outlook/2025/the-first-freedom-how-we-lost-sight-of-our-oldest-right-the-freedom-of-movement.html">the original</a> with their permission.

The first freedom

Nepali Times celebrated its 25th anniversary on 25 July, and this piqued my curiosity about how the paper covered migration in the early days. Things must have been so different back then. Or were they? If we look at restrictive emigration policies that disproportionately impact women, contributors have changed, protagonists have changed, but the message <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/two-decades-of-debate-on-female-migration" target="_blank">remains</a> more or less the same. Many aspects of what we write today about bans are no different from what was written back then, and it is timely to revisit this issue today on World Day Against Trafficking in Persons. Trafficking can only be addressed when people have access to safe and legal migration pathways, not with bans. In an article in 2000, the year this paper was born, correspondent Hemlata Rai wrote an article called ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4816#.YDxjOFUzaUk" target="_blank">Misplaced Chivalry’</a> that criticised the ban on women migration. Back then, it was not a ban on just domestic work but on women migration altogether. Excerpt from the article: What the prohibition has done is make women more vulnerable to economic and sexual exploitation. Since the women now use illegal channels to reach their destinations, they remain invisible in official books and therefore unprotected by laws that ensure workers’ rights…. The government has simply not been able to put an end to this trafficking, and by its across-the-board ban on women workers going to the Gulf has only succeeded in pushing an employment channel underground. Twenty-five years later, I could just reuse this paragraph, and it would still be relevant, albeit the current ban is on domestic work that disproportionately impacts women and not all women migrants. In a 2003 <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4627" target="_blank">news piece</a>, there was a hopeful government announcement that the ban on women working in Gulf countries was lifted, provided a recruiter and embassy could guarantee safe working conditions, after ‘activists criticised the restriction as discriminatory’. In 2006, Dambar Shrestha <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=12746" target="_blank">noted</a> that the remaining restriction on women migrating to the Gulf for domestic work would also likely be repealed after the introduction of the Foreign Employment Act in 2007:&nbsp; ‘There was a general consensus (among Government and advocates) that the ban should be repealed, as a way to monitor overseas employment, and ensure women have legal recourse if mistreated.’ Indeed, the ban was lifted but its aftermath. Mallika Aryal’s 2009 article ‘<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15584" target="_blank">The Invisible</a>’ and Rubeena Mahato’s ‘<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19120#.YDxpbVUzaUl" target="_blank">Womanpower</a>’ noted that women still struggled to migrate because of the bureaucratic challenges:&nbsp; ‘Despite being legally allowed to go abroad to work, government rules make it as difficult as possible for them to do so.’ (Mallika Aryal) or because of the perception of the ban, ‘After the Foreign Employment Act 2007 was passed, the ban has officially been lifted, and there are no restrictions on women migrant workers going abroad. But the perception of a ban remains, and this has led many women to continue using illegal routes.’ By the time people become aware that bans have been lifted or get a grasp of how to navigate the post-ban recruitment system, another iteration of the ban is introduced whether it is conditional (age-specific, country-specific) or blanket bans bringing us back to square 1. See the flipflopping I attempted to trace in a 2021 article, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/history-of-female-im-mobility-in-nepal?amp=1history" target="_blank">History of Female Im-mobility in Nepal</a>. Just like the ban is a reactionary policy, this article was a reaction to a bizarre proposal to require consent from a guardian and local government for women under the age of 40 travelling to the Gulf or Africa which fortunately got quashed. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025073014074_064a69c6ac6a432d6fabb6ca38989186ca6f730e59c20c0c0f182c5e0f6d9dc0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2025073014074_064a69c6ac6a432d6fabb6ca38989186ca6f730e59c20c0c0f182c5e0f6d9dc0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1005" height="672" loading="lazy" alt="migration in Nepal"> </figure>  But <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/lift-the-ban-on-domestic-workers" target="_blank">bans</a> don’t work, have never worked, given irregular <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/ban-the-ban" target="_blank">options</a> via open borders and visit visas, as has been extensively covered in this paper since its first year. The latest <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/history-of-female-im-mobility-in-nepal?amp=1history" target="_blank">ban</a>, imposed in 2017 after a Parliamentary committee visited the Gulf and decided it was unsafe for domestic workers, regardless of gender.&nbsp; Any promise for change such as a 2020 Parliamentary trip after which the committee instructed the government to revisit the ban considering country-specific policies and several preconditions, which were still deemed restrictive, has stalled. A proposal around lifting the ban starting with a pilot agreement with the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/ban-on-female-migrant-workers-to-be-lifted" target="_blank">UAE</a> submitted by the Labour Ministry has also stalled. One would think that 25 years is a long enough time horizon for progress that would bring us to a point where we would look back and gasp at how bans were imposed to curb migration that disproportionately impacted women.&nbsp; What on earth was the Government thinking, we could have wondered? On the contrary, this is still our reality and we are in fact in the midst of a fresh, high profile <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/labour-mobility/revisiting-visit-visas" target="_blank">visit visa</a> scandal that has become a core public contention issue. The misuse of visit visas is inevitably linked to deployment bans and profit motives.&nbsp; These scandals cast doubt on the claim that the bans are really for ‘protection’ of women. To be sure, domestic work remains one of the most vulnerable sectors with women disproportionately affected. Excessive working hours, payment issues such as non-payment or underpayment, verbal, physical and even sexual abuse are prevalent. Countries including in the Middle East have increasingly adopted regulations protecting women but there are severe limits in both the protections they offer or their implementation. These abuses are very much present, prevalent and cannot be ignored. But Nepal has not taken the steps to proactively address these issues because the bans alone take centre focus despite their ineffectiveness. The restrictive policy has not been overhauled despite decades of progress since Hemlata Rai first reported on this subject in this paper in terms of better databases for recordkeeping, stronger international conventions, laws and standards governing this sector, better developed curricula on domestic work, stronger regulations for recruiters deploying domestic workers, social media that keeps domestic workers connected. There are developments from the last two decades that can be utilized to make the sector safer should there be a willingness to do so. Because the reality is, these opportunities are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/homes-away-from-home" target="_blank">life-changing</a> for many <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/every-day-is-closer-to-pay-day" target="_blank">migrants</a> and their families. If and when we get to celebrate the lifting of the ban, it will be just that: a celebration of the ban being lifted, which is not a lot to begin with. A low bar. Because it will only clear the way to begin real work to tangibly make this sector safe.&nbsp; What is needed past the ban will be a lot of work: stronger embassies, better recordkeeping, enforceable bilateral labour agreements, monitoring, pre-departure training and awareness campaigns. Perhaps that is another reason why there is such slow progress because imposing a ban does give the semblance of doing something in the name of protection without really doing much? Twenty-five years of reporting in Nepali Times on bans on women migrant workers has one lesson: they still don’t work -- just as the paper reported back in 2000.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025073014070_90a876eb706f8dca38e738c0f470f88d798d8ebe4be1893c9af5867fba3e0b24.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="2025073014070_90a876eb706f8dca38e738c0f470f88d798d8ebe4be1893c9af5867fba3e0b24" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="World Day against Trafficking in Persons"> </figure>  In this spirit of lazy policymaking and the lackluster progress on addressing deployment bans, here are five endings from previous articles covered in the paper on this issue. Please choose as per your liking; ‘The government has simply not been able to put an end to this trafficking, and by its across-the-board ban on women workers going to the Gulf has only succeeded in pushing an employment channel underground.’ (Hemlata Rai, 2000) ‘How can the government be so apathetic towards this problem when women make such a significant contribution to the national economy?’ (Dewan Rai, 2009) ‘Unless the government is serious about enforcing the provisions of the Foreign Employment Act and creates a safety net for migrant workers, these statistics and the lives of countless Nepali women will only get worse.’ (Sushila Budhathoki and Mina Sharma, 2012) ‘The ban needs to be lifted, but this is also an opportune moment to address other less-explicit but enduring factors that are holding women back, both literally and figuratively.’ (Upasana Khadka, 2020) ‘Undocumented domestic workers are citizens too, and it is the duty of the state not to abandon them.’ (Ayushman Bhagat and Sunita Mainali, 2025) Upasana Khadka heads <a href="https://www.migration-lab.com/">Migration Lab</a>, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Nepal’s unchanging domestic worker saga

