<img width="644" height="372" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221207101216/639059ee9c7e80680e0ce213jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Ten days after Nepal held parliamentary and provincial polls, the last of the election results are trickling in.With ballots in 161 out of 165 constituencies now counted,  the NC leads in first past the post (FPTP) with 54 seats, the UML is second with 44, the Maoist Centre is a distant third with 17 seats, followed by Madhav Kumar Nepal’s CPN (Unified Socialists) who have won 10 seats. Meanwhile, the monarchist Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), which won only 1 seat in 2017, has emerged with 7 wins this time. The Madhes-based Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) — which formed an electoral alliance with the UML at the last minute — has won seven seats overall, while the LSP — which sided with the coalition — has four seats.Rabi Lamichhane’s new Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has emerged with seven young MPs, while five independents have also bagged direct seats. Coalition partner Rastriya Janamorcha, former Madhes separatist CK Raut’s Janamat Party, and Nepal Majdur Kisan Party have obtained one seat each. Nagarik Unmukti has won three seats in the western Tarai.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-nepali-people-have-spoken/">The Nepali people have spoken</a>, Sonia AwaleNepal’s two biggest political collectives, the five-party coalition led by  the NC and opposition UML both fall short of the 138 out of 275 parliamentary seats they need for an outright majority. While NC leads in the direct elections, the opposition UML is ahead in the proportional representation (PR) ballot count with more than 2.7 million of the over 10 million votes counted. The NC is in second place with more than 2.5 million popular votes, followed by the Maoists with over 1.1million. Although these numbers may look like the big parties are still in control, the electorate has sent a clear message by elevating the independent RSP as a national party in Parliament with more than 1 million votes. With its 7 change-minded MPs, the RSP will have clout in the federal Parliament — a remarkable feat considering the party was only formed six months ago. Meanwhile, the JSP has little less than a million PR votes, and CK Raut’s Janamat Party has obtained more than 360,000.  Madhav Nepal’s Unified Socialists which split from K P Oli’s UML, has fared badly in the PR count, and is struggling to stay relevant with under 3% of the threshold required to have PR members in the House. It is clear from the results so far that neither the coalition, nor the UML-RPP-JSP alliance will have enough seats to form a majority on their own. This means they will have to explore partnerships with multiple fringe parties, making politics even more unstable. At the same time, individual parties also have to deal with internal power struggles between prime ministerial aspirants.  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-poll-results-signal-upset/">Nepal poll results signal upset</a>, Sonia Awale <h2>The Excluded</h2> <figure><img width="2048" height="1366" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221207101216/639059f09c7e80680e0ce214jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>There were 225 women candidates standing for FPTP seats to the federal Parliament. Only 25 of them got tickets by Nepal’s mainstream parties: 11 from UML, seven from the Maoist Centre, five from NC, and only one each from the Rastriya Janamorcha and the Unified Socialists. And with results in 161 out of 165 constituencies now in, only nine women have been directly elected to Parliament — four from the UML,  two from the independent RSP, and one each from NC, Maoist Center, and Nagarik Unmukti. Young lawyer Sobita Gautam and doctor Toshima Karki were elected from Kathmandu-2 and Lalitpur-3 — both young RSP candidates who defeated established Maoist women Onsari Gharti Magar and Pampha Bhusal. In 2017, 90 women were voted to Parliament: six women through direct ballots and 84 by popular votes. So far, Bidya Bhattarai is the only female leader to be reelected even though four out of six women elected under the FPTP in 2017 were given tickets by their parties. Padma Kumari Aryal of the UML ran from Syangja-2, where vote counting is stalled. Nepal’s top leadership has historically denied female leaders tickets to contest direct elections, preferring to fulfil the 33% Constitutional quota by nominating women through the PR list. Women who became MPs through PR proportional complain that they are seen by their directly elected male colleagues as underqualified and less deserving. ‘Parties were reluctant to give tickets to women because they thought they would lose, yet youngsters like Sobita Gautam and Toshima Karki have proven that women win when they run for office,’ noted former Election Commissioner Ila Sharma.Meanwhile, Nepal’s excluded communities have been pushed out further in this election. Both the mainstream parties and the independent RSP fielded few candidates from marginalised and indigenous communities. Glaringly, no mainstream party fielded Dalit candidates for direct elections this time. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-power-to-have-a-say-in-her-story/">The power to have a say in her-story</a>, Shristi Karki <h2>Looking for Partners</h2> <img width="2000" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221207101216/639059f39c7e80680e0ce215jpeg.jpg" alt="">Even before final results are in, Nepal’s top political leaders are in talks to switch partners and explore new alliances to find a majority in Parliament. PM Deuba has met with Dahal and Madhav Nepal, Dahal and Oli have also sent feelers to each other. Before polls, Deuba and Dahal had agreed to rotate premiership, but that was before the poor showing by the Maoists. Pushpa Kamal Dahal wants to continue his Maoists' alliance with NC to fulfil his ambition to be prime minister for a third time. But other leaders within his party see more advantage in a left alliance with the UML.  Deuba also faces challengers to a sixth tenure as premier from within his own party: Ram Chandra Poudel and Gagan Thapa think it is time for him to step aside. Thapa says he is now preparing for Parliamentary Party elections and is supported by other NC leaders like Bishwa Prakash Sharma and young turk Pradip Poudel, who defeated established UML leader Ishwar Pokhrel from Kathmandu. A NC-Maoist-RPP partnership or an UML-RPP alliance  with the RSP are possibilities. However, an NC-UML alliance happened in 2013 and is also possible.  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/back-to-the-future/">Back to the future</a>, Santa Gaha Magar <h2>Depending on Independents</h2> <img width="1600" height="1066" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221207101216/639059f79c7e80680e0ce216jpeg.jpg" alt="">Rabi Lamichhane and six other RSP candidates have won direct elections to become MPs. Five other individual independents have also won the election. While having these fresh faces in the political arena is seen by many as positive, it remains to be seen how younger candidates will fare as kingmakers while they navigate coalition horse-trading in the coming days. Since neither the NC nor the UML will have enough seats to command a majority in the House, they will need support from the RPP, RSP as well as independent candidates. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dejected-voters-reject-polls/">Dejected voters reject polls</a>, Anita Bhetwal <h2>Big Leaders, Small Parties</h2> <img width="2000" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221207101216/639059fa9c7e80680e0ce217jpeg.jpg" alt="">While the election has been advantageous for up and coming parties like the RSP and the newly revived RPP, Nepal’s established leaders of smaller parties faced losses.The Maoist Centre, which enjoyed an advantage during the May local election through its alliance with the NC, has now shrunk from 36 parliament seats to 17. Madhav Kumar Nepal’s party cannot be sure if it will have enough PR votes to become a national party in Parliament. Chitra Bahadur KC of Rastriya Janamorcha, has been elected, but his party has negligible popular votes. Kamal Thapa of the breakaway RPP-Nepal was defeated by RPP candidate Deepak Bahadur Singh in Makwanpur-1 even though he ran under the UML banner. His party has fared similarly poorly in the PR votes.The LSP has already lost its national party status, although party leader Mahanta Thakur was elected. The JSP, meanwhile, will get PR seats, even though its leader Upendra Yadav was defeated by Janamat’s CK Raut in his Tarai constituency. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-urban-voters/">Nepal’s urban voters</a>, Tayama Rai

