For almost a month now, nameplates bearing the name of Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal have hung outside 16 of Nepal’s ministries in the absence of heads of the ministries. Most of the plates say the minister in question is ‘Not In’.
The Cabinet has only seven ministers after the UML, the erstwhile coalition partner of Dahal’s Maoist Centre, quit the government on 27 February. Dahal defected to forge a partnership with Nepali Congress (NC), and on 20 March passed a confidence vote in Parliament for the second time in three months. &nbsp;
Now, Dahal has to go through the same struggle he did in December to reward his 10-party coalition partners, each of which are demanding plum portfolios. Members of Dahal’s 10-party alliance, including the CPN (Unified Socialist), JSP and Janamat await their pound of flesh. Rabi Lamichhane of the RSP also abandoned the UML to give Dahal his vote of confidence, apparently in return for his passport case being dismissed.&nbsp;
The NC with 89 MPs is the biggest party in Parliament and insiders say it wants at least seven ministries including the Ministry of Finance, especially if the Maoists are to keep the Home Ministry for themselves. The NC will participate in government, and one faction wants either Prakash Man Singh or Bimalendra Nidhi to be in the Cabinet.
NC President Sher Bahadur Deuba is also said to be considering Shekhar Koirala, who challenged Deuba’s party leadership. Analysts say Deuba may be looking at blunting the factions in the party who pose a challenge to his leadership. &nbsp;&nbsp;
“I do not think Shekhar Koirala, who stood against Deuba during the NC general convention, would be keen to be a minister in Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s government,” says analyst Puranjan Acharya, “He has the legacy of the Koirala family to uphold, and that will not allow him to work under a prime minister who does not come from the biggest party in the House.”
Congress Vice President Purna Bahadur Khadka is also said to be keen to join the government if he gets to head the Home Ministry, which Dahal has retained since the RSP’s &nbsp;Lamichhane vacated the office following the Supreme Court’s verdict on his Nepali citizenship. Dahal’s preference for the powerful portfolio, however, is his trusted lieutenant Shakti Basnet.&nbsp;
“We can take the peace process forward more effectively if the Home Ministry is headed by our party,” Ganesh Sah of the Maoist party told Nepali Times.
Madhav Kumar Nepal is feeling a bit left out, and wants the Home Ministry for his Unified Socialists, since Maoists, NC, JSP, and RSP have all got offices of prime minister, president, vice president, and deputy speaker respectively. &nbsp;
Nepal is said to be prepared for his party to participate in government under the leadership of Bedu Ram Bhusal, he will have to battle it out with his party colleague Rajendra Pandey.&nbsp;
But it is the RSP that has been most insistent that Lamichhane be returned to the home ministry. Lamichhane himself is readying for the Chitwan-2 by election on 23 April, and hopes to also reclaim his deputy prime minister post.&nbsp;
JSP president Upendra Yadav, on the other hand, is seeking the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure with its ample budget, as well as the Ministry of Federal Affairs for his party – even though spokesperson Manish Suman says the party has not received any formal proposal from the prime minister.
Upendra Yadav will contest the by-election from Bara’s second constituency, which has been left vacant after his colleague Ram Sahaya Prasad Yadav was elected Vice President.
At present, Minister of Water Supply Abdul Khan from CK Raut’s Janamat Party is the only non-Maoist member of the Cabinet. Raut has asked for either the Ministry of Industry or Agriculture along with the deputy prime ministership.
Meanwhile, the Nagarik Unmukti Party (NUP) and Rastriya Janamorcha have said that they will not be part of the government for the time being. NUP chair Ranjita Shrestha insists her party will not join until party founder Resham Chaudhary is released from detention.&nbsp;
All in all, PM Dahal is in for a rough ride, trying to keep all his partners happy.&nbsp;

