It looks like the whole country is demonstrating on the streets. Ex-king Gyanendra has been attending rallies for the restoration of a Hindu monarchy in Kathmandu, teachers are on the warpath against federal control, striking doctors are protesting gang attacks on hospitals, activist Iih stood for 11 days outside Kathmandu City Hall protesting the mayor’s high-handedness. Meanwhile, on Monday in Birganj there was a different kind of street demonstration – for tolerance and harmony.&nbsp; The municipality took out the rally to douse communal clashes that flared up in Malangwa of Sarlahi district for four days this week, serious enough for a curfew &nbsp;to be clamped. &nbsp; In Birganj, businesses, intellectuals and politicians including Mayor Rajeshman Singh and Deputy Mayor Imtiaz Alam rallied for religious coexistence. Instead of saffron or green, they waved Nepal’s crimson double triangle. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/religiously-following-politics">Religiously following politics</a>, Chandra Kishore Madhes Province borders the Indian state of Bihar, and bonds of kinship, language, culture and trade bind communities in the two countries together. As India prepares for general elections next year, growing persecution of minorities there is starting to infect Nepal as well. Hindus and Muslims in Nepal have lived peacefully for centuries. My own ancestral home is in the village of Balara near Malangwa. My 80-year-old mother still lives there and remembers the Muslim woman who sold her glass bangles.&nbsp; Despite untouchability at the time, she was allowed right inside the house to fit bangles and give blessings to the family.&nbsp; Malangwa itself derives its name from Malang Baba, revered by both Hindus and Muslims. The frontier town is therefore a symbol of the age-old solidarity between the two communities. Its message: do not spread division and strife.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/secularism-and-sectarianism/">Secularism and sectarianism</a>, Indra Adhikari  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230929050940_e60a2fe1d15bd66a7181c733b2d10c42ad8a420a6e27a04301bfaac1418f6e1a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230929050940_e60a2fe1d15bd66a7181c733b2d10c42ad8a420a6e27a04301bfaac1418f6e1a" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="2000" loading="lazy" alt="Page 1"> <figcaption>A rally in Bhaktapur on 24 September was attended by a flag-waving crowd, but in contrast, was for restoring Nepal's Hindu monarchy. Ex-king Gyanendra attended the event. Photo: SULAV SHRESTHA/DESH SANCHAR </figcaption> </figure>  I have just returned from Malangwa which is limping back to normal. But the clashes have opened new fears that the attempt to ignite religious tension could spread to other border districts.&nbsp; We know from other sectarian conflagrations that the initial spark is from rubbing religion and politics together to create friction. This is a volatile mixture, and can be fanned by exclusionary populism -- especially in the age of social media. Sadly, no religion has a monopoly on extremism, even ones that preach compassion. &nbsp; The strategy of religious zealots is to propel themselves to power by neutralising symbols of tolerance, and discredit those who stand for togetherness. The tactic is to weaponise social networking sites to drive a wedge, and divide society into ‘us’ and ‘them’.&nbsp; Economic problems, joblessness and disillusionment with politicians is prompting new forces to stoke religious animosity.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">India’s Hindutva politics influencing Nepal</a>, Santa Gaha Magar The wind is blowing from the south this monsoon, and it is infusing ideas of majoritarian communalism. Let those who are fanning these flames be warned that they may well reap the whirlwind.&nbsp; The press should be playing a moderating check-and-balance role, but local media is itself spreading hate speech and extremism. In every crisis, there will be some brave souls who will act on their conscience. But we did not hear those voices amidst the extremist din in Malangwa.&nbsp; An ideological vacuum is turning Madhes Province into fertile ground for the religious right, and a laboratory against federalism and secularism. Nepal with its diversity cannot be a theocracy-- the state has to be a protector of all peoples and faiths. Secularism means the freedom of each Nepali to practice their religion.&nbsp; Such acceptance is anathema to those who want to mix religion and politics: they want us to distrust and hate each other. There is a lot of flag-waving going on, but at least the rally in Birganj showed that crimson is the new saffron and green. &nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/faith-in-tolerance"> Faith in tolerance</a>, Editorial Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based journalist who writes this monthly column Borderlines in Nepali Times. @kishore_chandra