Shristi Karki

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The past is foretold in Nepal poll results

There is no question that Kathmandu has now become unliveable, and we need to think about moving. There is a proposal to relocate the capital so that we can make another part of the country unliveable.Over the years, there have been various proposals about where to relocate. Chitwan was the most obvious choice, given its central location along the East-West Highway, and the possibility of having rhinos roaming the streets instead of cows.Some geographers have proposed Pokhara as the new capital, since it now has an international airport. The only problem being that Pokhara’s urban chaos already resembles Kathmandu’s, and the capital may have to be moved again if we relocate it there.Like Brasilia and Naypyitaw, Nepal could also find a completely new place and build another capital from scratch. We have made some preliminary inquiries, and it looks like the Khumbu Glacier may not be such a bad place. With the climate crisis, it will no longer be too cold up there, and Nepal can go into the Guinness Book as having the capital with the highest elevation in the world. (New tourism slogan: ‘Go To Nepal, Get High’)There are other options:<ul> 	<li>Since the people of the landfill site at Banchare Danda do not want Kathmandu’s trash and have refused our refuse, we can move Kathmandu to Banchare Danda. It is close by, and no one will notice because both places are already garbage dumps.</li> 	<li>One of Kathmandu’s problems is that we have run out of water. Instead of bringing water from Melamchi through an expensive tunnel that could be knocked out of action again, how about we move Kathmandu to Melamchi, right to the source of the water?</li> 	<li>Manang. Since the trans-Himalayan district is now a bastion of the ruling Nepali Congress, it makes perfect political sense to locate the capital in a place with friends in high places. Ministers commute by mule.</li> 	<li>Shifting Kathmandu to Kalapani would allow us to legitimise our claim to the East Bank of the Kali River, and we could also be so far from everything that no one will bother us anymore.</li> 	<li>Relocate Nepal's capital to New Delhi since everything's being decided there anyway.</li></ul>If we do move Kathmandu away from Kathmandu, the question then arises what do we do with the Kathmandu we have? Good point. Luckily for you The Ass already has a clever plan: build a high dam at Chobhar and return Kathmandu Valley to what it was before Manjushree hastily cleft the mountain with his mighty sword without conducting a proper Environment Impact Assessment.The reservoir thus formed would meet all of Nepal’s power needs, and have enough leftover to export to India. Just have to make sure we don’t involve any Chinese contractors.This plan has other benefits: it would solve Kathmandu Metropolitan City’s problems of overcrowding, air pollution and garbage by completely submerging the city. We would also be solving the problem of government corruption because Singha Darbar would go underwater.