Where will Nepal be in 2050? It is only 25 years away. The country’s population will be peaking at 36 million, the poverty rate will drop to near zero. Maternal and child mortality rates will fall further. Nepal will be generating up to 40,000MW of hydro and solar power, more than half of that for export. Upgraded highways will improve connectivity, railways will make transport cheaper. Pokhara and Birganj will only be two hours away from Kathmandu. Nijgad airport could be Nepal’s new aviation hub, reducing Kathmandu’s congestion. Nepal will hitch its wagon to the engines of economic growth in India and China. Investment and job creation will reduce outmigration, Nepal's data centres will be powered with surplus electricity. Remote areas will prosper with high-value tourists. That is if all goes well. But if Nepal’s politics remains dysfunctional with incompetent leadership, then the country will muddle along as it is doing now. Society will be more unequal, public discontent may boil over as politicians resort to faith to hide failures, the exodus abroad of youth will continue. Climate breakdown will exacerbate these crises. Global average temperature will have risen to 2.7°C above pre-industrial levels (it is 1.1°C now). The remaining Himalayan icecap will shrink by half, glacial lakes will threaten valleys. The hydrology of rivers will change, reducing dry season flow. Severe and prolonged heat waves in the Tarai will force people to migrate back to the mountains. In the final analysis, it all boils down to a political system that is more accountable, and displays more integrity and efficiency. <h2>Mission 2050</h2> · Melamchi Water Supply Project · Pokhrara International Airport · Bhairawa International Airport · Upper Tama Kosi Hydroelectric Project . Kathmandu-Tarai Expressway What do these biggest infrastructure projects in Nepal have in common? All ended up being more expensive than they should, all have been delayed and are not fully operational, two were badly damaged in climate-related disasters that should have been foreseen. The $800 million Melamchi is Nepal’s most expensive infrastructure project to date. It took 30 years to build, but was nearly destroyed by a glacial debris flow in June 2021. The headworks need major repairs. The 456MW Upper Tama Kosi was severely damaged by a rockfall and floods in last September’s floods. It is still not operating at full capacity, and other hydropower plants were damaged in recent glacial floods. Pokhara and Bhairawa airports were supposed to be the new aviation gateways to Nepal to take the pressure off Kathmandu, and become game changers for tourism and pilgrimage. Nearly three years later, both handle domestic flights. Poor and inadequate design, kickbacks on contracts, cost overruns, failure of diplomacy to get India’s nod on air routes, and lack of planning and marketing have made the airports a pair of white elephants. Some of these setbacks can be blamed on natural calamities, but mostly it is political incompetence and greed, lack of accountability and poor implementation. That is no surprise, since these are the hallmarks of doing business in Nepal, often delaying projects, adding to the cost, and even when completed they are already outdated. That is the story of the last 25 years, are the next 25 going to be any different? Not if governance does not improve. “What we really need for the future is vision, idea, and understanding, and then the domestic capacity to implement them,” says infrastructure expert Surya Raj Acharya, who laments the total absence of technical and planning expertise. “None of our national highways meet technical standards, our cities are unplanned. The priority was never on quality. Politicians sold us short-term infrastructure that have now become a barrier to prosperity,” he adds. One silver lining has been private sector involvement in hydropower, and the energy strategy aims to generate 11,769MW by 2030. But hydropower is high-investment, high-risk due to climate breakdown, and ecologically damaging. “Hydropower is a good example of how government incentives and public-private partnership can work wonders, although we now have to take climate change into account,” explains economist Kalpana Khanal of the Policy Research Institute. She adds, “We now have to identify other key infrastructure areas that also enhance the growth of other sectors.” The National Planning Commission’s periodic plans guide overall social and economic strategy for the country into the coming decade. Nepal’s current five-year plan (2024-2029) has set a target of 7.3% annual economic growth against the current 3.9%, $2,351 per capita income up from $1,456 at present, and poverty reduction to 12%. The plan aims to export nearly half the hydropower generated by 2030, earning the country Rs41 billion annually. But there is no real coordination between line agencies, and bureaucratic lethargy leads to constant delays, says former member of the National Planning Commission (NPC) Min Bahadur Shahi. “Development in Nepal is still very much synonymous with building roads and bridges, and infrastructure is rudimentary,” he says. “Elsewhere in the world, digital infrastructure and governance go hand in hand, we are far behind.” The frustration of a man who served in the National Planning Commission is an indication where the problem lies: in actually executing plans and implementing strategies. “We need to prioritise projects based on our geography, climate, societal needs,” Shahi continues. “We want to push Nijgad airport when we can’t even operate Pokhara and Bhairawa. Have we even studied potential air routes and needs of international carriers?”  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726070744_0547e5a7fd4424b5de8c279cab637ee7ebd9e65f2673b15e6dbd4eb2aa2524f2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250726070744_0547e5a7fd4424b5de8c279cab637ee7ebd9e65f2673b15e6dbd4eb2aa2524f2" data-rendition-name="original" width="3600" height="2400" loading="lazy" alt="Pokhara airport"><figcaption>NO FLY ZONE: Pokhara airport was supposed to be the new aviation gateway to Nepal but nearly three years after its inaguration, it mostly handles domestic flights. Photo: RADHIKA KANDEL </figcaption></figure>  TARGET PRACTICE Export of hydropower, manpower and lately information technology are the mainstays of Nepal’s economy, and will carry the country to its graduation from Least Developed Country status to a developing country in November 2026, and hopefully to middle-income by 2030. Nepal has an installed capacity of about 3,800MW, most of it from hydropower, and increased adoption of electric cars has reduced the import of petroleum products, decreasing the trade deficit with India. Meanwhile, Nepalis abroad sent home $11 billion in remittances last year, and at least $900 million in backend IT exports. But demographer Yogendra B Gurung is not impressed: “Despite the reduction in the poverty rate, and our improving income status, life expectancy, income, even maternal and infant mortality are not on par with countries with similar economic status.” He says relying on remittances is an unsustainable economic model, vulnerable to external factors and remittances are mostly spent on day-to-day needs, and not invested in productive sectors. Remittance is credited with reducing poverty in Nepal which is down to 20.27% from 42% in 1990. Money sent home by workers abroad has allowed families to afford basic healthcare and education, in turn helping to reduce childhood malnutrition and maternal mortality while improving female literacy. But the progress has stalled in recent years, and many doubt Nepal will meet its Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) targets. The National Planning Commission has said Nepal is likely to achieve just 60% of the targets by 2030. Sex ratio at birth, which is 112 boys to 100 girls in Nepal in particular, is worrying, as it is much higher than the biological ratio of 105 to 100. This is much more pronounced in Karnali, Sudurpaschim and Madhes Provinces which suffer from historical neglect. Despite a rise in female literacy, patriarchy is still deeply entrenched and the provinces are behind the rest of the country for gender equality, education, healthcare, nutrition and economic opportunities. “Karnali is resource-rich, especially hydropower and the recent discovery of the methane gas, but inequality is much greater,” says Shahi, who is with the Karnali Integrated Rural Development and Research Centre (KIRDARC). “Federalism in Nepal is only on paper, we need a total structural reform to devolve political power to really bring about change.”  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250726070744_fd4a218656e1fbf6f13f5f87a47bfe624516c6a0232481b6be77875ae866deb9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250726070744_fd4a218656e1fbf6f13f5f87a47bfe624516c6a0232481b6be77875ae866deb9" data-rendition-name="original" width="3600" height="2400" loading="lazy" alt="Butwal-Narayangadh "><figcaption>The Daunne section of the Butwal-Narayangadh road notorious for traffic jams and accidents, it has been in never-ending construction for three years. Photo: BISHNU PRASAD GAUDEL / RSS </figcaption></figure>  Despite limited resources, Nepal also suffers from wasteful investment as a result of politically (mis)guided decision-making, instead of people-centric plans and policies, says demographer Gurung. “People are overwhelmingly moving to the cities but our leaders are hell bent on building roads to every village and now there are empty schools in the mountains,” he adds. Nepal needs data-driven planning but its long-term economic vision 2020-44 seems more of a wish-list than realistic goals, including average annual GDP growth of 10.5%, $12,000 per capita income and population under the absolute poverty line at 0. Other goals include raising electricity generation capacity to 40,000MW, access to motor transport to 99%, life expectancy at birth to 80, maternal mortality down to 20% and literacy to 99% and 100% access to the internet, among others. Meanwhile, Nepal is committed to net-zero by 2045 and 100% renewable energy by 2050. “Our planners have no idea what kind of infrastructure we need 20, 30 years down the line to sustain and accelerate growth. We need a big structural change in the political leadership, in technocratic planning, and for policy implementation,” says infrastructure expert Surya Raj Acharya. Meeting such targets would require large investment, and it would be unwise to rely on remittances for the longer run, especially as Nepal’s demographic dividend will diminish as it turns into an aged society by 2065. Reversing out migration requires a favourable investment climate so jobs are created. Good governance marked by accountability and transparency are the basic prerequisite for ease of doing business. But lack of rule of law and illicit funds put Nepal in the grey list of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the global money-laundering watchdog. “Everything comes down to a political will. The established parties must realise that if they don’t perform, they will be replaced by alternatives,” says Kalpana Khanal. “In the meantime, we must engage the youth and find ways to retain them as well as attract the diaspora to invest in Nepal.”