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Quid pro quo quagmire

The candidacy of Ram Chandra Paudel for Nepal’s next presidency backed by eight parties including the Nepali Congress and Maoist Centre this week is the latest proof (if any is still needed) of Nepal’s entrenched political patriarchy.
The series of backroom deals in the run-up to presidential elections on 9 March was meant to stop K P Oli of the UML from being all-too-powerful two-and-a-half years down the line when his party would have president, prime minister and speaker.
In this quagmire, we are losing a chance to elect a non-political president respected by all Nepalis. In the spirit of national unity and inclusiveness, it was the turn of a candidate from an indigenous community or a Dalit to be the third president of Nepal.
But what we are getting instead is another partisan figurehead who will continue the legacy of Bidya Devi Bhandari to do the bidding of a ruling party -- exactly why a ceremonial post has now become a dealmaker (or breaker).
Paudel’s presidency is probably a foregone conclusion and underscores the gerontocratic patriarchy in which a handful of superannuated incompetent and tainted men have been reshuffling the cards for more than two decades. They will not tire of mansplaining to us that they are just defending democracy and stability.
This is in direct contrast to the people’s strong show of support in the 2022 elections for young, independent leaders, the likes of Rabi Lamichhane, Toshima Karki, Balen Shah and Harka Sampang.
This is a sorry state of affairs for a country that at one time had women in the three topmost positions: Bidya Devi Bhandari as the President, Sushila Karki as the Chief Justice and Onsari Gharti Magar as Speaker.
Women also made up 33% of parliamentarians and, in the 2017 elections, women were elected to every local unit as either a mayor or a deputy mayor, or both.
While many argue that women were mostly confined to ceremonial posts or rarely got to contest the direct election, in 2022 they did not even get to be token women. Indigenous people, minorities and Dalits were even more sidelined as politicians used electoral alliances (between parties with diametrically opposing ideologies) to cheat them out of Constitutional provisions.
It is not surprising, therefore, that women are still unable to provide citizenship in their name to children while celebrities accused of rape wangle get-out-of-jail cards, and get back to business as usual.
Ironically, it is rural Nepal with its limited access to resources and low literacy rate where women are truly growing as leaders. With men away working overseas, women have taken a lead in every sector from community forestry and agriculture to school and health post management committees.
Community forestry, which doubled Nepal’s canopy cover in 25 years, is an internationally recognised model, while the Female Health Volunteers (FCHVs) program is the backbone of community healthcare in the country. In many ways, the feminisation of rural Nepal is empowering Nepali women to take charge by default.
Among the most dramatic successes of the last decades is the decline in childhood malnutrition and maternal mortality rate in Nepal, both of which are inversely correlated to increased literacy of girls.
But of late, progress has stagnated. In some areas, incidences of child marriage, malnutrition and maternal mortality are creeping up again. So, what are we missing?
<h2>Explaining to some men</h2>
Women empowerment needs men to not just accept equality, but make up for historical marginalisation. Most Nepali women are now aware of their rights and potential, many have proven themselves. But the attitude of men towards gender equity has not changed at the same rate. This can mean young men and boys unlearning the culture they have grown up with.
Homemakers are not jobless people. If all of their work was monetised, they would be the biggest earners in most families. A girl child, if given the same opportunity, can be at par, if not above her male counterpart. Educated career women have a more difficult life balancing home and work.
Only when men are educated do they respect all individuals, their choices and decisions. International Women’s Day on 8 March should not just be about women: it is about educating men, the men in our families, in our communities, and society. &nbsp;
Only then can we envision a world that is just and fair to everyone. And maybe then we won't need to mark an International Women's Day anymore.
Sonia Awale

Political patriarchy

There are many signs of Nepal’s democratic decay, but the one that has made the stench unbearable in recent weeks is the agreement between the three political alpha males to divide up the five-year term of prime minister between themselves.
That <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-chapter-in-nepal-political-saga/">backroom deal </a>was not what Nepalis voted for in 2022. Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Centre (MC) has so far led three coalitions in two months: one with the Nepali Congress (NC) to fight elections, another with the UML to be prime minister himself, and then breaking that off to go back to the NC for the president’s election on 9 March.
Such <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-race-for-shital-nibas/">do-or-die desperation to get an expedient candidate</a> for a ceremonial post has shown just how deep the rot is. This graft-ridden male gerontocracy will do anything to cling to power through the skin of its teeth, the country be damned.
The recklessness does not just undermine Nepal’s hard-won democracy, but also invites instability and a dangerous drift towards extremism. It ignores the fact that only 61% of eligible voters bothered to cast their ballots last year with the message of ‘none-of-the above’. And among those who voted, most young Nepalis went for the independents.
The alternative RSP and non-party mayors served as an effective safety valve to secure the democratic system, and protect &nbsp;traditional parties. It temporarily allayed the deep disillusionment of voters, providing some hope that change was possible. &nbsp;
Those hopes have now been dashed with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/for-whom-the-bell-tolls/">the RSP showing itself to be like the rest</a>. Although this may give comfort to Nepal’s serial politicians, it also shortens society’s frustration fuse. Nepal’s overseas workers are already threatening to stop sending money home unless they are allowed to vote, and politicians behave themselves.
&nbsp;None of the main parties, civil society and activists have spoken up against <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/rsp-quits-nepal-coalition/">populist media-bashing by RSP leader Rabi Lamichhane</a>. The parties may be relieved that blaming the messenger deflected some of the public anger against them, and kleptocrats could be glad that the media that has exposed their wrongdoings is being targeted for a change.
&nbsp;The superstructure of the Nepali state was already wobbly because its executive, legislative and judicial pillars were weakened. The media's fourth pillar, which had been defending democracy by using its <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/press-for-people/">constitutional right for press freedom</a>, has also been enfeebled.
It is easy to blame <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/geopolitical-tectonics/">geopolitics</a>: New Delhi’s domineering role in determining the course of Nepali politics, or the reverberations in Kathmandu of global Sino-US rivalry. But instability and external interference is a chicken-or-egg: do foreign powers interfere in Nepal because the government is weak, or does foreign interference weaken the government?
This being Nepal, things could change after the presidential election on 9 March, and the NC once again ditches the MC to lead the government. We will not be surprised if that happens.
It is hard to say who won and who lost in this see-saw politics. It seemed like KPO had outsmarted SBD, but then PKD suddenly switched sides, and KPO wooed MKN with presidentship. The 7-party coalition has been replaced with an 8-party one. Winners may not stay winners for long.
&nbsp;But in the end, everyone lost. And by far the biggest loss is to Nepal’s democracy. &nbsp;