The Ass

Relocating Kathmandu

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221207101212/639059739c7e80680e0ce1edjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/>For elections to reflect the national mood, they need to be free and fair. Candidates should not win based on caste, ethnic or religious vote banks. Money and lavish feasts should not determine the outcome.Last week’s elections for members of the federal and provincial assemblies could have been freer and fairer, but by Nepali standards they were clean with only sporadic incidents of violence. Most candidates and media adhered to the Election Commission (EC) guidelines.This is the reason that the results declared so far have shown that many of the 10 million or so voters have been able to register their disappointment with the political parties and leaders who have ruled the roost since 1992.Those parties and their leaders led the people astray, made outlandish promises they never kept, and yet they were re-elected time and time again. Not this time. They could not fool all the people all the time.Nepal’s voters said enough is enough. And they have used their adult franchise to give many leaders the boot, handing over the reigns to young and independent candidates a chance to set things right.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-poll-results-signal-upset/">Nepal poll results upset</a>, Sonia AwaleAs of now, independent and Rastriya Swatantra Party candidates had won 7 seats, and were leading in 1 more. Popular rebel candidates who had been refused tickets by their parties managed to oust those who had.To be sure, the governing NC and the opposition UML have still come out on top — repeating the scenario of much of the 1990s. The Maoists have been punished for bad behaviour, corruption, and incompetence, especially as part of the 5-party coalition since last year.Candidates advocating a return to monarchy and those espousing an anti-secular stance have been mostly rejected by voters. The Madhes-based JSP and LSP have been penalised by Tarai voters for squandering the gains of the Madhes Movement and becoming offshoots of made-in-Kathmandu parties.All this gives us hope that despite shortcomings, Nepal’s federal democracy is on track. Nepalis have once more endorsed the ballot over the bullet, they have given fresh new candidates the chance, but most of all, they have punished non-performing, inept and corrupt leaders.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/lower-than-usual-turnout-in-nepal-polls/">Lower than usual turnout in Nepal polls</a>, Sonia AwaleBut this elections also exposed the need for urgent reforms that need to be planned way in advance of the next polls five years from now.Although voters are now much more savvy and are aware of their rights and choices, political parties still get away with manipulation, creating confusion among voters. Forming a coalition to share seats is a form of rigging. Coalitions are supposed to be formed after elections, not before.The high proportion of invalid votes is proof that voter education needs improvement. It should be an ongoing process in the years between elections.Nearly 5 million Nepalis are working, studying or living abroad. The Supreme Court ruled that they should be allowed to vote, but successive governments have dragged their feet because they fear those abroad are anti-incumbent — which they probably are.Absentee balloting should be allowed. A quarter of voters are disenfranchisaed because they are abroad or cannot travel to home districts to vote.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/caste-vote/">Caste vote</a>, Chandra KishoreIn this day and age it should be a simple matter to allow voting by mail. Early voting should also be allowed, and public transport made to ply to make it easier on election day to get to voting booths. The whole country does not need to come to a standstill on E-Day.This election showed that candidates and parties do not have to spend a whole lot of money to get votes. Those whose campaign spending was less than even the threshold stipulated by the EC have beaten those who spent tens of millions to buy votes. The quality of representation cannot depend on cash, and the time has come for political parties to be funded by public money.The root of corruption in Nepal is campaign funding of candidates by big business. We have now got to the point where Nepal’s richest men are themselves standing in elections, further blurring the lines between business and politics.The infusion of new blood in this election does not guarantee that the stranglehold of discredited big parties in the country will be broken any time soon. Coalition politics is not necessarily bad, but horse-trading and pre-paid positions that it comes with may mean that not much will change.The young independents will need a steep learning curve to adapt to parliamentary politics, being accountable and transparent and ensuring that all boats rise with the tide.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/voters-cynical-about-electoral-alliances/">Voters cynical about electoral alliances</a>, Namrata Sharma