Nepal in 2050

Katha Ghera’s ongoing theatre production वायुपङ्खी बफेलो (Bayupankhi Buffalo, Winged Buffalo) at<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-the-men-and-women-merely-players"> Kausi Theatre</a> begins with all the buffalos at a farm are granted semi-human qualities by a magical entity called ‘The Hand’. A young buffalo in the herd, named Aai like all of his fellow bovines, takes one look at the state of things around him with his newfound cognitive abilities and immediately decides that he has no prospects in Nepal. Written and directed by Kshitiz Parajuli, वायुपङ्खी बफेलो chronicles the misadventures of Aai as he sets out to make his <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/quake-survivors-migrate-for-work">dreams of migrating for a better life </a>into reality. He is helped in his quest by his supportive father, played by Rishikesh Basyal, and the other stage buffaloes in his life. The application process can be daunting, but the play does not take itself too seriously, presenting the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">desperation of young Nepalis to migrate</a> through multiple comedic twists, fourth-wall breaks by the narrator, musical moments, and over-dramatised scenes. The fast pace play does not make the story feel out of place. When Aai finds himself short on money for citizenship and passport documents made, he robs a bank. When it is time to take an emigration language test, the only way Aai is able to speak English is via rap verse. When he tells his father that he does not wish to be lonely in his new life abroad, he arranges for Aai to marry a cow. The play stands out because despite its quixotic plot and arrangement, most Nepalis identify with the core theme of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-truth-about-migration">migration</a>. And so is the process Aai has to follow to get his documents, his struggles to obtain citizenship presents a pointed message about what Nepalis go through to establish their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-is-turning-into-a-nation-of-hybrid-identities">national identity</a> with the language barriers along the way.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250509140548_1907cd2d7935e66571206e737b3207b462b27b4acdde996e17a20cc20cc7dbbd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250509140548_1907cd2d7935e66571206e737b3207b462b27b4acdde996e17a20cc20cc7dbbd" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1346" loading="lazy" alt="No country for bovines"> </figure>  That he resorts to crime for a chance to leave the country is reflective of people willing to let the end justify the means, evoking stories of countless Nepalis who take months-long journeys through dangerous back routes to attempt to get into countries like the US. The cast, along with the production’s costume and make-up department, deserve flowers. Nishan Khatri and Rishikesh Basyal in particular do a stellar job playing Aai and his father, imbuing their buffalo characters with humanity while maintaining their bovine body language and mannerisms. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/prosperous-farm-un-happy-animals">‘Prosperous Farm, (Un)happy Animals’</a>, Shristi Karki Just when it seems as though Aai has finally crossed all hurdles (spoilers ahead) he is caught at the airport trying to leave the country on a fake passport, and sent to prison. Upon release from jail, he returns home, seemingly having given up on his dreams to go abroad entirely, to find that his father is no longer at home. Neither Aai nor the audience is given answers as to where his father might have gone and why he left. And so Aai quietly goes back to being a buffalo, reminding us that while <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/guest-editorial/the-migration-myth">thousands leave Nepal</a> daily in search of a better life, the dreams of just as many, if not more, never take flight. At this sombre end, the audience is left wondering about the circumstances that have led to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-hard-working-students-overseas">young Nepalis</a> believing the grass is really greener beyond our borders. Bayupankhi Buffalo is a tragi-comic reflection of the dreams contemporary Nepali youth dare not dream here at home. Bayupankhi Buffalo Till 17 May Katha Ghera, Kausi Theatre, Teku