Premiership in instalments

<figure><img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe128b9c7e80680e0da52cjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Ram Chandra Poudel, the Nepali Congress nominee for president, files his candidacy alongside NC chair Sher Bahadur Deuba and Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Saturday. Photos: GOPEN RAI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s third president is most likely going to be Ram Chandra Paudel of the Nepali Congress (NC), but this will unravel the current six-party ruling coalition.The back-stabbing, power-sharing promises and backroom deals in the run-up to elections on 9 March have also shown that Nepal’s politics is still an opaque gerontocratic patriarchy in which a handful of superannuated men shuffle the cards every now and then.On Saturday, the UML also put forward its own presidential candidate: former speaker Subhas Nembang. But given the arithmetic of the new political alignment, Paudel’s win appears assured.The long saga that led to Paudel’s candidacy was the result of a triangular fight between the NC, the UML and the Maoist parties which have ruled Nepal in unstable coalitions since the end of the insurgency in 2006. <figure><img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe128f9c7e80680e0da52djpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Being the largest party in Parliament, the NC had been outwitted by the UML (the second largest party) which broke an electoral partnership with the Maoists (the third largest in the House). The fact that the post of a ceremonial president was deemed so politically critical for all three parties shows just how cynical Nepali politics has become — all three need a pliant president in order to use the constitutional powers of the office for their own ends.All the main leaders in the fray: Ram Chandra Paudel and Sher Bahadur Deuba, K P Oli of the UML, Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoists, the CPN (Unified Socialist) Madhav Kumar Nepal, Upendra Yadav of the JSP and Mahanta Thakur of the LSP have all been in an out of government for the past 17 years.Paudel, Deuba, Nepal, Oli and Thakur are all above 70 and have been in active politics in Nepal for even longer. One could say that Nepal is in the state it is in because of these senior politicians, yet they refuse to let go.This is in direct contravention of the strongest message of elections in 2022 in which Nepali voters made their preference for a generational change in leadership and a departure from traditional politics felt. Although the new independent RSP has 19 seats in Parliament, the power play at the top is following the old way of doing things.  <img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe12939c7e80680e0da52ejpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe12979c7e80680e0da52fjpeg.jpg" alt="">The story so far goes like this:2020: The Nepal Communist Party (formed with the unity of the Maoist Centre and UML after the 2017 elections) starts falling apart due to a power struggle between Pushpa Kamal Dahal and K P Oli2021: Oli tries to dissolve Parliament but the Supreme Court blocks his move, and the NCP is bifurcated again into its constituent parties. Soon after, the UML also split.2022: The Maoists and NC form an electoral alliance for local, provincial and federal elections. The NC comes out as the first party, the UML second and the Maoists third. The fourth place is taken by the RSP which was formed only 5 months before editions. December 2022: The UML’s Oli pulls a fast one by proposing Dahal as prime minister in a 7-party coalition that includes the RSP and the royal-right RPP. In return, Oli secures an agreement from Dahal to reserve the presidency for the UML, and for Oli to take over as PM after 2.5 years. The NC is left out in the cold.January 2023: The NC and the Maoists realise that the UML will have the presidency, prime ministership, house speaker and other posts by 2025. The NC, therefore, gives a vote of confidence to Dahal in Parliament, meaning there is no opposition. The NC proposes that Dahal can remain prime minister for five years in return for its candidate to be president.February 2023: Dahal changes his tune and starts stressing that the president should be a “consensus candidate” even as there is a slew of high-level visits by Indian and American officials.18 February: Oli makes a last-ditch attempt to outwit Dahal by proposing Madhav Kumar Nepal as president so the 7-party coalition remains intact, and the NC continues to be sidelined.  24 February: Oli’s ploy does not work as Dahal is convinced by Deuba and NC to allow him to be prime minister for most of his tenure in return for NC’s candidate to be president and the JSP to have the vice-presidency.This being Nepal, anything can still happen till the 9 March election for president, and Oli could still pull a habit out of the hat. But it looks like a foregone conclusion that Ram Chandra Paudel will be the third president of Nepal. <img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe129b9c7e80680e0da530jpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe129f9c7e80680e0da531jpeg.jpg" alt="">The eight parties including the NC and Maoists that backed the deal are now on track to replace the 7-party coalition in the government. Some of the parties in the new lineup are already in the current coalition, although the UML, RSP and RPP are likely to stay in the opposition. The UML Central Committee Secretariat meeting on Saturday decided not to leave the 7-party coalition just yet, saying that it was just proposing Nembang as its candidate as power the earlier agreement with the Maoists. "The ruling coalition still exists. The 8-party alliance has not been formed, there is nothing in writing yet. Anything can happen between now and 9 March," says UML spokesperson Prithvi Subba Gurung. The elephants in the room are Nepal’s two big neighbours and the United States. The Chinese have made no secret that they would like the UML and Maoists to stay united, and in fact, its ambassador in Kathmandu lobbied to prevent the NCP from splitting in 2021.  Intensifying Sino-American rivalry means Washington would like to counter that by keeping the NC and the Maoists together - however different the ideologies of the left and right-wing parties may be. Strategically, New Delhi would go along with the American strategy. If no candidate gets a majority in the 9 March voting, a re-election will be held on 10 March. The vice presidential election will be held on 17 March. The Election Commission is readying for the election in the Parliament premises in New Baneswor.  Of 884 voters in the electoral college who will cast their ballots for the president and vice-president, 334 are from the federal House of Representatives and 550 from provincial assemblies. The votes are weighted with members of the federal parliament having 79 points for a total of 26,400, while provincial assemblies get 48 points each for 26,386 votes.  "It is good that a former prime minister is not a candidate, and also the NC and UML have put forward respectable candidates," says former Nepali ambassador to India Nilamber Acharya. "However, the way this process has been conducted it portends more instability because of the bad blood, suspicion, and distrust."