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Vox Populi

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/6390586b9c7e80680e0ce1a0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="973" height="683"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>KP Oli of the opposition UML was on the campaign trail in Syangja last week where he directly urged security officials to monitor what he claimed was voting restriction by the Nepali Congress (NC).“You are not soldiers of the coalition,” Oli told them.Five days later, the former prime minister who has had a double kidney transplant was at a Kathmandu nightclub at midnight, launching a campaign rap song as youngsters cheered.The UML has bought targeted advertising on YouTube for Nepali users about its manifesto backing sanitary pad allowances for female students.In the cities the UML is trying to woo the youth and women voters away from popular independent candidates, while in the districts it confronts the ruling coalition.Nepal’s political aspirants from across and beyond party lines have boots-on-the-ground to draw voters to the polls before campaigning has to stop at midnight on 17 November.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dejected-voters-reject-polls/"> Dejected voters reject polls</a>, Anita BhetwalThe performance of independent candidates in major cities in May’s local elections not only encouraged young Nepalis to stand for Sunday’s parliamentary and provincial polls, but also forced mainstream parties to hold on to their bases while appealing to younger and first-time voters.Less than 9% out of the total candidates during the local election ran as independents in May. Of the independent candidates, 385 (3%) were elected to office. They included seven mayors from four major cities, six rural municipality chairs, as well as two deputy mayors and deputy chairs each.Similarly, 136 independent candidates were elected ward chairs and 117 ward members, while 60 female ward members and 55 Dalit women ward members assumed office.One of these local units is Bardibas municipality of Mahottari, which elected mayor Pralad Kumar Chhetri, deputy mayor Tara Devi, as well as four ward chiefs — all independents.But some constituencies where independents were elected into office in May have not capitalised on the momentum.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/battle-of-ballots/">Battle of ballots</a>, Shristi Karki<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/6390586d9c7e80680e0ce1a1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="372" height="355"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/6390586e9c7e80680e0ce1a2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="575" height="624">In Okhaldhunga, where independent Gyanendra Rumdali was elected chair of the Manebhanjyang Rural Municipality, there are no independent candidates running for Parliament, and only one for the Provincial Assembly.In Dolpa, where independents Karma Chhoibel Gurung and Pemba Wangchen Gurung were elected chair and vice chair of Dolpo Buddha Rural Municipality and Shey Phoksundo Rural Municipality — there is only one independent run for Parliament this time.Manang, where independent Chhiring Gurung was elected chairperson of Manang Ngisyang Rural Municipality, has only one independent candidate in federal polls. In fact, Manang actually has more registered voters (6,779) than its population in the 2021 census (5,645) because of outmigration — a phenomenon in other mid-mountain districts as well.The number of independent candidates has gone up in this election because so many are standing from cities. Of the 2,412 candidates contesting federal polls in direct ballots, 867 (36%) are independents — either first-time or rebel candidates refused tickets by their parties.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/voters-cynical-about-electoral-alliances/">Voters cynical about electoral alliances</a>, Namrata SharmaIn Syangja-1, incumbent MP Narayan Prasad Marasini of the UML is up against the NC’s Raju Thapa for the third time. While Marasini beat Thapa to Parliament during the 2017 polls, Thapa won the seat during the 2013 Constituent Assembly elections. The two will have a serious contender in Bodhraj Regmi from Rabi Lamichhane’s Independent Party along with eight other candidates, among which is 70-year old independent Lok Bahadur Damai.In Syangja-2, there is intense competition between incumbent Padma Kumari Aryal of the UML and her main challenger Dhanraj Gurung of the coalition, but 36-year-old environmentalist Sagar Dhakal is also pulling crowds as an independent contestant.But despite Dhakal proclaiming, “Political parties as we know them are dead”, this does not seem to be entirely the case for his and other constituencies across rural Nepal.Indeed, voters in Syangja-1 constituency remained unaware of the independent candidate, confusing his name and election symbol with other independent candidates.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/many-nepalis-say-no-not-again/"> Many Nepalis say no, not again</a>, Shristi Karki<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/639058709c7e80680e0ce1a3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="527" height="688">Similarly, voters also remain wary of independent aspirants who have left mainstream parties in protest for being refused election tickets.‘Running as an independent is a purely opportunistic move taken after he was denied a ticket from his party,’ commented a voter on Facebook in reference to Syangja’s Provincial Assembly candidate Durga Datta Bhushal, an independent who was with the UML.Independent Daulath Kulung was elected chair of Bhojpur’s Salpasilichho Rural Municipality in May’s local election, narrowly defeating his NC rival. This time, three independents will run for Parliament while one more is running for the Provincial Assembly in the district.Kulung sees his election win and post-election activities as different from elected officials like Balen Shah and Harka Sampang. “My agenda is different from that of elected leaders from cities like Kathmandu,” he tells Nepali Times over the phone. “Local elections are very different from federal polls. Just because some independents won in local elections doesn’t mean it will be easy for them across Nepal in this election.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/election-climate-in-nepal/">Election climate in Nepal</a>, Shilshila Acharya