No country for bovines

Twenty-year-old Girendra had just completed high school when he was forced to step up to support his family. His father’s contracting business went under, and his mother lost her private sector job.&nbsp; Like many Nepalis, Girendra’s parents decided that an <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/making-overseas-migration-better">overseas job</a> would be the best option for their son. Girendra was offered a security guard position <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-woman-s-drive-to-push-boundaries">in Dubai </a>by an acquaintance of his mother’s, but he refused the job.&nbsp; He then met a woman named Sunita in Kathmandu who identified herself as an agent for a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/recruiters-of-nepalis-into-russian-army-identified">recruiting agency</a>, and offered him a marketing job in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/burmese-of-nepali-descent-flee-to-thailand">Thailand</a> that would pay him Rs150,000 monthly.&nbsp; All he needed, Sunita told him, was typing and data entry skills, and Rs400,000 to get to Thailand. Girendra went back to his village in Udaypur to get the money, dreaming of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-worldliness-of-an-overtime-worker">earning enough to then fulfil his end goal</a> of joining the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4129">French Foreign Legion</a>.&nbsp; In September last year, Girendra arrived at Kathmandu airport to fly to Bangkok accompanied by Sunita’s brother Naresh. But both men were stopped because they did not have proper <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/life-time/having-a-nepali-passport-is-no-fun">travel documents</a>.&nbsp; Sunita then <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/corruption-deep-rooted-in-government">bribed the officials</a> who let the two through to catch their Nepal Airlines flight to Bangkok two days later.&nbsp; The pair were met at the Suvarnabhumi Airport by their contact, Marku, a heavy-set, tattooed man who held a placard bearing their names. They were put inside a black Toyota Fortuner, and driven seven hours through four security checkpoints to the city of Mae Sot on the border with Burma.&nbsp; Marku took their photos, and set them up in a hotel. Girendra and Naresh were met the next morning by a tall Chinese man who again took their photos and loaded them up at the back of a red Ford pickup. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-malaysia-nepal-migrant-scam-nexus">The Malaysia-Nepal migrant scam nexus</a>, Ramu Sapkota and S Vinothaa They drove past a sign for the Thai–Myanmar Friendship Bridge, but instead of going across, the truck took a route through the jungle to the Moei River, where their belongings were confiscated by men in motorbikes. The two were then put on a boat to cross over into Burma. &nbsp; “It was a whirlwind of activity, we barely had any time to think,” recalls Girendra. “But a chill ran down my spine when I heard the Chinese men on the boat laughing like monsters.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250321040340_1270bb5bddad6f9c23688f7295a7c2e6c4e09679b8bd9e008b5d40986a807490.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250321040340_1270bb5bddad6f9c23688f7295a7c2e6c4e09679b8bd9e008b5d40986a807490" data-rendition-name="original" width="548" height="729" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in ‘scam camps’ escape to tell the tale NT"> <figcaption>Screenshot of a clendestine video smuggled out last year by a rescued Nepali of a call centre in Shan state in Burma.</figcaption> </figure>  On the other side, they were loaded into another truck, which passed <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/life-and-livelihood-in-remote-nepal">remote villages</a>, encountering teenagers in bulletproof vests carrying AK47s, and soldiers having lunch or smoking <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepal-must-legalise-cannabis">cannabis</a>. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The truck finally stopped at a big compound, where Girendra and Naresh had their passports and phones confiscated. They were made to sign a document that read ‘Human trafficking, drugs and mobile phones are prohibited.’ As grand as the compound looked from the outside, its interior was dark, marble walls crumbling. There was sound of weeping from a group of young African women huddled in a corner with bruises all over their bodies.&nbsp; Girendra’s worst fears were confirmed: they had been sold to Burma. The pair were led into a conference room where a group of men of various nationalities were at work stations. A Malaysian man on a sofa informed them bluntly that they had been sold into an online scam ring.&nbsp; “You are trapped here now,” Girendra recalls the man telling him. “After hearing this I went to the restroom and wept.”&nbsp; Soon after, the two were led to an ‘interview’ by men who tested them on their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/angrezi/english-is-not-the-be-all-and-end-all">English language</a> skills, travel experience and typing speed, then given laptops. The first thing Girendra did was to find out where he was via <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/finding-your-way-in-nepal">Google Maps</a>. They had ended up in the Burmese border town of Myawaddy in Kayin State, that has been ruled for 15 years by the Karen State Border Guard Force (KGBF), one of the most powerful among the self-governing armies that separated from the Burmese military in 2024, and is now known as the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/beyond-civilian-armed-struggle-in-burma">Karen National Army</a>. Cyber scam rings began to thrive along the Burma-Thailand border in the years after its control was ceded to the ethnic army, particularly in the Kayin State. The Kokang region located in northeastern Shan State that borders <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/china-syndrome">China</a> is just as notorious for cyber scam centres.&nbsp; Chinese gangs have been recruiting youth from across the world into their scam networks. They are made to pose as women and lure men under the guise of lucrative jobs in Laos, Vietnam, and Cambodia. But Burma has become fertile ground ever since its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-show-solidarity-with-burma-protesters">2021 military coup</a>. &nbsp;&nbsp; A 2024 study on transnational crime in East Asia published by the United States Institute of Peace found that cyber scams in Burma are defrauding people of $64 billion annually. The UN estimates that at least 100,000 people have been trafficked and forced to work in cyber scam centres in Burma, terming it ‘modern-day slavery’. Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/crossborder-cybercrime-and-punishment"> Crossborder cybercrime and punishment</a>, Sabina Devkota  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250321040340_692fb4e7034a14556f8221c3a1dde8210c8256e8e468607eb0a9e1a036ddecc5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_18" data-image-id="20250321040340_692fb4e7034a14556f8221c3a1dde8210c8256e8e468607eb0a9e1a036ddecc5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in ‘scam camps’ escape to tell the tale NT"> <figcaption>Rescued workers in a safehouse after crossing into Thailand.</figcaption> </figure>  In Myawaddy, the two Nepalis were asked to change their names. Girendra chose 'Netra', hoping that the light would one day guide him away from the darkness of his circumstance. Naresh chose the name 'Ram'.&nbsp; There were 11 Nepalis in the compound, including two <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trafficked-nepali-woman-s-testimony">women who had also been trafficked</a>. They warned the newcomers of the extremes that their Chinese bosses would go to force them to meet extortion targets.&nbsp; Girendra soon witnessed the punishment, which included electrocution, beatings, isolation without food or water, and exposure to extreme outdoor heat.&nbsp; His routine involved him posing online everyday from 3PM to 9AM as ‘Alicia Farooq’, the persona of a wealthy 30-year-old fashion designer based in Singapore. Armed with a list of phone numbers everyday, ‘Alicia’ would gain trust and establish relationships with unsuspecting individuals, often sending intimate videos to tempt young men to engage.&nbsp; They would then be tricked into ordering goods from the scamming platform Bitubi Binance in exchange for a $30 commission deposited into the spender’s account. The final ‘killing’ entailed Alicia asking the target individual to deposit a larger amount on the platform in exchange for a bigger commission. By the time the person at the other end realised the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/makeshift/decrypting-nepal-s-ban-on-crypto">cryptocurrency </a>and binance accounts are a sham, ‘Alicia’ would have vanished with the money.&nbsp; Girendra was given the goal of collecting at least $10,000 every month. The entire scam network in Mywaddy had 20,000 people, a town unto itself. The compound had its own casinos, clubs, restaurants, bars, markets, even money exchange centres. “If you had money, you had everything except your freedom,” says Girendra. “I would see new people arrive, and was helpless to do anything but watch as they fell into the same trap that I did in front of my eyes.” Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/kleptocrats-of-kathmandu-and-kuala-lumpur">Kleptocrats of Kathmandu and Kuala Lumpur</a>, Ramu Sapkota and Alya Aldajri Two months after Girendra and Naresh arrived in Burma, five fellow Nepalis were somehow rescued. Girendra secretly contacted <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/preparing-for-nepal-s-returnees">the returnees</a>, who over the next two months put him in touch with a man named Bibek Rai in Nepal. In exchange for Rs150,000, Rai said he could get them out, but Girendra did not have that kind of money.&nbsp; Bibek Rai visited the Burmese Embassy in Kathmandu to appeal for the release of Nepalis trapped in Burma. Girendra then got the contact of Sanjay Pradhan, a Burmese citizen of Nepali origin, and sent him the information of the remaining Nepalis at the compound who wanted to get out.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250321040340_226017b54e7122b91f7c1e396284236c11ccd49a942f19454d51df22ba935350.jpg" data-media-id="editor_23" data-image-id="20250321040340_226017b54e7122b91f7c1e396284236c11ccd49a942f19454d51df22ba935350" data-rendition-name="original" width="1204" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in ‘scam camps’ escape to tell the tale NT"> </figure>  By now, Girendra had failed to meet his target extortion amount, and was subject to harsh physical punishment which hurt his neck. &nbsp; Pradhan messaged Girendra that they were working on their release from the compound, but their first round of negotiations for ransom with the KGBF to enter its jurisdiction fell through. &nbsp; Two weeks later, armed KGBF militia suddenly came to collect the Nepalis, calling them by their passport numbers.&nbsp; “I cried uncontrollably when I came out of that cage,” Girendra recalls. Over the next few days, Pakistani, Indian, and Philippine nationals were also released from the compound.&nbsp; One Nepali, who had been appointed ‘leader’ by the Chinese bosses at the compound, refused to return because it was more profitable for him to stay back. &nbsp; An NGO then took charge, paying for their return from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lost-village-of-nepalis-in-thailand">Burma to Thailand</a> in a convoy of 20 military vehicles. Each person was given 10,000 Thai baht ($300) for further <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/high-cost-lays-aviation-low-in-nepal">travel expenses</a>.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/burmese-of-nepali-descent-flee-to-thailand">Burmese of Nepali descent flee to Thailand</a>, Chandra Kishore The Nepalis then got in touch with the Nepal Embassy in Bangkok asking for tickets home, but Girendra says they were treated like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/i-speak-nothing-but-the-truth-your-honour">criminals</a>. “Embassy staff told us that they were not our parents,” he adds. Finally, the rescued Nepalis found other ways to pay for their flights back to Kathmandu and returned last month. <h2>Bob's Story</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250321040344_7597be4427b4b1b8090f0bff517b9f9c1ef0179c19148516d96d2612975ecce2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_28" data-image-id="20250321040344_7597be4427b4b1b8090f0bff517b9f9c1ef0179c19148516d96d2612975ecce2" data-rendition-name="original" width="2256" height="3700" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in ‘scam camps’ escape to tell the tale NT"> <figcaption>Samir Thapa Magar was punished by the Chinese gang for being unable to meet his extortion target.</figcaption> </figure>  In Chitwan, Bob’s family farm never recovered after being hit hard by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-covid-19-impact-worse-than-official-figures">the Covid-19 pandemic</a>. So, when he saw an ad on Telegram about a sales and marketing job opportunity in Thailand that promised zero recruitment fees and a $1,500 salary, Bob immediately messaged the Telegram account to apply for the job. He heard back from someone named Barsha that candidates would be selected through a video interview. Bob’s interviewers kept their video on mute during the meeting.&nbsp; Finally, he was called to Kathmandu, where he was asked by Barsha to pay Rs150,000 that would be returned to him once he reached Thailand.&nbsp; Bob reached Kathmandu airport on the day before the Phulpati festival last year, where he met Samir Thapa Magar, an IT student from Gorkha who had also responded to the ad in Telegram. He had been offered a job as a cleaner in Thailand. Samir paid Barsha Rs105,000 in cash and Rs25,000 in cryptocurrency.&nbsp; Bob and Samir landed at Rangoon airport three days after they left Kathmandu, and were told that they would be taken from there to Thailand.&nbsp; Their passports were taken by their employers, after which they were driven for a whole day, changing vehicles 20 times before finally reaching Myawaddy.&nbsp; “It was only there that we realised that we had been scammed,” remembers Bob.&nbsp; The two men were coerced into working as online scammers disguised as women. They would have to extort $10,000 a month, failing which they were tortured by armed militia. Samir now regrets scamming people out of up to $22,000 in a month.&nbsp; Last year, a Chinese gang was apprehended in Kathmandu working under the cover of a beauty salon named YYP Services to recruit Nepalis into ‘scam camps’ in Burma.&nbsp; In July 2023, Chinese national Liang Jun was arrested by Nepal Police after a woman who had been forced into a scamming ring in Burma since July 2022 returned to Nepal and filed a complaint at the Anti-Human Trafficking Bureau.&nbsp; The woman had been promised a monthly salary of $1,000, and had paid Rs100,000 in recruitment fees, but had been sent back to Nepal after she fell ill due to exhaustion while working in a scam network in Burma.&nbsp; The Kathmandu District Court sentenced Liang to two years in prison, the minimum punishment for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/human-trafficking-patterns-changing-in-south-asia">human trafficking</a>. Since then, some other Nepalis who have returned from scam rings in Burma have filed complaints with the Bureau, but no one else has been arrested. <h2>The Dubai connection</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250321040340_24b1b75831e1c8f60a485965e7f5bd2633e3ae35c5d5366c0a9d42b97da33041.jpg" data-media-id="editor_31" data-image-id="20250321040340_24b1b75831e1c8f60a485965e7f5bd2633e3ae35c5d5366c0a9d42b97da33041" data-rendition-name="original" width="1201" height="653" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis in ‘scam camps’ escape to tell the tale NT"> <figcaption>Human traffickers take various routes to take recruits from Nepak to Burma.</figcaption> </figure>  Traffickers have not just targeted desperate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-women-flee-abuse-for-overseas-work?utm_source=etahernus.com&amp;amp%3Butm_medium=referral&amp;amp%3Butm_campaign=the-government-bans-everything">Nepalis seeking foreign employment</a>, but also <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-on-my-mind?fbclid=IwZXh0bgNhZW0CMTEAAR2IAf90rgfF7kBhJaHoH_N0eHadKV8UDt6gpZoLCtwoTCOqBigvopAhzgM_aem_RgmcfwotY89YwGuwc2aRuQ">Nepali migrant workers already employed in the Gulf</a>. Agents also use Dubai as a transit point, taking unsuspecting Nepalis on visit visas, setting them up in apartments before dispatching them to scam rings across Southeast Asia. Of the 11 people in Burma sent back to Nepal by the Karen State Border Guard Force, half had arrived in Burma from Dubai. One of them, Yograj Liwang from Jhapa, had been working in Dubai on a visit visa, and had reached Burma in October 2022, initially receiving information on<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/facebook-nation"> Facebook</a>.&nbsp; Last August, Nepal’s Central Investigation Bureau (CIB) arrested 36 individuals including two Chinese nationals after raiding a cryptocurrency trading ring in Lalitpur which had been trafficking Nepalis in Dubai. That syndicate with tentacles in the UAE, Nepal, and China had defrauded people of more than Rs105 million.&nbsp; “The Chinese had contacts in Burma, Thailand, Laos and Cambodia,” says a Deputy Superintendent of Police involved in the investigation. “Although there is no evidence that this group sent Nepalis to those countries, we have reason to suspect that they are responsible.” There is no way to know how many Nepalis have been scammed into working as scammers across the other three <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/asia-s-new-cold-war">Southeast Asian nations</a>. Returnees estimate that around 2,000 Nepalis have been forced into working for online scam rings. &nbsp;&nbsp; Some names have been changed.