New chapter in Nepal political saga

<div class="embed-block"><a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/133">							<img width="762" height="261" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150236/63fe11c39c7e80680e0da4f5jpeg.jpg" alt=""></a>
											Issue #133 21-27 February 2003</div>
The obsession of our leaders with Singapore is unmatched. Every prime minister we have had in the 30 years (some of them serial prime ministers) has promised to turn Nepal into a Singapore one too many times. Why not just build a Nepal that is just and fair for everyone?
Many readers are going through a withdrawal syndrome after the Ass formally stepped down, including the author his-self. This week we revisit one of the earlier <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4308#.Y_guAy8w1KM">‘Under My Hat’ columns</a> which takes a dig at our Singaporean aspirations.&nbsp;
Excerpts from <a href="https://himalaya.socanth.cam.ac.uk/collections/journals/nepalitimes/pdf/Nepali_Times_133.pdf">issue #133 21-27 February 2003</a> 20 years ago this week:
If, one day, we want to become filthy rich like the Singaporeans, it is pretty clear that we must institute stiff fines for all major and minor misdemeanours and also turn ourselves into a penal colony.
But let’s be realistic: do our army, navy and air force have the capacity to instill fines on every non-flushing Nepali? Sadly, the answer is an unequivocal “no”. So, unlike Singapore, which penalises offenders with fines, we must use positive enforcement by rewarding those who do things right. In Nepal, instead of taking money away from those who litter, we must give money to those who don’t.
Cash prize of Rs 2,000 for the lone pedestrian who actually used the overhead walkway at Bhotahity in the last fiscal year. To be presented at a public felicitation ceremony chaired by the Mayor of Kathmandu or the MP of Kathmandu, whoever is elected first.
The Honest Cop Award in Cash or Kind for the pre-embarkation security check personnel at Tribhuvan Intercontinental Ballistic Airport who doesn’t ask you to open your wallet during the mandatory body search and contribute generously to the Free Lunch Fund for Kathmandu’s Finest.
The columnist who adheres to the highest standards of personal hygiene by not grooming his nostrils in full view of the rest of his staff during the course of writing the above column. This award carries with it a permanent residence certificate for Singapore. Terima Kasi.
From archive material of Nepali Times of the past 20 years, site search: <a href="http://www.nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">www.nepalitimes.com</a>

Singha Darbar, not Singapore

<figure><img width="1235" height="585" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe125a9c7e80680e0da51ajpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>So fierce is the competition between Nepal’s three major parties to have a say in who the next ceremonial president is that it is threatening to break the governing coalition.
Which is puzzling, why are they concerned about a post that is largely symbolic and with residual constitutional powers? Because all the three parties have since 2017 misused (or been the victims of) the misuse of presidential powers. 
On Saturday, 25 February political parties will officially register their candidates for the presidential election set to take place on 9 March. There are many trial balloons being floated with names of potential candidates which include former prime ministers, ministers, top party leadership, as well as non-partisan figures.
From the Nepali Congress (NC) the names floating around include Ram Chandra Paudel, Krishna Prasad Sitaula, and even former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba himself. Possible candidates from the UML include Ishwar Pokharel, Subhas Chandra Nembang, Bishnu Rimal, and Asta Laxmi Shakya.
CPN-Unified Socialist Chair Madhav Kumar Nepal as well as Nepal Socialist Party leader Baburam Bhattarai’s names have also come up in connection with the presidency. Mahanta Thakur of the Loktantrik Samajwadi Party has also been proposed as a candidate.
Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal is in the horns of a dilemma because he has promised the presidency to the NC, UML as well as his own party’s leaders. This means he is bound to disappoint and make enemies of everyone who does not make it to Shital Nibas on 9 March. 
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/constitutional-president/">Constitutional President</a>, Editorial
The decision should have been simple. On 25 December, Dahal broke his party’s alliance with the NC and erstwhile Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to form a coalition with the UML and five other parties, in return for the UML getting the presidency. 
But Sher Bahadur Deuba threw a spanner in the works when he gave his party’s vote of confidence to Dahal on 10 January, keeping the door open for future political collaboration between the NC and Dahal’s Maoist Centre (MC).
And while the prime minister has maintained that his coalition will remain intact beyond 9 March, he has refused to guarantee a UML candidate for head of state.
“The ground reality has shifted between then and now,” spokesperson Krishna Bahadur Mahara said following the MC’s meeting to discuss the presidential election on Monday. 
The NC’s Deuba, Paudel, Sitaula, Gagan Thapa, and Bimalendra Nidhi have visited Dahal many times, apparently to assure him that he will get to be prime minister for five years if the NC gets the presidency.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/geopolitical-tectonics/">Geopolitical tectonics</a>, Editorial
This a lollipop for Dahal, who would otherwise have to rotate prime ministership with Oli. And the UML would get to be all-powerful if it also gets to have a president as well as speaker, prime minister, and other heads of constitutional bodies.
The Maoists have maintained that it will seek a ‘national consensus’ in appointing the next head of state, which is another way of saying ‘anyone but a UML candidate’. 
But while allying with the NC might mean that Dahal can avoid a power imbalance with the UML, Dahal has concerns that NC may pull the rug before his tenure runs out. Multiple high-ranking Indian and US officials have made visits to Nepal in the days leading up to the presidential election, and Dahal suspects that they do not like Communists in general.
Dahal and Oli have also been meeting frequently to discuss the presidential election, and Oli has dangled a clever carrot: proposing Madhav Nepal of the CPN-US as a candidate. Nepal issued a coy response about the proposal, but has made it known he will be happy to step in. This puts Dahal in a dilemma, since he has already indicated to the NC that he is willing to make a deal.
If no party gets a simple majority in the votes on 9 March, a re-election will be held on 10 March. The election for vice president will be held on 17 March. The Election Commission is readying for the election in the Parliament premises in New Baneswor. 
There are 884 voters in the electoral college who will cast their ballots, of which 334 are from the federal House of Representatives and 550 from provincial assemblies. The votes will be weighted with federal parliament members getting 79 points to make 26,400 points and provincial assemblies getting 48 points each to make 26,386 votes.  
Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/an-unceremonious-president/"> An unceremonious President</a>, Editorial