Chandra Kishore

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Crimson, saffron and green

As the most populous country in the world, India’s democracy is tangled up in politics, religion, and the economy ahead of next year’s elections.&nbsp; India’s mainstream media has equated Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) with prosperity, and a majority of the public in north India seems to buy that line. Indeed, India’s GDP has grown by 6.3% over the past nine years since Modi took office, its annual economic growth rate is the envy of the world. But the Modi government is also accused of strategically promoting crony capitalism, systematically tolerating attacks on minorities, and controlling the mass media. All this is already beginning to have a profound impact on Nepal’s own polity, with parties espousing Modi-style Hindutva becoming more vocal, their call for restoring the Hindu state sitting uneasily with the demands to also bring back the monarchy.&nbsp; This trip by a Nepali journalist across the stronghold of the Modi government ahead of the 2024 general election and coinciding with the Kanvar Yatra revealed both faith-driven politics as well as deep misgivings about India straying from its secular path. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">India’s Hindutva politics influencing Nepal</a>, Santa Gaha Magar The Himalayan state of Uttarakhand was busy with the annual Bol Bom pilgrimage with hundreds of thousands of pilgrims walking to the source of the Ganga to collect its holy water for their own local Shiva shrines. Along a stretch of highway, devotees wore t-shirts emblazoned with the symbol Om as they ordered meals at a dhawa eatery. Their motorcycles were festooned in saffron flags with images of Hanuman. Unsurprisingly, they were vocal in their support for the Hindu nationalist BJP, their religious devotion having translated into political preference to strongly identify with Hindutva. “India should be a Hindu country and protect its religion and culture. After all, there are one too many Christian and Muslim nations in the world,” said one young pilgrim. At a tea shop in Rishikesh, devotees praised Narendra Modi and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath for their commitment to promoting Hindutva.&nbsp; “India has become a better place with Modi cracking down on crime and corruption,” affirmed one devotee in saffron attire. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/red-to-saffron">RED to SAFFRON</a>, Shristi Karki  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230809110836_091ee141dcb1c1f3655680b9b81b9bede9ffb1844d56aa33bbdb91c3bf17b0d6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20230809110836_091ee141dcb1c1f3655680b9b81b9bede9ffb1844d56aa33bbdb91c3bf17b0d6" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="India’s faith in politics NT"> </figure>  A group at a table lectured a visiting Nepali about how India needed a strongman with the “correct” ideology that asserted India’s greatness on the world stage. They credited Modi for giving India international recognition and respect it did not have before. The highways to Rishikesh were ablaze in saffron banners and posters of Modi and Yogi Adityanath on walls of highway bridges and the backs of buses. The roads were packed with convoys of trucks with loudspeakers belting out devotional music to which the pilgrims danced. In between, there were also songs exhorting people to vote for the BJP in next year’s elections. The BJP has tried to brand itself as the protector of Hinduism, facilitating, amplifying and even radicalising their beliefs. Bol Bom pilgrims looked visibly uncomfortable when asked about the attacks on Muslims across Northern India. Most dismissed the question entirely, with some suspicious about that line of questioning. We also tried to gauge the political pulse of the general public away from the religious processions. What did India’s Dalits and Muslims think of Modi and his saffronification of politics? &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-pm-to-india-to-reboot-ties">Nepal PM to India to reboot ties</a>, Chandra Kishore Even Indians who do not identify with Hindutva politics are Modi fans because they credit his two terms since 2014 as being the reason for India’s rapid economic growth. A businessman from Gurgaon who runs an export business in India and Nepal praised Modi’s leadership for business expansion, providing better loan schemes for startups, and attracting foreign investment. Even so, while Cyber City Gurgaon or Noida on the outskirts of New Delhi offer glimpses of prosperity, the rural reality for much of the population is a different story. “I feel cheated, Modi did not deliver on his promises,” said a bookstore owner in Delhi, explaining that an increase in GDP didn't necessarily translate into higher living standards for many. Along the pavement near Delhi’s railway station are rows and rows of homeless. Unemployment is still high, and young men injected themselves with drugs in the shadows of underpasses of the capital and ghettos near Jame Masjid. The world’s largest democracy may have elected this prime minister, but his party has used populism, fear-mongering and censorship to consolidate its support. But no one dares to speak out for fear of retribution. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-end-of-ideology-in-nepal">The end of ideology in Nepal</a> “If you point a finger against Modi, they will raid your home,” said the bookstore owner in a hushed tone. He voted for Modi’s BJP in 2014 and 2019, but says he is unlikely to do so in 2024 because he does not want to live in this state of fear. Media critics like journalist Ravish Kumar face constant harassment and death threats from government supporters. Adani Group buying out NDTV is viewed as a further move against the last remaining democratic voices. “No media channel is critical of the government,” said another interlocutor. It is an indication of the pervasive paranoia that none of the critics of the BJP wanted their name used. “The media is used for hate speech against minorities, to distract attention from the real problems, and to glorify India’s Hindu past and its future.”&nbsp; One has to turn to social media to find out the truth about lynchings, bulldozing of Muslim neighbourhoods or attacks on holy sites. The mainstream media either does not mention those attacks, or provides a distorted account. It is easy to be impressed with India’s impressive investment in infrastructure, the gleaming towers in its cities and the traffic jams on its roads. India might have taken a step forward in economic growth, but its democracy has taken two steps back. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/religiously-following-politics">Religiously following politics</a>, Chandra Kishore