Nepalis in ‘scam camps’ escape to tell the tale

It was only five years ago that neologisms like ‘self-quarantine’, ‘comorbidity’, ‘contact tracing’, ‘omicron’ entered the Nepali lexicon.
PCR, CCMC, PPE, WFH and other acronyms were thrown about, and we became intimate with vaccine names: AstraZeneca, Pfizer, Moderna, Sinovac. We ‘social distanced’ or ‘sheltered-in-place’ as we tried to ‘flatten the curve’.&nbsp;
After the second Covid-19 case was identified in a female Nepali student returning from Paris, the country went into <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-goes-into-lockdown-for-a-week">lockdown on 24 March 2020</a>. A day later, India followed suit, halting the movement of over 1.3 billion people.&nbsp;
Tens of millions of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-long-way-to-europe">migrant workers</a> walked hundreds of kilometers, including Nepalis. Many died along the way.
Social ostracisation and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-muslims-face-stigma-after-covid-19-tests">stigmatisation</a> based on rumours fanned by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-social-media-contagion">social media</a> was rife. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-health-workers-battle-covid-19-but-also-stigma">Nepali workers</a> who made it to the border were quarantined. Some jumped into the raging <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/lockdown-limbo-in-no-mans-land">Mahakali River</a> to get to their families and drowned.&nbsp;
Two million <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/in-the-minds-of-nepal-s-migrant-workers">Nepali migrant workers</a> in the Gulf and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/labour-mobility/crossborder-virus-and-nepali-migrant-workers">Malaysia</a> were stranded, as there were not enough flights to repatriate them. Nepalis abroad sent money home as people lost their jobs, others collected money to ship <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-frontline-workers-brave-it-out">ventilators, masks and personal protective equipment (PPE)</a> to Nepal. &nbsp;&nbsp;
“Covid might be over but we are still unprepared for rescue and repatriation on that scale, considering that many Nepali workers are in conflict zones of the Middle East,” warns Upasana Khadka of the non-profit Migration Lab. “The pandemic also highlighted the need for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-plans-to-reintegrate-returning-workers">migrant reintegration</a>, transnational mechanisms to claim wages of returnees, but most importantly it brought home the role of low-paying, unskilled migrant workers in propping up <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-prepares-for-economic-fallout-of-pandemic">Nepal’s economy.</a>”
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/poor-cash-rich-nepal">Poor cash-rich Nepal</a>, Sonia Awale&nbsp;
The lockdown was initially announced for a week, but lasted four months till mid-July 2020. Within a month Nepal went back into lockdown again for four weeks before it was eased, and there was another two-month lockdown in April 2021. The time that should have been used for a mass vaccination was squandered in shutting people in their homes. This newspaper stopped its print edition for a year.&nbsp;
Without lockdowns many more <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/protecting-nepal-s-elderly-from-covid-19-c6e60vp6">elderly Nepalis</a> and those with pre-existing ailments would have died. During the deadly Delta second wave, even children became sick. But the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/lockdown-likely-to-be-extended">prolonged lockdowns</a> hit the poorest and neediest Nepalis hardest.
Research scientist Sameer Dixit at the Center for Molecular Dynamics Nepal remembers getting into an argument with security personnel as he bicycled in the morning during lockdown.&nbsp;
“They would ask me to mask up but I would tell them it wasn’t required because the air was so clean for the first time,” he recalls.
Indeed, the air was so clean that people could see the snowy mountains from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-tarai-s-shrinking-forests">the Tarai </a>and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mt-everest-pvt-ltd">Mt Everest</a> was visible from Chobhar. The lockdown offered proof that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/double-whammy-air-pollution-and-covid-19-zevz0864">Kathmandu’s notorious air pollution</a> could indeed be cleaned up by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/blueprint-for-a-net-zero-nepal">reducing emissions</a>.
“In many ways, we had actually forgotten about the need for cleaner, better air, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/coronavirus-shutdown-gives-nepal-s-nature-a-respite">Covid served as a reminder,</a>” says urban planner Bhushan Tuladhar. “In fact, air pollution made <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-has-no-health-minister-as-covid-19-cases-rise-again">Covid cases</a> worse. But as soon as the pandemic ended, we were back to breathing dirty air. Last week Kathmandu ranked among the most polluted cities in the world.”
A 2019 study put <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bad-air-and-polluted-politics">air pollution</a> fatalities at 41,000 per year in Nepal, several times more than total reported Covid deaths, 11,959. Better air quality would increase the life span of Nepalis by nearly five years.
Unfortunately, there is no vaccine to combat <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/air-pollution-is-more-dangerous-than-smoking">air pollution</a>. And with the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/life-time/to-vax-or-not-to-vax">anti-vaxxers</a> in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">Trump administration</a>, there are already cuts in critical vaccine research to fight the next pandemic. This coincides with a bird flu outbreak and measles deaths in the United States.&nbsp;
“The single biggest <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/life-lesson-from-the-pandemic">lesson of the pandemic</a> was the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/vaccines-are-the-only-solution">importance of vaccines</a>,” says Dixit, adding that the US withdrawal from WHO will lead to serious gaps in preparing for the next pandemic.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/still-learning-lessons-from-covid">Still learning lessons from COVID</a>, Sonia Awale&nbsp;
Buddha Basnyat of the Oxford University Clinical Research Unit (OUCRU) says US pullout from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/global-solidarity-needs-intensive-care-in-pandemic-battle">global health</a> is a huge setback that could compromise disease surveillance and diagnosis: “The pace at which the Covid vaccines were developed was nothing short of a miracle, but we are vulnerable to both emerging and pre-existing diseases.” &nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal">US withdrawal </a>has left the field wide open for China and India to now lead the way. According to AidData headquartered in Virginia, China provided over $4.6 billion in Covid-19 aid from 2020 to 2022, surpassing the United States and Germany which contributed $4.05 billion and $3.64 billion respectively.
China donated more than 239 million doses of Covid vaccines to its Asian neighbours. India supplied 301 million vaccine vials to 99 countries and two UN entities, 15 million doses as donation to more than 50 nations including Nepal. The US donated nearly three times more, but that may not happen next time.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/why-is-there-vaccine-hesitancy-in-nepal">Why is there vaccine hesitancy in Nepal?</a> Sonia Awale
“With <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-great-game-2nd-half">America backing out</a>, China and to a lesser degree India, will fill that role, and it is not necessarily a bad thing for us. As neighbours we are closer to them and it would be advantageous to us,” says Sher Bahadur Pun, virologist at the infectious diseases hospital in Teku. He adds: “But capacitating our health sector to manufacture <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/vacillating-on-vaccines">vaccines</a> at home would be the best way to prepare for future pandemics and health emergencies.”