Shristi Karki

The race for Shital Nibas

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150240/63fe12469c7e80680e0da514jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1142" height="580"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Besides a viral video of hysterical female fans at an Eleena Chauhan concert, the other trending clip on YouTube in Nepal this week is of women pilgrims hurling expletives at President Bidya Devi Bhandari for being driven right to the gate of Pashupati on Shivaratri on 18 February, making everyone wait.The most important role of Nepal’s Constitutional President is to be a symbol of national unity. The persona of the head of state therefore should command widespread respect. It would be fair to say that aside from partisan support of the UML that elevated her to the ceremonial post in 2018, President Bhandari is not held in very high regard by the public.As the widow of the charismatic and popular UML leader Madan Bhandari who was killed in a car crash in 1993, President Bhandari had a lot going for her. Nepal’s second president and the <a href="https://www.google.com/url?client=internal-element-cse&amp;cx=011870630917993763279:opm7uqsat-4&amp;q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2015/10/28/the-first-woman-president/&amp;sa=U&amp;ved=2ahUKEwiM5oOzzqP9AhUvslYBHXGxDlIQFnoECAcQAg&amp;usg=AOvVaw17xfzh3t_IWyUni-JsxNMz" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">first woman to hold the post</a> could have built on those plus points.Instead, President Bhandari has been ridiculed as a political sidekick to K P Oli of the UML when he was prime minister. Oli did use President Bhandari’s power when faced with a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-pm-oli-goes-it-alone/">challenge from Pushpa Kamal Dahal in 2021-2</a>.Lately, the criticism has swirled around how <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=2793&amp;fbclid=IwAR3E3ubfLGmVi6wJLcwACFkFf4jmyL_5CC-2zyM7aupgQfjtoHu5l79vGnk&amp;v=2v28GEneQVM&amp;feature=youtu.be" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">her motorcade creates monstrous traffic jams</a> everywhere she goes, inconveniencing the public.Posts on social media poke fun at her inability or unwillingness to get the Nepal Army, of which she is titular supreme commander, to relax the protocol for presidential convoys. The tacky and ostentatious of the hall where she regally receives dignitaries is the subject of much mockery on social media.Why does all traffic have to come to a halt when the President is driven to address Parliament? A National Trauma Centre surgeon was beaten up by police for daring to walk on the sidewalk on 10 February as the presidential convoy approached.President Bhandari must be aware of this rising public anger, but what is puzzling is why she has not used her powers to get the security apparatus to go easy on the bandobast. The government says it is revising the protocols, but the damage has been done.Inconvenience to the public from blocked roads is symptomatic of a larger national malaise since 2017 of lack of accountability, erosion of rule of law, impunity and abuse of the Constitution. All political forces are guilty, they have all meddled with constitutional norms for personal or partisan benefit, have pardoned criminals for political expediency, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/uproar-over-maoist-war-anniversary-holiday/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">declared a ‘people’s war’ day to appease cadre</a>, passed ordinances to bypass legal hurdles to get what they want.Even the new RSP, came out of nowhere to become the fourth largest party, behaved in the same roughshod manner by putting forward <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-rise-and-fall-of-rabi-lamichhane/">Rabi Lamichhane</a> as Home Minister (and another minister) despite clear conflicts of interest.Nepal’s 2015 Constitution envisions the president as the head of state, a guardian of national unity, defender of the Constitution and the ceremonial head of the Army. In this respect, the president’s role is no different than that of the king after 1990 – the only difference being that the monarchy was hereditary.The President and Prime Minister should therefore be meeting every week. The head of government briefs the head of state on the matters at hand, and if needed, the president offers non-binding suggestions to the prime minister which should not be made public. That is the way it is supposed to work.President Ram Baran Yadav fulfilled his role to the letter, even though he had to make a move in 2008 against Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s removal of the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/rookmangud-katawal-memoir,1567">Chief of Army Staff Rookmangud Katawal</a> and replacing him with a Maoist nominee.President Bhandari’s immediate support for K P Oli’s dissolution of Parliament, while she dilly-dallied on the Nepali Congress-Maoist ordinance on the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/coalition-set-to-snub-president-bhandari/">Citizenship Bill in 2022</a> was widely criticised as partisan double-standard.A ceremonial president is not weak, the post has residual powers that are quite critical in times of crisis. Which is why the prime minister and president should be on the same side – on the side of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepals-political-economy/">national interest</a>.The next president need not be regarded with reverence, just respect. It would help if we <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/an-unceremonious-president/">elect a non-political president on 9 March</a>, someone who is held in high esteem by all Nepalis. As symbol of national unity and inclusiveness, it is turn of a candidate from the indigenous community or a Dalit.May better sense prevail so that coalitions are not made or broken depending on who gets to be a Constitutional President.