India’s faith in politics

Nepali Times: How did this transition from banking to politics happen so suddenly? Anil Shah: I worked in the banking sector for 31 years, 17 of them as a CEO. The primary reason I left is because I have always been vocal about young people needing a chance at leadership. And it did not seem fair to keep expressing that opinion while I held on to my own position. I then wanted to move on to something new, and set up Lead Nepal Inc, the objective of which was to craft leaders. For a year, I shared my three-decade leadership, management, motivation and team-building experience with political parties, law enforcement and military, private organisations as well as students. Around that time, my daughter graduated in New York and we planned to go to Boston to visit friends. We were crammed in an Uber in New York on the way to the train station and during the ride, the driver looked at the rear view mirror and asked if I was Anil Shah. He turned out to be Nepali who eventually asked why someone like me had not entered politics. I replied that I was not interested. He was emphatic that people like me needed to bein government.&nbsp; I told him that politics was not for me, but he made me a promise — if I were to get into politics, he would donate $1,000 to me and he had 100 other friends who were willing to donate the same amount. The gentleman’s name is Mangal Shrestha, and I thanked him when we got off at the train station. I thought his heart was in the right place, but I did not take him seriously. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/arnico-panday-the-political-scientist">Arnico Panday, the political scientist</a> The day after I joined the Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) I got a message on Facebook (from Mangal Shrestha) asking where he could send the money he had promised me. At that moment, his hope, and the hopes and aspirations of Nepalis like him, touched me deeply. In Boston, I met Nepali students at Harvard, MIT, and Tufts. One of the students said they were tired of me complaining for 15 years about how our politics was a dirty pond that no one was willing to clean up. I needed to either stop talking about it or wade into the dirty pond myself and try to clean it up, he said. Should you decide to get into politics, we are with you. It was a culmination of various conversations like this that touched me and made me question why I could not take this step. Then came the question of where to go. And I think RSP was a good fit for me, because they are new to politics just like I was, and their vision and thought process sort of matched with mine. I thought if I was going to make a jump into this pond, these are the people I want to do it with. I was reminded by Mangal Shrestha him of the Nepali spirit of honesty and integrity. He could have forgotten about his promise, but he reached out to me. This told me two things: the first was the hope that not only I, but the RSP as a whole had given people like him. The interaction also showed me was the state of despondency people feel about what is happening to our country, the hopelessness that a Nepali Uber driver in Manhattan feels about returning. I think it reflected the thoughts of a lot of the youth regarding the visions of the RSP and its aspirations towards the people.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2023080608080_02e108f695e02a5472ba5cf2a3ac19ad9b0a15c504b31021e9d3fdc0d3694e7b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2023080608080_02e108f695e02a5472ba5cf2a3ac19ad9b0a15c504b31021e9d3fdc0d3694e7b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1456" loading="lazy" alt="Anil Shah RSP"> <figcaption>Photo: GOPEN RAI</figcaption> </figure>  Did you have to think a lot about whether it would be the RSP or maybe RPP or Bibeksheel? Definitely. Coming back and joining the RSP was not my first thought. My knee-jerk reaction would have been to join the Nepali Congress because my family has historically been closer to NC. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/the-rana-reign-a-recap-of-history,3751">Subarna Shamsher Rana</a> is my wife’s grandfather. But it was not a question of joining a party for a position, or to use family legacy. I wanted to join politics to try and actually do something. The RSP has made you the head of its training department. Do politicians need training? Politicians do think that they should be the ones giving training, not getting it. That is why our country is where it is right now. However, our party does not have politicians, it has ordinary citizens like myself who want to do something for the nation. And the best thing is that a lot of RSP members— parliamentarians and Central Working Committee members alike— reached out to me to say that they were willing and glad to be trained because they wanted to learn to become better leaders. That kind of positive attitude is a start. A few days ago our party chair Rabi Lamichhane, parliamentarians, CWC members and other leadership sat down and discussed our training visions for leadership. We looked at our strengths and weaknesses and how we can individually contribute to the party. All of this makes me believe that I am in the right place. What kind of training do leaders need? Training is not one-size-fits-all. For the parliamentary party and the Central Committee, it is a training of synergy, team building, teamwork, and confidence building, all so that we can work together as a cohesive unit. At the end of the day, even though we are a political party, we are a startup. So when we go to the provinces, the training focuses on introducing the party and our Constitution, our vision, our culture. When we go to people who want to stand for elections, at any of the three levels, we explain what leadership is, and what one is expected to do when the party is in leadership, what our role will be when we are the opposition. We train people about how to express criticism that actually adds value and moves elected leaders in the right direction. Meanwhile, we have our ‘Mission Chaurasi’, because we are clear that we are going to run the country after the next elections in 2084 (2028). This is because we cannot be trying to figure out what to do and how to lead once we are already elected and waste another two years in the process. That is why we are taking these years to prepare. The question we always ask ourselves is not what to do or how to do it, it is why we are here. We are not like other cadre-based political parties, and we cannot forget why we exist. We are still figuring that out. I tell people that I have not joined politics, I have joined people-tics. Nepali politics has been plagued by leg-pulling, an unwillingness to compromise, and infighting. Can they be trained to change that? You cannot teach old dogs new tricks. But the RSP is still a puppy, so what our entire team learns now is going to be really crucial and we want to learn the right values and skills. This is a country of countless leaders, but the RSP wants to create value-based leadership from the roots at all three levels of government, which entails humble, value-based leadership. I start off by saying that if service is beneath you, leadership is beyond you. In Nepal, I find once you become a leader, service becomes something that is seen as shameful. But leadership is about service. It is not about being in charge, it is about being responsible for the people in our charge.&nbsp; What is the difference between training bankers and politicians? The core of political leadership is about the people you surround yourself with. And what I like about our chair Rabi Lamichhane is that he welcomed people like myself, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-needs-to-rebrand-itself">Dr Swarnim Wagle</a>, Shishir Khanal, Manish Jha and Dr Toshima Karki. If he had just wanted to rule, he would never bring people like us into the party, he would always have people who look up to him and surround himself with yes men. I have been in corporate meetings, and meetings of other political parties, and there is always free dialogue and conversation within the RSP. Our weakness is perhaps a lack of structure but there is no lack of open dialogue and discussion. You said you were inspired by the diaspora, but there are more Nepalis leaving, many of them for good. What do you say to them? I used to always think and tell <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepali-family-spread-across-kuwait-cyprus-uae">people who went overseas</a> to come back, make a life in Nepal, and do something for the country. When I once said this to a labour migrant, he replied that while I had come from a well-to-do family, he did not have the same privilege of coming back home to stay off work and spend time with family without there being consequences. I realised that to many people, spending time with their mother might mean letting her go hungry. That is when I decided that I was not going to tell the youth to come back because not everybody has what I have. What I am going to tell them is not to forget Nepal. The country has what it has and the economy is sustained because of money sent by the people who pour their sweat in foreign lands. Nepal is not just its land and its rivers, it is also its people, wherever they are.&nbsp; Read also:&nbsp; <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/migration-not-a-wish-but-necessity-for-nepalis">Migration not a wish, but necessity for Nepalis</a>, Shristi Karki <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/making-overseas-migration-better">Making overseas migration better</a>, Kunda Dixit Are you going to stand in elections yourself, maybe from Bhirkot where your ancestors are from?&nbsp; Anil Shah: One should never say no when it comes to politics, because you never know. If the party needs me and tells me I must stand, why not? I will not back down and say no. But if I were to say right now I'm going to stand from Kathmandu or Bhirkot or Janakpur, then I would have to devote half of my time to developing my constituency. If I were to focus on that while also building the leadership within the RSP— which has been my dream— I will fail in both of those undertakings. Right now I am clear within the party that my job is not to win elections and be given a post, my job is to ensure results in all three levels of government in the next election.&nbsp; Should I go to Bhirkot, I am confident that I can develop it. But developing Bhirkot will not develop Nepal. I have embarked on a journey where I want to build the kind of leadership to develop all of Nepal. The interactions and energy from Kosi and Lumbini have been phenomenal so far. Additionally, there is sometimes a misconception that the RSP is a party of and for young people. That is not the case at all— we are a party of Nepalis where people of all ages, ethnicities, genders, and religions are welcome. The central leader in the RSP from Bhirkot is from the Muslim community and from my ward. There is already a leader there.&nbsp; A lot of Nepal’s ageing leadership is overly ambitious, egotistic and do not want to let go. Do you address that in your training? Absolutely. I call that god syndrome. This belief that rules do not apply to us because we are in politics. But whether it is traffic rules, or having to be in a queue, we impress upon the RSP leadership during training that we must follow them. &nbsp; Do you think Rabi Lamichhane has god syndrome? Everybody has an ego, including me. The question is if <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/after-balen-the-rabi-phenomenon">Rabi Lamichhane</a> can control it, and from my experience he can. Rabi Lamichhane is a brand now. He is looked at as the face of the RSP, as the tip of the spear of a lot of people’s aspirations. People could argue and comment on all of his speeches and public appearances, but he has to do that as the leader of a national party. There is a difference between being invisible and being humble. And whether it is in parliament or on the streets, he is humble but never invisible. He is a humble man—a god-fearing man—and he is someone I think I can follow as a leader. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/rabi-lamichhane-is-home-less">Rabi Lamichanne is Home-less</a>, Shristi Karki