Lockdown+5

Leaked letters from Korea’s Unification Church have revealed its extensive involvement in buying political and media influence worldwide, including links to Nepal’s parties and politicians. Documents obtained by the <a href="https://newstapa.org/eng">Korean Centre for Investigative Journalism</a> (Newstapa) and <a href="https://dunia-asia.org/leaked-true-mother-report-exposes-unification-church-influence-in-nepal-and-north-korea-outreach/">Dunia</a> contain correspondence to and from the controversial religious movement whose leader, 82-year-old <a href="https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/southkorea/politics/20251216/explainer-who-is-han-hak-ja-true-mother-at-center-of-unification-church-scandals">Hak Ja Han</a>, is currently on trial in Seoul for allegedly bribing the wife and associates of disgraced former president Yoon Suk Yeol.&nbsp; The letters and direct messages referenced in the investigation mention three former prime ministers: Madhav Kumar Nepal who has now joined the Nepali Communist Party, K P Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal UML (Unified Marxist-Leninist), and former Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai.&nbsp; The documents detail financial support from the Unification Church (now known as Family Federation for World Peace and Unification) to Nepal Paribar Dal (Nepal Family Party) and its founder <a href="https://reviewnepal.com/national/dhakal-reelected-as-chair-of-pariwar-dal.html">Ek Nath Dhakal,</a> who is a staunch ally of the UML. On Sunday, Dhakal signed an MoU with K P Oli of the UML to cooperate in the March election and beyond. The leaked correspondence concerning Nepal spans the period between the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/elections-of-by-for-men,4038">first federal elections in 2017</a> till the 2022 polls and contains emails between Dhakal and Yong Jeong Shik, Regional President for Asia of the Unification Church, with urgent requests for funds for campaigning and to support the UML.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260124080120_63bb0a555b9f0676b1301b7a71e9cefda7f3eb69e5fa0ff1249a1bbeec0c17bf.png" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260124080120_63bb0a555b9f0676b1301b7a71e9cefda7f3eb69e5fa0ff1249a1bbeec0c17bf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="598" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  ‘Regarding funding, I am truly sorry, but a minimum of $500,000 is required,’ one of the messages to Yong in the report says. ‘Furthermore, as the election is scheduled for December 7th [2017], I would be very grateful if I could receive it as soon as possible. The initial $500,000 was used for overall election expenses, and the additional $500,000 is intended for campaign activities for the Family Party and supporting key leaders.’ In addition, there are also letters requesting an additional $20,000 per month in ‘maintenance costs for the Nepal Family Party and preparations for the<a href="http://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-parties-forge-new-pre-poll-alliances"> 2022 election</a>’.&nbsp; Asked for a reaction to the allegations, Govinda Nath Mishra of the Nepal Paribar Party said: “This is an unnecessary smear campaign against our party. Parties doing good work are always linked to some foreign powers in Nepal to discredit them.” Ek Nath Dhakal has also denied that his party’s affiliation with the UML has anything to do with Unification Church donations. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Korean-movement-in-Nepal,2962">He told Nepali Times in an interview in 2016</a>: “The party has links to all faiths, as it has with the unification movement. The Nepal Family Party is a kind of conservative party with a manifesto that promotes family values, interfaith dialogue and harmony. There are 11 political parties supporting Prime Minister Oli. Nepal Family Party is just one of them.” <div class="embed-block"><div><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 56.25%;"><iframe src="https://cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fembed%2FMcGp_Mn4fwA%3Fsi%3DM3bVjAnbnelwKwAl&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div> In another update to Yong, Dhakal describes the UML’s election campaign in 2017 as ‘proceeding very successfully … it appears certain the Unified Marxist-Leninist will achieve a landslide victory’. Dhakal was not contesting directly as a candidate, but piggybacking on the UML <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/house-of-cards-6alq6pvi">which had put him on the proportional representation list</a>, ostensibly in return for campaign financing. He continues: ‘It is certain that I will be elected as a proportional representation member of the National Assembly due to a shortage of female candidates. I discussed the possibility of my election with Prime Minister Madhav and Prime Minister K P Oli … both have confirmed that I could be moved from 5th place [on the PR list] to 1st or 2nd if necessary.’&nbsp; After the 2017 election, the UML formed a coalition with the Maoists and Prime Minister Oli appointed Dhakal Minister for Peace and Reconstruction overseeing Nepal’s post-conflict and post-earthquake activities. During his tenure, Dhakal organised an ‘<a href="http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2018-12/01/c_137644390.htm">Asia-Pacific Summit 2018</a>’ in Kathmandu presided over by Hak Ja Han, wife of Rev Sun Myung Moon, founder of the Unification Church and Universal Peace Federation (UPF). The couple are known in the movement as ‘True Parents’ and Hak Ja Han is referred to as ‘True Mother’. Oli addressed the Kathmandu summit which was attended by 1,500 delegates, including Burmese leader Aung San Suu Kyi and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen. The <a href="https://theannapurnaexpress.com/story/15201/">gathering drew criticism</a> for being a proselytisation exercise, prompting Oli to decline attending a ‘blessing’ ceremony by Hak Ja Han.&nbsp; Ever since, the ‘Holy Wine’ has entered Nepal's political lexicon, and is still used derogatorily to label politicians involved.&nbsp; Nepal Paribar Party’s Govinda Nath Mishra says: “Ek Nath Dhakal has become a member of the House of Representatives twice, and our party has since its inception been close to the UML. We are just continuing that cooperation for this election as well.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260124080120_49ed56931f2bd97d75a5c9604e2d4f5cd3474177b302b13db5df2ccbe63994dd.png" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20260124080120_49ed56931f2bd97d75a5c9604e2d4f5cd3474177b302b13db5df2ccbe63994dd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1318" height="1204" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  The Unification Church has said that the leaked documents are not authentic and were unofficial records created by former Director General of the Unification Church’s International Headquarters Yun Young Ho to ‘flaunt his influence’. The Japanese branch of the Unification Church said in a statement this week: ‘After reviewing the documents believed to be the report in question, we have found factual inaccuracies were added or content modified.’ Milan Kumari Rajbanshi, deputy General-Secretary of the Nepal Paribar Party and former MP denied her party was funded by any outside source, and she was no aware of any correspondence between Dhakal and anyone else.&nbsp; She told Nepali Times: “After the September street protests we spoke to many political parties, including GenZ activists, but the UML was the closest to our values.” Rajbanshi will be campaigning in Jhapa-5 on behalf of K P Oli who will be contesting against former Kathmandu mayor Balen Shah. The Newstapa leak show Dhakal and the Unification Church worked behind the scenes in the 2017 election to influence the &nbsp;elections. One email from Dhakal references this: ‘(If) we can secure a majority in next year’s general election … our wish is to educate all parliamentarians for two years until 2020 and create a constitution centred on Cheon Il Guk.’ Cheon Il Guk (천일국) means ‘One Heavenly Kingdom’ and is the vision of a spiritual nation proclaimed by Sun Myung Moon and his Unification Church, and emphasises family values instead of individualism for global unity under a ‘Heavenly Parent’.&nbsp; The emails reveal that the Church was planning to convince Madhav Nepal and K P Oli to take all 150 coalition legislators to Bangkok to introduce them to its beliefs. That trip did not materialise, but the Church had earlier taken 20 Communist MPs to the Philippines and Thailand for ‘principle education’.&nbsp; In another email to Yong Jeong Shik, Dhakal describes Baburam Bhattarai as being ‘disillusioned with communism’ and that he proposed ‘gathering all minority parties to join the Family Party’. Bhattarai left the Maoists and is contesting from the Pragatisheel Loktantrik Party from his Gorkha constituency in March. Despite its connections with Nepal’s Communists, the Unification Church is known to support conservative politics around the world including through ownership of media like <a href="https://www.washingtontimes.com/">The Washington Times</a> newspaper.&nbsp; Founder Sun Myung Moon was deeply involved in pushing for Korean unification, and the Church has worked with Asian countries that have ties with North Korea. Documents show that the Unification Church had tried to get then UML Chair Madhav Kumar Nepal to Pyongyang, but the Nepal government supposedly under pressure from the South Korean, Japanese and US ambassadors got him to call it off. Madhav Nepal had also insisted that he meet Kim Jong Un, but the North Korean side had said it was not possible. But after Nepal left the UML to form the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Socialist) he met the North Korean Ambassador in the presence of Ek Nath Dhakal to plan a visit in order to work towards Korean unification. A 11-member delegation composed of Nepal, Dhakal, MPs and a newspaper publisher visited North Korea in 2017 (pictured below).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260123040128_6690244be7aa18e24a4aef825935a7afcaa893b40191f712ab498105e06aaf51.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20260123040128_6690244be7aa18e24a4aef825935a7afcaa893b40191f712ab498105e06aaf51" data-rendition-name="original" width="2201" height="1148" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  METICULOUS ARCHIVE An extract from correspondence is indicative of the former prime minister’s links to the Unification Church: ‘Madhav Kumar Nepal … maintains a very close relationship with us and could become Prime Minister again at any time. There is no one who knows us as well or respects the Parents as much as former Prime Minister Madhav does … he is someone who regards the True Parents like God.’ The internal documents of the Unification Church obtained by Newstapa is called the ‘TM [True Mother] Special Report’ and appears to have been prepared for Hak Ja Han. The 3,212-page text provides a chronological account of the Church’s management of politicians internationally, its handling donations, and plans to expand political influence through its affiliated media outlets. The document is a meticulous archive apparently compiled by Yun Young Ho, the former Director General of the Unification Church’s International Headquarters, the organisation’s second-in-command.&nbsp; This suggests church affairs were reported directly to Hak Ja Han. Korean investigators are now focusing on whether Han merely received these reports or issued specific directives based on them. Yun testified during the trial in Seoul that the Church’s regional leaders and local partners would send daily field reports which he would synthesise into a ‘Special Report’ format to provide oral briefings to Han. Hak Ja Han therefore may have been personally involved in the Church’s operations in granular detail. Korean special prosecutors are viewing these documents as critical evidence in her trial to prove that she was directly involved in political lobbying. Last week, during a hearing on the Hak Ja Han bribery case, a regional Church leader admitted to personally drafting segments of the ‘True Parents Correspondence Report’ featured in the document. The ‘TM Special Report’ appears to be a compilation of internal documents reprocessed into a single file and includes emails and direct messaging. Certain periods are missing, leading to gaps in the narrative, raising the possibility that specific portions of the report may have been selectively curated or redacted. &nbsp; <h2>Both Koreas in Nepal</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012304018_962b3169d725dbd3dc820aab16a6ab8d3a083b55174558003d4ccfe97fe7789e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="2026012304018_962b3169d725dbd3dc820aab16a6ab8d3a083b55174558003d4ccfe97fe7789e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="1168" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics NT"> </figure>  Buddhism spread northwards across the Himalaya from Nepal to China and Korea 1,000 years ago, but in the past decades two of Korea’s powerful ideologies have come to Nepal. Nepal’s leftist movement, most notably the Nepal Workers Peasants Party (NWPP) <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Bhaktapur-dear-leader,3010">inspired by North Korea’s Kim Il Sung’s Juche Idea</a> espouses a nationalist agenda, and has a strong base in Bhaktapur. Meanwhile, South Korea’s Unification Church of Sun Myung Moon has influenced Nepal’s political, administrative and religious spheres.&nbsp; After establishment of Moon’s Universal Peace Federation (UPF) in 2005, the Church has a sizable presence in Nepal. The movement’s leader is Ek Nath Dhakal of the Nepal Paribar Party (right) who is affiliated with the UML and even served as a minister in a UML-Maoist coalition after being nominated as a PR member to Parliament.&nbsp; <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Korean-movement-in-Nepal,2962">He told this paper in 2016</a>: “I am a Hindu, associated with the Unification Movement. The UPF staged one of its mass weddings at Dashrath Stadium in Kathmandu in 2017 (right). The movement recruits public figures like former president Bidya Devi Bhandari, Madhav Kumar Nepal and others as Ambassadors for Peace. Before he died in 2012 at age 92, Rev Moon had picked Nepal as a ‘model peace nation of God’. The Church says it embraces all religions, and does not even display the Christian cross at its places of worship.&nbsp; While young Nepalis follow South Korean pop culture fever, in Bhaktapur it is Kim Il Sung’s Juche Idea that is the dominant ideology. The Nepal Workers Peasants Party has won just about every district and local election from Bhaktapur, not so much for its politics, but because its representatives have performed well. Bhaktapur’s following of Kim Il Sung is based on Bijukchhe’s vision that his town be self-reliant and deliver development equitably.&nbsp; <h2>A worldwide web</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012304018_5c2949a3715b74f8992a6dcfc305fbaa817a0b834365c737bb81245762d74148.jpg" data-media-id="editor_18" data-image-id="2026012304018_5c2949a3715b74f8992a6dcfc305fbaa817a0b834365c737bb81245762d74148" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="968" loading="lazy" alt="Moonie money in Nepal's politics"> </figure>  In 2022, the Unification Church (Family Federation for World Peace and Unification) arranged a meeting between Yoon Suk Yeol, who was then presidential candidate, and former US Vice President Mike Pence just before South Korean elections. The visit was timed for the ‘World Summit 2022’ hosted by the Universal Peace Federation (UPF), a Unification Church affiliate. The visit was widely covered by the media at the time, but a Newstapa investigation last year confirmed that the Church paid Pence $550,000 to visit Seoul. The visit was designed to bolster Yoon’s diplomatic and security credentials and appeal to religious voters. Yoon knew Pence was a devout Christian, and media at the time reported that both prayed before the meeting. Just like the UPF’s World Summit 2018 in Kathmandu, Cambodian PM Hun Sen was in attendance as was former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon. The welcome remark at the Summit was delivered by Yun Young Ho, then-Director General of the Unification Church’s World Headquarters. South Korean Special Prosecutors are currently investigating Yun for allegedly bribing former president Yoon Suk Yeol’s wife Kim Keon Hee.&nbsp; Newstapa also dug up Pence’s financial disclosures filed with the US Office of Government Ethics and the Federal Election Commission and found that Pence reported receiving $550,000 from the UPF for ‘a speaking engagement’ in Seoul in 2022 — an unusually hefty fee. Cambodian Premier Hun Sen has hosted K P Oli several times in Phnom Penh, once as prime minister in 2019, and again last year in August. There seems to be a similar nexus between Hun Sen, the UPF and former President Yoon and his wife Kim Keon Hee. When he became president in 2022, Yoon visited Cambodia with his wife, and South Korea doubled its development assistance to Cambodia to $1.5 billion. The Special Prosecutor in Seoul is investigating allegations that the Unification Church provided funds to Kim Keon Hee in helping a Mekong River project in Cambodia.