Constitutional President

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150236/63fe11d19c7e80680e0da4f9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"/><figcaption>Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>No one in the Tarai remembers the winter fog being this dense and lasting so long. They are used to summer heat and sultry monsoons, but not a ground-hugging fog so thick that the sun does not shine for days, sometimes weeks.There is no specific meteorological English term for the Indo-Gangetic शीतलहर, a phenomenon in which cold winter air saturates moisture at ground level. In the old days, the sun used to burn off the mist by mid-morning. But the spread of winter irrigation increased water vapour, allowing droplets to condense on tiny suspended particles in the soot and smog.People burning straw and buffalo patties in smoky fires to stay warm increase air pollution, thickening the fog further. The sun does not get a chance to heat the ground and the fog lingers for days on end. The people of the lowlands are just not equipped to deal with these intense cold waves.This murky miasma of winter is emblematic of Nepal’s current purposeless politics, with the 7-party coalition struggling to survive domestic and external efforts to dismantle it. The NC-UML rivalry over who gets to be the next president on 9 March is holding governance hostage.The coalition calculus has implications for the plains: CK Raut’s Janamat and the Tharu-based Unmukti Party in the western Tarai are also in the 7-party coalition, but neither is happy with portfolios.The media reports on the fog as a one-off event, not as a worsening trend. People are dying of exposure, but it is blamed on old age. It is not the cold that kills them, but poverty. Like all calamities in this disaster-prone country, it is the poorest who die first, neglected by society and state.This year’s शीतलहर fog has not been as severe as 2022's, but it has lingered longer. And now that the winter is nearly over, the government and the media will again forget about this annual disaster till next year.The fog closes schools, it affects crops, disrupts transport, and increases the incidence of respiratory infections and road accidents. People need to turn on lights in the daytime.“Commerce grinds to a halt, factory production drops, workers report sick,” Madhesh Province chair of FNCCI Ganesh Lath told me one foggy afternoon when Birganj was colder than Kathmandu.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150236/63fe11d59c7e80680e0da4fajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="395" height="550"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The people of the Tarai have been on a two-month hibernation. With the mercury now rising, they are stirring awake, but as usual the hardships will be forgotten until next winter.There is not much we can do in the short-term, but precautions and relief measures that can be put in place.With weather extremes induced by the climate crisis, the fog is likely going to be thicker and last longer in coming winters. More than 52% of Nepal’s population lives in the Tarai, and many parts of the plains have a lower per capita income than corresponding regions to the north.An entrenched caste system and gender ostracisation means that the ‘lower’ castes and women bear the brunt of cold waves. Those affected by monsoon floods in Kailali were still in makeshift camps when the fog persisted this winter, many of their children have pneumonia.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150236/63fe11d89c7e80680e0da4fbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2000" height="1333"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Almost every household in Madhes Province has someone working in India, the Gulf or Malaysia. Many villages have only women, children and the elderly, and they are the ones most at risk from the cold. The men are usually seen huddled around smokey fires, while the women work outdoors or in smoky kitchens.The provincial and federal governments need to prepare a hazard map of the Tarai for next year’s winter, and declare certain areas disaster zones. This is a calamity affecting more people than landslides and floods in the mountains.The Department of Meteorology and Hydrology must have localised forecasts, and there must be cross border cooperation. The fog knows no boundary, and some weeks this winter, it stretched from Peshawar in Pakistan to Chittagong in Bangladesh right across the Indo-Gangetic plains.Waiting till next December will be too late to save lives. Urgent action needs political will, which is in short supply in the present government dysfunction.