"We are a political startup"

In addition to the many commodities India exports to Nepal, it is now also sending across its brand of Hindutva politics.&nbsp;
Journalists at an interaction in Kathmandu on Wednesday expressed reservations about how the nationalistic Hindutva ideology of India’s ruling BJP was influencing Nepali politics as well.&nbsp;
The 'Hindutva politics and Indian-Nepali Media’ interaction was organised by Free Press Nepal with its editor JB Pun Magar moderating a panel that included Deshsanchar editor Yubaraj Ghimire and journalist-author Kanak Mani Dixit.
The speakers said Hindutva had historically disrupted communal harmony and encouraged religious and political extremism in secular India, saying that its proliferation across the open border into Nepal was “alarming”.&nbsp;
Ghimire explained that the Hindutva ideology applied the Hindu faith in politics and rejected the concept of secularism. Hindutva became part of Indian socio-politics with the establishment of the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925.&nbsp;
In 1951, the RSS established the Bharatiya Jana Sangh as its political wing to expand its right-wing, Hindu nationalist ideology to mainstream politics. The Jana Sangh broke off and merged with other parties, and an iteration became the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1980, having carried over much of the original rank and file into the new political collective.&nbsp;
The BJP established itself as an influential political party after the destruction of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya by leaders of the RSS and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad in 1992. The party cemented itself as a mainstay in mainstream politics after Narendra Modi, a former full-time member of the RSS, became Prime Minister of India in 2014, and his re-election in 2019.
Meanwhile, in Nepal, parties like the royalist-right Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) have long called for the abolishment of secularism and the re-establishment of Nepal as a Hindu state.&nbsp;
The RPP was considerably weakened after Kamal Thapa split and established his own RPP-N which was not for a restoration of the monarchy but backed the demand for a Hindu state.
The party itself has gone through periods of the Nepali public taking its ideology with various degrees of seriousness. Nepal’s public sphere, disillusioned with secular-republican politicians, has seen a shift to pro-Hindu and sometimes monarchist public discourse corresponding with Hindutva in India. And Nepal’s political leadership and aspirants have taken notice.
Political experts and analysts have said that Nepal’s Communist Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal himself is trying to endear himself to India’s leadership by visiting Hindu temples in India and Nepal, while India is using Nepal’s political leadership to control national affairs.&nbsp;
Dixit, founding editor of Himal Southasian, said Hindutva politics was giving continuity to long-running interference of the Indian establishment in Nepal’s affairs.&nbsp;
“To understand Nepal’s Hindutva politics, we must go back and study India’s interventions in Nepal since 1951,” said Dixit, noting that Delhi’s involvement can be seen ever since the fall of the Rana regime.
“At present, the effects of Hindutva intervention can be seen in our water resources and aviation sectors,” he added.&nbsp;
Dixit described the increasing effect of Hindutva in Nepali politics as a “clear and present danger”.
He added, “Indian intervention is the elephant in the room that we refuse to address instead we focus on other mice in the corner.”&nbsp;
Ghimire also delved into how India’s governing party has had an impact on Nepal’s rulers by questioning the visits to the offices of the BJP by Prime Minister Dahal and his predecessor Sher Bahadur Deuba during their official visits to India.
"Why was there a need to call on a specific party’s office during a state visit?” asked Ghimire rhetorically.
Dixit said Nepal’s media had yet to report on how Foreign Minister NP Saud’s wife is the vice-president of the Nepal chapter of the Hindu advocacy group World Hindu Federation. He said such gaps in coverage showed that the media is itself being influenced by the Hindutva ideology.&nbsp;
“The RSS does not interfere in Nepal’s affairs in a way that is visible, but I know that Nepal’s political leadership has welcomed its representative in Nepal without exception and with open arms,” said Ghimire in an answer to a question from the floor.&nbsp;
Former Kantipur editor Sudheer Sharma also had a question to the panel on the objectives of the RSS in Nepal. Ghimire answered that the organisation wants to spread its worldview and ideology to countries outside India.&nbsp;
“In Nepal, the organisation wants people to learn not about Prithivi Narayan Shah, but about Shivaji Maharaj,” Ghimire said, referring to Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj ,a 17th-century Indian sovereign idolised and celebrated by the RSS as a ruler who defended his Hindu empire from invasion.&nbsp;
Disillusionment with Nepal’s three mainstream parties manifested in the rise of the independent RSP, while the RPP is trying to ride the Hindutva wave to back Nepal reverting to being a Hindu state.&nbsp;
Even leaders thought to be progressive like former BBC Nepali Service journalist Rabindra Mishra have called for a referendum on secularism, leaving his Bibeksheel Sahja Party to join the RPP.
Ghimire concluded, “We must learn from India’s secularism. If we do not want what is happening in India’s socio-politics to impact Nepal, we must carefully study their weaknesses and where they have gone wrong so that we might avoid the same mistakes here.”