Moonie money in Nepal’s politics

The Kathmandu Valley has attracted an exceptional number of outstanding and accomplished foreigners over the decades, but few as extraordinary as Marilyn Silverstone (1929-1999).&nbsp; Frances Klatzel’s book A Portrait of Ourselves, Marilyn Silverstone: From Photojournalist to Buddhist Nun, is a fitting and fascinating biographical celebration of this American woman whose life of unusual choices took her, as the title suggests, from an affluent Jewish childhood in Scarsdale, New York to becoming an acclaimed and adventurous Magnum photographer.&nbsp; Roving the world, her camera captured many of the most iconic events of the 20th century, her images were published in Time, Life, Newsweek, Look, National Geographic, Paris Match, Vogue and other magazines. Following the teachings of Dilgo Khyentse Rinpoche, Marilyn Silverstone devoted the last twenty years of her eventful life to living quietly and practising Buddhism in Nepal. Ordained as a Buddhist nun, she took vows in the sanctified Solukhumbu precincts of Thubten Choling with Venerable Trulshik Rinpoche in the spring of 1977. Living in Kathmandu until her death in Shechen Monastery, which she helped create, Marilyn wrote: ‘When I look back over the years, although I did not know it at the time, ending my life as a Buddhist nun was logical and inevitable.’&nbsp; Ani Marilyn was a familiar figure amid the sacred spaces of the Valley, the lanes of Boudha and even Kathmandu’s drawing rooms during my early years in Nepal, a large smiling presence draped in maroon robes, dyed sneakers, slightly whiskered, robust.&nbsp; As a wedding gift she gave Tenzin and I an inscribed copy of her slim volume, Ocean of Life, aptly named for the span of her achievements and expansive embrace – editor, translator, writer, filmmaker, photographer, journalist and Buddhist nun. Marilyn’s nephew wrote: ‘Her legacy was that she was always herself no matter what chapter of her life that she was living.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100124_70d489c3d161f59668f315ede60cbb213d365357b0a9f2d7aad3b537a14dcb5e.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260122100124_70d489c3d161f59668f315ede60cbb213d365357b0a9f2d7aad3b537a14dcb5e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1164" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Ani Marilyn"> <figcaption>Ani Marilyn as a Tibetan Buddhist nun at Shechen Monastery in Boudha.</figcaption> </figure>  Working with a wide range of impeccable sources, Frances Klatzel has assembled first-hand the personal recollections and unsparing insights from Marilyn’s most intimate friends. One of these, Jane Abell Coon, wrote the Introduction. She was a well-known person in 1980s Kathmandu whose husband Carlton Coon served as American Ambassador to Nepal and she simultaneously as American Ambassador in Bangladesh.&nbsp; The book begins with a rare message from the 14th Dalai Lama and a touching Foreword by Venerable Rabjam Rinpoche. It ends with exquisite excerpts from a Buddhist religious tract that Marilyn had translated from its traditional Tibetan text. Marilyn’s initial trip to India was to photograph Ravi Shankar in 1955, the classical sitar maestro. Increasingly fascinated by ‘the complex and compassionate culture’ of Tibet, her Himalayan archives include images throughout India, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan.&nbsp; The first internationally accredited photojournalist to base herself in India, from 1959 Marilyn lived in Bombay then Delhi, with her lifelong partner Frank Moraes, the Goan journalist, writer, commentator and first Indian editor of the Times of India after Independence. INDIAN INFLUENCERS I remember being taken to meet the legendary Frank Moraes in 1973, by then politically exiled in Marilyn’s elegant but chaotic London house, a magnet for South Asian intellectuals. She was not there, but Frank’s son the poet Dom Moraes was slumped desultory on a sagging sofa. My impression of Frank was well-dressed, polite and slightly distracted. Marilyn’s talent for friendship and wide network of Indian influencers and princely connections gave her unique access to historic events, as well as recording refugees, rituals, droughts, floods, famines and funerals. In addition to maharajahs and global leaders, her images portray personal moments, ordinary people, unflinching pain and flashes of joy. She said: ‘In my job, the closer you get to people, the better off you are.’ This book is illustrated with a thrilling trove of pictures of and by Marilyn, many of which reflect the impact of Henri Cartier-Bresson who signed her up as one of the first women to join his prestigious Magnum photo cooperative.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100124_6dfdef41da5945aea0a8bbd8c1514af5de2adb36361d4e20c29914c59f2039e0.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260122100124_6dfdef41da5945aea0a8bbd8c1514af5de2adb36361d4e20c29914c59f2039e0" data-rendition-name="original" width="2124" height="1404" loading="lazy" alt="Ani Marilyn"> </figure>  Her assignments ranged across warzones in Vietnam, the Shah of Iran’s coronation, and Russian tanks rolling into Prague. Marilyn’s 1960s involved constant travel, her Magnum beat was the ‘Far East’, from Pakistan and Bangladesh to China, Korea, and Japan.&nbsp; With a knack at being in the right place at the right time, Marilyn was the only western woman journalist to record the arrival from Lhasa into ‘safety and exile’ of the young Dalai Lama in 1959. She was at Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s funeral in Delhi, the Chogyal of Sikkim’s marriage to Hope Cooke, and with Jacqueline Kennedy on a small boat at the Lake Palace of Udaipur.&nbsp; Marilyn snapped the Pope giving blessings in Bombay, Mother Teresa attending to the poor, and the Beatles on their way to meet the Maharishi. With Frank, she travelled to Africa and shot Emperor Haile Selassie in Ethiopia, Nigeria’s independence celebrations, and a very old and solar-topied Dr Albert Schweitzer in his jungle hospital in Gabon.&nbsp; A Portrait of Ourselves, Marilyn Silverstone: From Photojournalist to Buddhist Nun, is a highly recommended tribute to an inspirational life, told with discerning honesty and private perceptions by those who knew her best.&nbsp; Her monastic years living in Nepal continued to feature travel, hard work, undiminished curiosity, dogged fights for right, uncompromising support for others, disdain for conformity and battles with ill health, but all with her characteristic good humour. Marilyn leaves us with some sound advice in her own words: “I can say that I did it all. The secret though is just keep walking through life without analysing it too much or clinging to it too much. Just walk on.” &nbsp;&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260122100140_dc0c465e462bd14e92b2a2e79b5349f23fa039bcda81cc02a9a70adbcee35c7b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260122100140_dc0c465e462bd14e92b2a2e79b5349f23fa039bcda81cc02a9a70adbcee35c7b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="marilyn silverstone"> </figure>