Chandra Kishore

Fogbound Tarai

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe108c9c7e80680e0da49fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1890" height="1260"/><figcaption>Photo: OPENAI.COM</figcaption></figure>Since its launch ChatGPT has been a hot topic on the Internet. From writing poems to newspaper articles, completing MBA exams and medical licensing, the AI chatbot developed by OpenAI reached its 100 millionth user merely two months after its launch in November 2022.To be sure, big tech companies like Google and Meta have also developed their own large language model tools. What set OpenAI, apart was that its creators developed a user interface which lets the public interact with it directly.But ChatGPT has been mired in controversy. Schools and universities have not been able to decide whether it is a research tool, or a method for cheating in homework. Many colleges have banned its use, and others are instructing teachers to rethink their syllabus and take-home assignments. To help address the concerns of plagiarism, OpenAI has itself come up with a new tool to detect if a text is written by AI or a human.With international publications looking to use AI to generate news stories, Nepali Times  simulated news stories with ChatGPT. Some prompts worked better than others and some of the generated texts also have outdated information, inaccuracies and biases. Here are the ChatGPT texts, even a poem and a back page Ass column:<h4>Write a funny Ass column on the back page of Nepali Times:</h4>Here is a sample funny column for the back page of a Nepali Times publication:"The Light Side: Laughing Our Way Through Life in NepalWelcome to the lighter side of life in Nepal! In a world that can often be filled with stress and serious news, it's important to take a step back and enjoy a good laugh. So, sit back, relax, and let's have a giggle together.Have you ever tried to hail a taxi in Kathmandu? It's like trying to flag down a unicorn in the Himalayas! The drivers always seem to be in a rush, even when they're not going anywhere. And don't even get me started on the traffic. It's like everyone forgot how to drive as soon as they got behind the wheel.But it's not just the roads that can make us chuckle. Have you ever tried to understand a Nepali accent? It's like trying to decipher ancient Sanskrit. One minute you think you know what they're saying, the next minute you're lost in a maze of vowels and consonants.And let's not forget about the quirky customs and traditions of Nepal. Did you know it's considered good luck to whistle at night? I mean, who needs a dog when you've got a Nepali friend to scare away the ghosts?So, there you have it, just a few of the many reasons to find humor in life in Nepal. Remember, laughter is the best medicine, and in Nepal, there's always a reason to smile."<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10909c7e80680e0da4a0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><h4>Write a news story about the current ruling coalition in Nepal</h4>KATHMANDU, NEPAL - The current ruling coalition in Nepal is led by the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) (CPN-UML) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre) (CPN-MC). The coalition was formed following the 2017 legislative elections and has been in power since October 2018.The coalition, which holds a majority in the Federal Parliament, has been focused on addressing several key issues facing the country, including economic development, political stability, and the reconstruction effort following the 2015 earthquake. The government has implemented a number of reforms aimed at boosting economic growth, including the simplification of business regulations and the promotion of investment in key industries.The coalition has also made progress in improving the country's political stability. It has successfully passed several important bills in Parliament, including the National Natural Resources and Fiscal Regulation Bill, which seeks to better manage the country's natural resources, and the Federal Civil Servants Adjustment Bill, which seeks to streamline the country's civil service.However, the coalition has faced criticism from opposition parties and civil society groups over its handling of certain issues, such as human rights and press freedom. Some groups have expressed concerns that the government's focus on economic development has come at the expense of civil liberties and the protection of minority rights.Despite these challenges, the coalition remains committed to pursuing its goals and continues to work towards a more stable and prosperous Nepal. The government has outlined a number of ambitious plans for the future, including the creation of new jobs and the expansion of infrastructure, which are aimed at improving the lives of Nepali citizens.The current ruling coalition in Nepal has been praised by some as a positive step forward for the country, while others have criticized it for not doing enough to address the country's many challenges. Regardless of these differing perspectives, the coalition remains focused on working towards a brighter future for Nepal and its people.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10949c7e80680e0da4a1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><h4 style="font-weight: 400; letter-spacing: 0.15px;">Write a news story on Rabi Lamichhane's citizenship debate</h4>KATHMANDU, NEPAL - The citizenship status of popular Nepali television personality Rabi Lamichhane has been a topic of heated debate in recent weeks. Lamichhane, who hosts one of Nepal's most popular talk shows, has been accused of holding dual citizenship, which is prohibited by Nepali law.Lamichhane, who has been a prominent voice in Nepali media for several years, has vehemently denied the accusations, claiming that he only holds Nepali citizenship. The controversy took a new twist when Lamichhane announced that he had been approached by the Ministry of Home Affairs to serve as the country's Home Minister.The announcement has sparked a new round of debates and discussions, with some Nepali citizens questioning Lamichhane's suitability for the position given the ongoing controversy surrounding his citizenship. Lamichhane, however, has defended his claim to the position, saying that he has the experience and the qualifications needed to serve as the country's top law enforcement official.The Ministry of Home Affairs has yet to comment on Lamichhane's claim, and it remains unclear whether he will actually be appointed to the position. However, the debate over his citizenship status is likely to continue until the matter is officially resolved.The controversy surrounding Lamichhane's citizenship is a reminder of the importance of clarity and transparency in matters of public importance. Nepali citizens have a right to know the truth about the citizenship status of those who serve in positions of power and influence, and it is crucial that the matter be resolved as soon as possible.This story is developing and more information will be provided as it becomes available.<h4>Write a profile of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, 'Prachanda'</h4><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10999c7e80680e0da4a2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Pushpa Kamal Dahal, widely known by his nom de guerre "Prachanda", is a Nepali politician and former rebel leader. He is best known for his role as the chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), which led a ten-year armed insurgency against the Nepali state in the late 1990s and early 2000s.Born in 1954 in the Kaski district of western Nepal, Prachanda became involved in leftist politics at an early age. He rose to prominence as a leader of the Maoist insurgency, which sought to overthrow the Nepali monarchy and establish a communist republic. The conflict resulted in the deaths of thousands of Nepali citizens, but also led to significant political and social changes in the country.Following the end of the conflict and the establishment of a democratic republic in Nepal, Prachanda became a prominent political figure. He served as the country's Prime Minister from 2008 to 2009 and has been a key player in Nepali politics ever since.Prachanda is known for his strong political beliefs and his commitment to leftist ideals. He has been a vocal advocate for the rights of marginalized communities, including indigenous groups and women, and has pushed for reforms aimed at improving the lives of Nepali citizens.Despite his controversial past, Prachanda has been widely praised for his efforts to bring about peace and stability in Nepal. He has been instrumental in negotiations between the Nepali government and various political factions, and has played a key role in the country's transition from a monarchy to a republic.Overall, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, better known as Prachanda, is a complex figure in Nepali politics. Despite his controversial past, he remains a powerful and influential voice in the country and a passionate advocate for the rights of Nepali citizens.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe109c9c7e80680e0da4a3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2112" height="1408"></figure>Photo: OPENAI.COM<h4>Write a poem on time and youth</h4>Time, a river that flows, never to slow,A reminder of the years, slipping away as we grow.Youth, a flame that burns bright,A precious gift, full of life, promise, and might.Together, they dance, a symphony grand,Youth with energy, and time with its hand.But as the pages turn and youth starts to fade,Time creeps in, with wisdom and age.So hold on tight to the moments so fleet,And let youth guide you, as time you meet.For youth will soon be but a distant dream,And time, the only constant, a silent stream.So cherish each day, and make the most of your youth,For time is a thief, and it won't wait for the truth.So live with passion, love with all your heart,And keep the fire of youth, forever a part.<h4>Was the Buddha born in Nepal?</h4><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150232/63fe10a09c7e80680e0da4a4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1896" height="1000"></figure>Photo: SAGAR PANDEYYes, the Buddha, whose name was Prince Siddhartha Gautama, was born in Lumbini, Nepal, in approximately 563 BCE. Lumbini is considered one of the most important pilgrimage sites for Buddhists, as it marks the birthplace of the Buddha and is considered the birthplace of Buddhism.Buddhism is a major world religion that originated in ancient India and has since spread throughout the world. It is based on the teachings and life of the Buddha, who taught that the path to enlightenment and the end of suffering is through the Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path.Lumbini is now a UNESCO World Heritage Site and is visited by thousands of tourists and pilgrims each year. It is considered a sacred place for Buddhists and holds great significance in the history of Buddhism and the life of the Buddha.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-in-the-decade-of-ai/">Nepal in the decade of AI</a>, Sakina Abidi and Josie Wang