India’s Hindutva politics influencing Nepal

Padam Limbu promised his mother Dhanmaya that he would build the family a new, sturdier house to replace the one-storey cement and bamboo structure they lived in. Nine days later, her son was dead. Dhanmaya would learn that her son had been declared a ‘<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11798">martyr</a>’, but she did not know a martyr for what.&nbsp; Padam, 43, was affiliated with the Sanghiya Rastriya Loktantrik Sangh which was agitating against Province 1 being named Kosi Province on 1 March. The front wanted the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16766">name to reflect the indigenous inhabitants</a> of eastern Nepal, the Kirat Limbuwan people.&nbsp; Padam was injured in the head as police clashed against protesters in Biratnagar on 19 March, and died in hospital five days later. He leaves behind his mother Dhanmaya, &nbsp;70 , two younger sisters, and an 18-year-old son.&nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/state-of-the-state"> State of the state</a>, Ramesh Kumar  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230714050744_65a7786566c9b2335dd8e24194df7d6f855464d60d143ad18156d0df09651fd6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230714050744_65a7786566c9b2335dd8e24194df7d6f855464d60d143ad18156d0df09651fd6" data-rendition-name="original" width="1568" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Page 1 NT 2"> </figure>  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/naming-new-provinces">How Nepal’s federal provinces should be demarcated</a> and what they should be named has been a contentious issue ever since the first post-conflict Constituent Assembly (CA) was deadlocked on the matter, and new elections had to be held in 2013. The Maoist party was <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16674">pushing for a 14-province model</a> named after Nepal’s various ethnicities. The NC pushed for a territorial model, while the UML wanted a hybrid system with 15 provinces. A compromise on seven provinces was finally reached, but naming them was so contentious they were numbered from 1 to 7. <div class="embed-block"><div><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 56.25%;"><iframe src="//cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fyoutu.be%2FryXevsel-3U&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div> It was only after the first federal elections in 2017 that the provinces got names. Three of them were based on rivers, like Gandaki, Karnali, Bagmati, or geographical like Lumbini or Sudurpaschim. Only the Madhes Province got an identity-based name. Province 1 did not have a name till earlier this year, because of opposing demands. Most of the dominant caste groups wanted to call it Kosi after the river, while <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-mundum-landscape">indigenous communities</a> wanted their Kirat Limbuwan identity recognised.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-kosi-s-sorrow-and-scope">The Kosi’s sorrow, and scope</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230714050744_0493cf1754a398a4fd937495fef82451aab3c7b0ef9192eb2ce110acddfc3c8f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20230714050744_0493cf1754a398a4fd937495fef82451aab3c7b0ef9192eb2ce110acddfc3c8f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1448" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Page 1 NT 3"> </figure>  <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-depopulating-mountains">Hikmat Karki</a> of the opposition UML was chief minister when the assembly voted on the Kosi name. But he was ousted in a confidence vote earlier this month, and replaced with Uddhav Thapa of the NC, although his election has been challenged in the Supreme Court because the assembly speaker in an unconstitutional move also voted to break a tie. &nbsp; Thapa has since said Kosi name cannot be changed, but Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal told Maoist supporters here it was a “mistake” for his party to support Kosi. The issue has pitted two members of the coalition government. “The prime minister has poured oil on the fire by saying that the Kosi name was a mistake, it has polarised the situation,” former chief minister Karki said. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14481">Kumar Lingden</a> of the Sanghiya Rastriya Loktantrik Sangh said: “Kosi was named in a guerrilla style. If the Madhes Province can be named after communities residing there, why can't we?”&nbsp; Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15669#.Y4PPBi9w2Lc">Federalism isn't a zero sum game</a>, Pari Thapa  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230714050744_c8717facb561ae2403d760b3a6a96424c4b47cb27b9c72ac595aa2e45ffb9493.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20230714050744_c8717facb561ae2403d760b3a6a96424c4b47cb27b9c72ac595aa2e45ffb9493" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="369" loading="lazy" alt="Page 1 NT 4"> </figure>  The main concern even among moderate politicians here is that renaming Kosi as Kirat Province may open up a can of worms and take the country back to the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16672">dangerous ethnic polarisation</a> of 2011-12 in eastern Nepal. Violent unrest could also spread as other provinces also demand name changes. Lingden assures other ethnicities in the province have no problems with a Kirat Limbuwan Province. But not everyone agrees, and the protests have spread beyond Biratnagar with rallies also in Kathmandu. Ashok Kumar Sardar of Morang’s Katahari Rural Municipality was taking his mother-in-law to hospital last month when police fired teargas at protesters. Sardar was hit by a shell. “This is the Tarai, and people from the Madhes, like us, also live here,” says Sardar. "We could also demand that this be a part of Madhes Province.” &nbsp; Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/feudal-federalism"> Feudal federalism</a>, Editorial  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230714050744_e03739b1c5ca6d92717982542d9213f38932b550b596a85d2a95b3cd0c30f1ed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20230714050744_e03739b1c5ca6d92717982542d9213f38932b550b596a85d2a95b3cd0c30f1ed" data-rendition-name="original" width="3269" height="2006" loading="lazy" alt="Page 1 NT 5"> </figure>  Kunta Rai is firm in her belief that eastern Nepal is the original homeland of its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/do-nepali-attitudes-need-to-be-decolonised">indigenous people</a>, and the province name should reflect that identity. “Only those who do not understand our history oppose our demand,” she said. "Naming the province Kosi will erase our civilisation, history, and identity. That is not ok.”&nbsp; Mixing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/new-chapter-in-nepal-political-saga">federal coalition politics</a> with ethnic identity has made the situation volatile here. Political scientist Krishna Pokhrel notes that in a democracy the government must also listen to demands of indigenous groups. &nbsp; He adds: “But it is now also important for protesting groups to also reassure other communities that their rights will be protected.”&nbsp; All this means little for Dhanmaya Limbu, who looks out from her dark room, overwhelmed with grief, uncertainty, and empty slogans. "People try to reassure me saying my son was a hero, that he died fighting the good fight,” says Dhanmaya, her eyes brimming. “Certificates won’t bring my son back.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-karnali-s-hunger-emergency">The Karnali’s hunger emergency</a>, Anita Bhetwal