“Just walk on”

Bhairav is the fierce manifestation of Lord Shiva, and his strength is depicted in a fearsome face but he is also a protector and guardian. There are eight forms of Bhairav in Kathmandu, and they are all featured in Mukesh Shrestha’s exhibition Bhairav Bhav at Gallery 108 in Darbar Marg. The artist was moved to contemplate the violent September protests through this series of paintings.&nbsp; “The GenZ protests exposed the greedy and aggressive side of leaders in which many young Nepalis lost their lives. Bhairav teaches people that forms of aggression and peace can go hand in hand, and peace can be chosen,” Shrestha explains. The artworks on display have a distinct palette of yellow, black and white, symbolising peace even during turbulent times. “Yellow is an auspicious colour for Hindus and Buddhists, it also has religious significance,” he says. Each painting is imbued by the black walls of the gallery and spotlight with warm lights. Says gallery manager Pooja Mahato, “The backdrop is black deliberately so that the visitors’ focus goes more to the artwork and less on the surrounding.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012008018_ac2e3090a926cb57fca481d580d1c087b43d392299e2d99231a6044a05696964.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026012008018_ac2e3090a926cb57fca481d580d1c087b43d392299e2d99231a6044a05696964" data-rendition-name="original" width="2784" height="3984" loading="lazy" alt="Bhairav art review"> </figure>  Each of the paintings depicts Bhairav’s face in the real form but the bodies are imagined by the artist. This distinction is also made by the use of colours on the face while the body is conspicuously black and white. As Bhairav is one of Lord Shiva’s forms, serpents are an essential part of the portraits. The pieces on Kal Bhairav of Kathmandu Darbar Square and Bagh Bhairav of Kirtipur ooze power from every angle. Kal Bhairav is the Lord of time, and the Bagh Bhairav represents the ferocity of the tiger. Meanwhile, Unmatta Bhairav, also known as Digambar sacrificed the greed for life and is depicted naked. Couples who do not have children are blessed with offspring if they worship this Bhairav avatar. Then there is Batuk Bhairav, the childish god with a happy face. The blue here creates a vibrant, ritualistic visage even as it emotes calmness. “It is believed that Bhairav came in this child-like form to fool the demons to destroy them, and is represented through small hands and feet,” explains Mahato.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026012008018_e1f25fe3e0d9431df47cd8f76182649e969d511298c17c0c92179475e8008809.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2026012008018_e1f25fe3e0d9431df47cd8f76182649e969d511298c17c0c92179475e8008809" data-rendition-name="original" width="2120" height="3728" loading="lazy" alt="Bhairav art review"> </figure>  Shweta Bhairav's face is also depicted exactly the same as it is in Kathmandu Darbar Square. Its body includes the feet of Bhramayani Devi, one of the forms of Nava Durga. It is believed that this form of Bhairav is granted entry in Kathmandu only after the welcome of Bhramayani Devi.&nbsp; Shweta Bhairav was wrongly identified as the Akash Bhairav when it was chosen as the motif for Royal Nepal Airlines 60 years ago. Despite this, the carrier’s aircraft still carry the wrong Bhairav on their fuselage. Shanta Bhairav, meanwhile, entered Kathmandu Valley in the form of a human to meet his beloved, Lassi. After agreeing to take the role of the protector for children as many were lost, he was allowed to live in the Valley.&nbsp; The paintings also represent peace and tranquility: lotus flowers emerging from the heads of a male and female body, and military tanks below them. Says Mukesh Shrestha, “Each artwork is a journey from ignorance to knowledge. Whatever we think, we become. If we think of peace, we become peaceful, but if we think of destruction, we become destructive.” Bhairav Bhav By Mukesh Shrestha Gallery 108, Darbar Marg Until 31 January 11am-7pm (Mondays by appointment)

The power of peace

Monday, 8 September marked the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">largest single-day, state-led massacre of protesters</a> in Nepal’s recent history. The indiscriminate firing of automatic weapons on the GenZ demonstrators for over three hours killed 21 people. Most were below 28, waiting to fly overseas as migrant workers.
This sparked the violence of the following day that ultimately left 76 people dead. Postmortem reports show that the protesters on 8 September were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/security-forces-targeted-protestors-disproportionately-hrw">shot directly in the chest, head, and abdomen</a>.
During the GenZ protests, the Nepal Army also killed 10 prisoners who were attempting to flee jails. Yet, no one questioned or condemned the Army for taking such lethal measures.
Brutality and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/transitional-injustice-in-nepal">extrajudicial killings</a> by the security forces are not uncommon in Nepal. They peaked during the Maoist conflict, and recur often. What happened during the GenZ protests was a continuation of culture.
During the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/masochism-in-madhes,563">Madhes Movement in 2015</a>, the K P Oli-led regime was also responsible for more than 50 deaths. Police forces shot and killed 16 people. In Janakpur, a police officer shot and killed a 14-year-old child, Nitu Yadav, at point-blank range while he was trying to hide behind some bushes.&nbsp;
According to witnesses, the masked police officer forced the child to the ground, shot him in the head, and kicked him while shouting, “Shoot this motherf**ker.” No police chiefs were held accountable for these atrocities. The state has still not released the Laal Aayog Report, which investigated <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tikapur-s-protracted-trauma">killings in the Tarai</a>.&nbsp;
In 2026 the Armed Police Force (APF) shot and killed rickshaw driver Bijay Shah in sunsari while he was transporting goods across the border. From 2017 to 2021, at least 22 people died in police custody alone, most of them Madhesi and Dalits.&nbsp;
Police routinely described these deaths as suicides, yet this was never independently verified. In Shah’s case, the APF claimed without evidence that he died in a crossfire. Police institutions continue to function <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/mob-movement-and-mayhem">as they did under the Panchayat regime</a>. In the absence of proper investigation, there is impunity and the killings go on.&nbsp;
This lack of accountability means that the Nepali state has normalised killings by its security apparatus. When pressed about shooting protesters outside Parliament in September, Prime Minister KP Oli and Police Chief Chandra Kuber Khapung defended themselves saying, “Bullets do not have eyes.”&nbsp;
There was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/election-vs-escalation">no remorse or empathy</a>, and a refusal to accept responsibility. They failed to acknowledge that the state has a constitutional mandate to protect its citizens, including those accused of crimes.&nbsp;
Those in power routinely shift the blame onto protesters. In reality, police often initiate intimidation and violence at otherwise peaceful protests, as seen on 8 September. According to witnesses, protesters only became agitated after Nepal Police started firing tear gas, and shooting one of the demonstrators.&nbsp;
The Gauri Bahadur Karki Judicial Investigation Commission has not yet filed its report. But there will be justice only when then-Prime Minister KP Oli, Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak, and Kathmandu CDO Chhabi Rijal are held accountable for their actions or inaction. But it should not end there -- all police officers involved in the killings must also face justice.&nbsp;
No government or political leader in the past decades has tried to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=2809">reform police to end their impunity</a>. Politicians in power and police forces maintain an unspoken, unholy nexus – from the local to the state level. It is a mutual protection arrangement. Those in power rely on the police to maintain their power and even prosecute opponents, while the police depend on them for political patronage.&nbsp;
To be sure, Nepal Police just reflects the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-story-so-far">state of the country’s democracy</a>, as well as its lack of commitment to human rights and the rule of law. Genuine reform and democratisation of the police force is needed to uphold human rights and the Constitution, and increase institutional diversity with greater representation of women, Dalits, Madhesi, indigenous and the traditionally excluded.&nbsp;
The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18719">APF was originally formed </a>to suppress the Maoist armed conflict and is now used to quell public protests. It should be dismantled, and the post of Chief District Officer abolished. &nbsp;
The Office of the Attorney General and the National Human Rights Commission have repeatedly failed to address police killings and torture. A strong independent mechanism is needed to investigate abuses of power and prosecute those responsible.&nbsp;
The argument is that holding police to account will damage their morale. Actually, ending impunity and enforcing accountability would enhance the police’s public image and strengthen the institution, enabling it to maintain law and order without turning into a killing machine.&nbsp;
More importantly, we need to design <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/two-sides-of-the-same-coin">state institutions</a> to be empathetic. Only then will society embody tolerance. If culture of killing is accepted, it fosters violence. This is what happened on 9 September. The mayhem was no coincidence.&nbsp;
Police killings and abuse of power, and their entrenched impunity, have led to mounting public anger towards the state and resentment towards the system. If this continues unchecked, it will threaten the very stability of democracy that these institutions are supposed to safeguard. &nbsp;
Prashanta Khanal is an independent climate and transport policy researcher.&nbsp;

migration