ChatGPT news about Nepal

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150228/63fe103b9c7e80680e0da48cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"/><figcaption>Photo: PRADEEP RAJ ONTA/RSS</figcaption></figure>On 27 January, hours after Nepal’s Supreme Court ruled that Rabi Lamichhane was not eligible to hold his political positions because he had failed to reacquire his Nepali citizenship after renouncing his American one, he walked out of his offices at the Home Ministry and declared dramatically: “I am stateless.”The tv anchor-turned-politician was using irony to depict his predicament, but also a determination to get back his job as Home Minister and put the whole thing behind him.It may not be so easy.The Lamichhane affair has sparked debate about Nepali citizenship, with people drawing attention to the estimated 1.5 million Nepalis who still do not have citizenship papers, the discriminatory laws about children getting citizenship by descent through their Nepali mothers, but also Lamichhane’s own human right to citizenship.Within two days, it was easy for Lamichhane to restore his citizenship from the Kathmandu District Administration, unlike many stateless Nepalis. He was then quickly reinstated as chair of the RSP, the fourth-largest party in Parliament.‘Those who are speaking so casually about statelessness should ask someone who is stateless about the pain they have to endure,’ Mohna Ansari, former commissioner of the National Human Rights Commission wrote on Twitter, alluding to Lamichhane’s remark. ‘They are unable to get a driving license, pursue higher education, open a bank account, obtain loans, or get paid what they are owed at work.’Lamichhane may also have to face a criminal investigation into his Nepali passport, which he is understood to have obtained in 2015 through his old papers despite having been granted US citizenship in 2014.And while Nepal’s civil society is paying close attention to upcoming developments vis-a-vis Lamichhane, so is Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal.Lamichhane has been busy all week lobbying with Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahaland the UML’s K P Oli to have his powerful Home Ministry job back. Oli and another coalition partner, Rajendra Lingden of the RPP are for reinstating Lamichhane, but the prime minister has kept the home ministry portfolio for himself and appears reluctant to give it up.If granted the Home Ministry once again, Lamichhane can hold the position for six months without being an MP, but has to contest by-elections in his constituency in Chitwan-2 to get back his House seat.Lamichhane for his part has made it clear to Dahal that his party’s support of the government will depend upon whether RSP gets back the Home Ministry as per its deal to endorse Dahal for Prime Minister. The UML, for its part, has hinted at a compromise solution: someone from the RSP other than Lamichhane as Home Minister.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230228150228/63fe10409c7e80680e0da48djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2829" height="3310"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>All the bargaining over Lamichhane’s future has put the already fragile seven-party coalition in an even more precarious position. The royalist Hindu-right RPP, despite being in government, has of late openly challenged Nepal’s federal and secular Constitution in Parliament, prompting the PM to warn that he may have to take action against members of his government who voice such opinions.Meanwhile, the JSP has still not joined the government because it is not satisfied with the ministry it was given. CK Raut’s Janamat Party had also refused to accept the Ministry of Water Supply after the party did not get the promised Ministry of Industry, but changed its mind later on.The Nagarik Unmukti Party’s unmet demands to release its leader Resham Chaudhary,  who is serving a prison sentence for the murder of policemen in Tikapur in 2015, has brought even provincial politics in the Sudurpaschim to a standstill.But while one or two fringe parties pulling out of the coalition may not dent Dahal’s government, the RSP and RPP both withdrawing its support certainly would. Even more damaging would be the UML leaving the coalition, which looks increasingly likely given the distrust between Dahal and UML chair Oli regarding who will get to be the next President.Nepali Congress (NC) chair Sher Bahadur Deuba wants the president’s position to go to his party, which is the biggest in Parliament, in exchange for giving Dahal’s government the vote of confidence.But while PM Dahal is receptive to the idea, the UML does not want the Maoists to renege on the deal that granted the UML the positions of Speaker, Presidency, and premiership after two-and-a-half years in return for Dahal becoming PM. Dahal is therefore juggling the demands of seven parties, factions within them and the opposition NC all at once.On Monday, UML General Secretary Shankar Pokharel said that the Nepali Congress cannot claim the presidency as the party is in opposition.Dahal has met Oli and Deuba to try to find a way out.“Establishing national consensus for the presidency should mean building a consensus within the governing coalition,” said Pokharel, speaking to the media from Biratnagar airport. “Since the coalition has a majority in the provinces as well as Parliament, our candidate will undoubtedly win the Presidency.”Meanwhile, CPN-Unified Socialist chair Madhav Kumar Nepal—who is also not part of Dahal’s  government— warned that the UML would become too authoritarian if it also got the presidency. “The question is whether the Maoists understand this,” Nepal added.But even if the Maoist-UML coalition breaks over the election of the president due on 9 March, a Maoist-NC coalition would be unable to form a majority through the strength of their two parties alone. To achieve that, support from the RSP and RPP will be crucial to both the UML and NC.The Election Commission has set the presidential election for 9 March, and the vice-president’s election for 17 March. Candidates must register their candidacy by 25 February.

politics