East is East

Nepal’s cybersphere is rumbling with posts by politicians vying to go viral by being ultra-nationalist. &nbsp;
Thrust to electoral victory last year riding Facebook booster rockets, Kathmandu Mayor Balendra ‘Balen’ Shah is leading the charge. First, he posted a photo of his office with a pre-1816 map of Nepal to counter the Akhanda Bharat mural unveiled in India’s new Parliament building.
Then, he went ballistic on rumours (later proven to be untrue) that the Indian movie Adipurush claimed Sita was “a daughter of India”. He retaliated with an indefinite ban on all Bollywood movies in Kathmandu cinemas until the non-existent dialogue was removed not just in Nepal but by Indian censors as well. Sound familiar? The Maoist 40-point demand in 1996 also included a ban on Bollywood films. &nbsp;
When the Patan High Court issued an immediate interim order rescinding the movie ban, Balen fired off another salvo from his social media account saying no way was he going to follow the court’s order or, for that matter, the Constitution. Safeguarding the national interest and preserving Nepal’s sovereignty and culture was far more important, he said.&nbsp;
And he used a similar argument about hanging the Greater Nepal map in his office, despite constitutional experts calling the tit-for-tat anti-Constitutional, irresponsible and over-stepping his jurisdiction as mayor.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/rot-at-the-top">Rot at the top</a>, Shristi Karki
Ultra-nationalism in Nepal is not new, it is usually retaliatory India-bashing over some perceived affront. Madhuri Dixit once said that she found Nepal “just like India” and we got worked up about that. But it can also turn deadly, as shown by riots in 2000 over Bollywood actor Hritik Roshan purportedly slandering Nepal in an Indian tv interview.&nbsp;
Nepali politicians through the ages have resorted to nationalism to hide under-performance, to distract public attention from more pressing issues, or for electoral gain. All it does is expose insecurity, and only becomes serious when the flames are stoked by politicians.
To be sure, the Indians add fuel to the fire by taunting Nepalis, knowing fully well how sensitive historical memory here about past wrongs can be, and anything said or done in New Delhi tends to be magnified in Nepal – as with their claim to Kalapani-Lipu Lek. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
Nationalism is the last resort of scoundrels, as someone said. Italian media tycoon and 3-time prime minister Silvio Berlusconi, who died last week, perfected the art of populist politics even before the age of the internet. Donald Trump copied the formula ditto by weaponising social media. Narendra Modi in India has demonstrated how to pulverise pluralism with populism.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/red-to-saffron">RED to SAFFRON</a>, Shristi Karki
The temptation to appeal to raw instinct, intolerance and hidden bigotry is so strong that even politicians who have fought long and hard for democracy succumb to it. After Balen Shah’s map went viral, the NC’s Gagan Thapa couldn’t resist putting in his own two cents.
Former BBC journalist Rabindra Mishra, who practiced objectivity for decades, has also gone off on a tangent. Rabi Lamichhane of the RSP is only held back by saner voices in his party.
Every politician is entitled to their personal conviction, ideology, and faith. It is when their exercise of freedom impinges on someone else’s right to choice that it becomes dangerous. In countries with entrenched discrimination, inequity and social injustice, populism can be turned into a political warhead. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Balen Shah promised a lot during his election campaign, and some cosmetic changes have been made to the streets. To be fair, it would be too much to expect one mayor in one term to solve Kathmandu’s multi-faceted crises decades in the making. Still, hanging maps on the wall and banning Bollywood films serve to distract public attention from failures.&nbsp;
Even the mayor’s proactive campaigns have been unjust and excessive: bulldozing squatter settlements without first offering alternatives and his Metropolitan Police upturning fruit and panipuri carts of street vendors. The poor and neediest became collateral damage.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/political-environment">Political environment</a>, Editorial
Any critics of these actions are mercilessly trolled by Balen’s supporters who are internet avatars of his street gendarmes – as we probably will be for posting this Editorial online.
The challenge for democracy worldwide now is to protect open societies from populist politics. In Nepal, the royal right is crafting a narrative of nostalgia about the glory days of monarchy. But it is not so simple. &nbsp;
Political changes in Nepal in 1950, 1990, and 2006 have all come about because of outrage over an existing system. But outrage alone does not guarantee a change in the character of the state.&nbsp;
Populists feed on this rage against the status quo, but they offer no solutions except hyper-nationalism. The silver lining is that Nepalis also rejected many serial politicians, and elected some capable technocrats who are now raising hell in Parliament.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/whose-country-is-it-anyway">Whose country is it anyway?</a>, Editorial

Nepal Populist Party (Balenist)

The story so far

When he was still leading the Maoist insurgency as Prachanda, guerrillas under his command executed priests, desecrated temples, burnt Sanskrit books. But even after being elected prime minister as Pushpa Kamal Dahal, he tried to replace priests from Kerala at Pashupati with Nepali ones. Indian priests resigned, and the move angered Hindus in both countries. During the insurgency, Dahal exhorted his fighters to wage war against India, even while he and other leaders were in a safe house in a New Delhi suburb.&nbsp; Fast forward to 2023. Prime Minister Dahal visits the Mahakaleswar Temple in Ujjain &nbsp;during his official visit to India, where he offers prayers clad in saffron, holy thread, and sacred ash smeared on his forehead. Faced with criticism from his own comrades, Dahal defended his temple run an act of “cultural diplomacy”. On the home front, the cultural diplomacy continued with Dahal visiting Pashupati for the first time with his finance, foreign and tourism ministers in tow. The irony was not lost on the public, at a time when opposition leader K P Oli of the UML is on the spotlight for 11kg of gold that went missing during redecoration of the sanctum sanctorum three years ago. Then on Wednesday, Dahal attended a graduation ceremony at the Nepal Sanskrit University in Dang, the same institution his cadre set fire to in 2002, destroying ancient texts in the library. He said the university was important for Nepal’s “cultural reawakening”.&nbsp; Nepal’s Maoist leader is overseeing a cultural revolution in reverse. It was a matter of time before India’s Hindutva supremacist politics would influence Nepal, but few expected it to be as dramatic as the 180 degree turn by Nepal’s prime minister. &nbsp; To be sure, Dahal is not the first Communist leader to visit a temple. UML chair K P Oli visited Pashupati and declared that Lord Ram was born in Nepal, amidst much criticism from secularists.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-india-power-play">Nepal-India power play</a>, Ramesh Kumar  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230616040648_7a0da5a063d4d24f1528cde2ffbb2c12dfcb7f99c24c4a89aa1435b6d84c6ae7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20230616040648_7a0da5a063d4d24f1528cde2ffbb2c12dfcb7f99c24c4a89aa1435b6d84c6ae7" data-rendition-name="original" width="960" height="657" loading="lazy" alt="PM in Pashupati"> </figure>  As for Dahal, he has dabbled in Hindu rituals before. In 2010, he was ridiculed when he worshipped a buffalo in Sunsari to “ward off bad luck” per an astrologer’s suggestion. Dahal has not even tried to hide why he is suddenly a born-again Hindu. With Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi probably headed for re-election next year, he may have thought it expedient to be on the BJP’s good books by shedding his Communist skin even if it means risking radical saffronisation of Nepali politics.&nbsp; Dahal’s party is the third largest in Parliament, and he has a hush-hush deal to hand over rotational prime ministership to Madhav Nepal of the CPN-US and the NC’s Sher Bahadur Deuba. To shore up his popularity, he could be courting support from a majority of Nepalis who past polls have shown want to dump secularism and declare Nepal a Hindu state. He could also be trying to take the wind out of the sails of the RPP, the party which was trying to use the Hindu card for the reinstatement of the monarchy. In fact, the RPP’s Rajendra Lingden dismissed Dahal’s new Hindu avatar as mere optics, and said the real test would come when the RPP brought a proposal to Parliament to remove secularism from the preamble to Nepal’s Constitution.&nbsp; UML leader Bhim Rawal said Dahal would have saved the country from much grief if he had visited Pashupati in 1996 instead of starting a war, and wondered if the prime minister’s volte face was a result of his one-on-one with Modi in Delhi. &nbsp; Dahal’s one time comrade-at-arms, Baburam Bhattarai tweeted obliquely: ‘One cannot question someone else’s decision to visit a religious place, that is a matter of personal faith. But when it is a Cabinet that makes the visit together, there are questions as to whether this is politically motivated.’ Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/super-hit-or-super-flop">Super-hit, or super-flop?</a> <div class="embed-block"><blockquote class="twitter-tweet">नयाॅ ‘सांस्कृतिक क्रान्ति’ र ‘सांस्कृतिक नक्सा’??एक्लै कोही कुनै धार्मिक स्थल जाॅदा प्रश्न उठउन मिल्दैन;त्यो उसको निजी आस्थाको कुरा हो। तर जब पूरै मन्त्रीमण्डल एकैसाथ जान्छ तब त्यो राजनीति हुन्छ र प्रश्न उठ्छ! <a href="https://t.co/tzr346eyQY">pic.twitter.com/tzr346eyQY</a>&mdash; Baburam Bhattarai (@brb1954) <a href="https://twitter.com/brb1954/status/1667575738302869504?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">June 10, 2023</a></blockquote> <script async src="https://platform.twitter.com/widgets.js" charset="utf-8"></script></div> All this does not seem to be deterring Dahal, who is trying to kill multiple birds with one stone. Even Nepalis critical of the Maoists have said it is better that the former guerrillas are now visiting temples instead of destroying them. Dahal also wants to keep Modi and the BJP happy, given their aggressive Hindu-right agenda having a ripple effect in Nepal. Having Modi’s backing will be beneficial if Dahal faces another power struggle within his coalition. On the other hand, the BJP seems more comfortable with a rebranded saffron Maoist leader in Nepal rather than the RPP whose agenda it may consider too monarchist and nationalistic. &nbsp; Political analysts and insiders have attributed the Maoist party falling to third position to a lack of institutional structure and the abandonment of its anti-status quo ideology. Using a Hindu card may be too tempting to forego for Dahal, who must have noticed the support among young Nepalis for populist personas like mayors Balen Shah and HarkaSampang, or new technocrats in the RSP.&nbsp; Dahal faced criticism back home that he did not raise the issues of the Akhanda Bharat map in India’s new parliament building and the Kalapani dispute. Balen Shah and Harka Sampang immediately hung their own ‘Greater Nepal’ maps ” including territory lost to British India in 1816 in their offices. NC leader Gagan Thapa also called for Nepal to issue its own “cultural map. Dahal must have expected criticism for his Pashupati visit, and whatever his intentions might be, it remains to be seen if the prime minister will make rounds of monasteries, mosques, churches, and other places of worship across the nation to show that he supports Nepal’s constitutionally guaranteed religious freedom.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-pm-to-india-to-reboot-ties">Nepal PM to India to reboot ties</a>, Chandra Kishore

Shristi Karki

RED to SAFFRON

On an extended visit to India recently, it was clear to me that the country has changed. There is an infrastructure building spree and the economy is vibrant. But underneath it all, there is an ominous undercurrent of intolerance, persecution of minorities and silencing of the media.
During the Ram Nawami processions on 30 March there were communal clashes in Bihar and elsewhere. Those taking part wielded knives and raised slogans inciting violence against other communities. Black-or-white media coverage of the events magnified the slant and hate speech.
Combining politics with religion is a volatile mix, and this has polarised the two communities in India as extremism by one side is met with retaliatory action by the other. There is a long history of Hindu-Muslim clashes in India, and some of it dates back to the divide-and-rule policy of colonial Britain. The bad blood of partition has not yet coagulated, and the riots following the Babri Masjid demolition and the Gujarat pogroms are still fresh in the collective memory.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/secularism-and-sectarianism/">Secularism and sectarianism</a>, Indra Adhikari
Despite our open border with India, these communal conflagrations did not affect Nepal much in the past. After all, Muslims have been living largely peacefully in Hindu-dominant Nepal even before it existed as a nation state.
But things are changing. Just like all the other things Nepal imports from India, some elements coming in from across the border are also importing bigotry and politically-instigated fanaticism.
This year’s Ram Nawami and Hanuman Jayanti processions in Madhes Province were laced with religious tension. They were much bigger than earlier years with more saffron flags, knives and swords on display. In Janakpur and Birganj, this exhibitionism of supremacy and an angry reaction from the other community could have easily turned violent.&nbsp;
Across the Tarai, car stickers, posters and flags now show the fearsome aspects of Ram and Hanuman instead of their benevolent avatar. Hanuman used to be shown lifting a chunk of the Himalaya to bring healing herbs to Ram wounded in battle with Ravana, or kneeling in supplication before his lord. But we are now seeing a fiercer Hanuman visage being imported from propagators of majoritarianism in India. There is a deliberate message in these depictions.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/tolerating-nepal-s-religious-tolerance">Tolerating Nepal’s religious tolerance</a>, Shekhar Khare
It is true what they say: gods reflect the personality of the humans who create them. It is when people use religious figures to propagate their political agenda that we push society to the edge.
There is now debate in India about this politico-religious fanaticism. We in Nepal have to be aware of what is happening in India so that the virus of intolerance does not spread across the border.&nbsp;
During the Covid pandemic two years ago there was an organised effort in India to blame Muslims for being superspreaders. Seeds of this were planted in the Nepal Tarai as well but, luckily, did not take root.&nbsp;
There is a danger of escalation on both sides of the India-Nepal border as hatred breeds more hate and various groups compete for a show of force on the streets. It takes only a spark to ignite this tinder-dry community at large.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/opium-of-the-masters">Opium of the masters</a>
Religious belief is a personal matter. Nepal’s Constitution gives every citizen the right to believe in whatever they want to. But when one group interferes with another’s right to worship as it sees fit, or when weapons are displayed threateningly and the visuals spread through social media -- that crossing the line.&nbsp;
With freedom comes responsibility. Unless the authorities in Madhes Province curb such threatening activity, Nepal will face tensions similar to the ones in Indian states during religious commemorations. Sacred observances will turn into festivals of fear and hate.
Nepal may have an open border with India, but the collective psychology of Nepalis is different than what prevails on the other side. Our traditional tolerance is now being disturbed by hate speech on social media platforms in India. This is creating a rift in Tarai society that could lead to violence.
The Nepali media has to be careful not to be a weapon of intolerance and fan the flames. There was a precedent for this in the 2007 Kapilvastu riots when FM radio stations were implicated.&nbsp;
Nepal’s municipalities need a strict code of conduct for religious processions. Hindu-Muslim religious harmony exists across a broad societal spectrum in Nepal. There are instances of joint religious observances. The Janaki Temple honouring Sita was built by Muslim artisans, and Muslims in many parts of the Tarai greet their neighbours in the morning with a friendly “Ram-ram”. Let no one disturb and distort this co-existence for narrow political ends.
Read also:<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/saffron-surge-politics,3619"> Saffron surge</a>, Om Astha Rai

Religiously following politics

Ever since the Panchayat, Nepal has a history of ‘alternative’ candidates being elected to office as a protest vote against non-performing incumbents. But once in decision-making positions, most have proved less than capable. The superstructure of Nepali politics rests on weak foundations, and there is little one candidate can do, no matter how visionary.
The victory of Swarnim Wagle and Rabi Lamichhane in by-elections in Tanahu and Chitwan this week has been greeted with high expectations, but because of our past history, it is tempered with cautious optimism. Even so, the by-elections were a litmus test in which voters made their discontent with the established parties loud and clear.&nbsp;
The results have reaffirmed that Nepalis are finally abandoning inter-generational party allegiances. The reason for that shift is in the behaviour of the main parties in which the Nepali Congress (NC) was asking people to vote for Maoist candidates, or vice versa. Nepalis are now starting to vote for individuals and not parties, especially old men in old parties.
Wagle and Lamichhane are both from privileged caste groups, so their win does not signify more inclusion. But it is an important shift in the public mood which the main parties will ignore at their own peril.
The trend actually started much earlier when non-politicians and relatively unknown candidates were elected in major urban centres in May local elections last year.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/the-reign-god">The Reign God</a>, Santa Gaha Magar
Then, during the November federal election, the independent RSP came out of nowhere with more young political aspirants of varying professions to become the fourth largest party in Parliament.&nbsp;
And it has now added one more parliamentarian to its numbers: Harvard-educated economist Wagle, who defected from the NC to join the RSP in March. Wagle won by a large margin in Tanahu-1, a traditional NC stronghold.
In Chitwan-1, Lamichhane defeated his NC rival by a landslide for the second time despite simmering scandals, proving just how disenchanted Nepali voters were with traditional parties.&nbsp;
The big parties were punished for not seeing the writing on the wall and continuing to play politics as usual. Coalition candidates could only hold one of the three seats after JSP chair Upendra Yadav’s win in Bara-2.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/in-with-the-new-out-with-the-old">In with the new, out with the old</a>, Shristi Karki
NC chair Sher Bahadur Deuba admitted that voters had “stopped showing an interest in old parties”. UML and CPN- Unified Socialist leaders echoed that view.&nbsp;
Only Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists refused to take the by-election for what it was, blaming the messenger and saying there was a “danger of anarchy and emotion holding sway because of the unregulated spread of social media”. It was no surprise that he shifted the blame to everyone else but himself.
The RSP has maintained its support for the Dahal government but both Lamichhane and Wagle will demand their pound of flesh to fill five remaining Cabinet positions. Lamichhane wants back the Home Ministry which is now occupied by the Maoists who are unwilling to part with a powerful office they bargained hard to get.
Lamichhane is playing coy, saying the RSP did not plan to join the government, and may even withdraw support for the 10-party coalition. This could be a ploy to get the plum post back. The former tv anchor could also be angling for an alliance with K P Oli of the opposition UML.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents">Rise of the independents</a>
The RSP is less than a year old, and would do well not to rush into government again, focusing instead on being a strong opposition voice in Parliament which we are sorely lacking. Lamichhane can then use that time to build his nationwide party structure.&nbsp;
The challenge for the mainstream parties until the next federal election will be to stop the slide and not alienate Nepal’s young voter base any more. The older leaders should also make way for younger ones within their own rank and file. Otherwise there may be more defections like Wagle’s from the NC.
The NC, UML and the Maoists need to reinvent themselves. Voters are sick of them. They want them to stop dithering and shuffling the deck. They have given the coalition one last chance to perform in the next five years. Nepal cannot be a proper democracy if political parties themselves continue to be autocratic, exclusionary and corrupt. There are populist reactionaries and extremists waiting on the wings.
Nepal’s ageing career politicians, it is time for you to bow out gracefully. You have failed. Give someone newer a chance.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-next-election">Nepal’s Gen Next Election</a>
&nbsp;Shristi Karki

politics