Depending on independents

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/6390582f9c7e80680e0ce18fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"/><figcaption>Photo: GOPEN RAI</figcaption></figure>“For too long we have been taken for a ride by politicians. It is time we took politicians for a ride.”Campaigners on speakers to the accompaniment of traditional instruments made rounds late afternoon this week in Kathmandu.As the countdown begins to Nepal’s parliamentary and provincial elections, their top political leaders and other aspirants appear to be more excited about the polls than their voters.On 20 November many of the country’s 17,988,570 registered voters will head to the polls to elect 275 members to the House of Representatives and 550 members to Nepal’s 7 provincial assemblies. Of them, 165 Members of Parliament will be voted in directly, while the remaining will be selected from the list of Proportional Representation (PR) candidates.Similarly, 330 provincial seats will be filled through direct voting while the remaining seats will go to PR candidates.There are 2,412 candidates, of whom only 225 are women contesting the parliamentary election under the first past the post (FPTP) election system, and 867 of them have registered independently. Similarly 3,224 FPTP candidates, of which 280 are women, will contest provincial elections.Of the total registered voters, 50.8% are male, while 49.2% are female. A little more than a third of voters are between 26-40, making up the largest age group in the electorate. Nearly 20% of all voters are concentrated in Bagmati Province, while Karnali has the fewest voters at 5.6%.On Election Day, Nepalis will cast votes via four ballot papers, two each for the FPTP and PR elections of Parliament and provinces.During local elections in May, Nepal’s five-party ruling coalition extended the alliance it formed to oust former Prime Minister K P Oli into an electoral partnership. It paid off: Prime Minister Sher Bahadur’s Nepali Congress (NC) won big, it allowed Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s Maoist Centre to gain a stronger foothold, and gave the new Unified Socialists the relevance it needed.But not everyone fared as well. Madhes-based parties like Upendra Yadav’s JSP split from ex-Maoist Baburam Bhattarai after a less-than-stellar showing in the polls, which brought Dahal and former Bhattarai back together. Mahanta Thakur’s LSP also underperformed.Rabindra Mishra stepped down from the progressive Bibeksheel Sajha party after dismal election results to join the royal-right RPP which is more in line with his views on monarchy and federalism. The JSP and LSP also switched allegiances between the coalition government and the opposition at the last moment, and the RPP has allied with the UML.In the run up to 20 November, there was some doubt about whether the governing coalition would hold. Analysts and some top NC leaders felt the party could win on its own, and did not need to team up with the Maoists.One of the great mysteries of these polls is why Deuba clings on to the Maoists to the detriment of his own party. One theory: it is geopolitics. Beijing is supposedly bent on reuniting the Maoists and UML, while the US and India are trying their best to prevent a monolithic Communist party.Whatever the reason, this has meant we have strange bedfellows on the hustings. Deuba and Dahal are on the campaign trail together. Deuba has ostracised colleagues who refused to support coalition candidates and are contesting as independents. The UML’s Oli has also ousted party rivals.In the days leading up to the election, each of Nepal’s political parties and candidates have unveiled election manifestos, outlining their stance on the economy, employment, education and healthcare, infrastructure, the environment, social security, election reform.But as it stands, the election has been defined by unusual, fickle political alliances more than ideology and real commitments to tackle urgent environment, economic and employment crises.The Big BoysPrime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba of the Nepali Congress (NC) is contesting  from the sole constituency of his home district Dadeldhura, from where he has been elected to office six times. Deuba will face his former secretary Karna Bahadur Malla of the rebel Nepali Congress (BP) who is backed by the opposition UML. He also faces four independent candidates, notable among them 31-year old engineer Sagar Dhakal.NC Central Committee member and the Prime Minister’s wife Arzu Rana Deuba is on the list of PR candidates, unlike in 2017 when she contested the election directly from Kailali’s fifth constituency. Rana Deuba lost the election to the UML’s Narad Muni Rana after being branded a ‘tourist candidate’.Dilli Raj Pant, member of the provincial assembly of Sudurpaschim Province 5(B), is on the party’s parliamentary ticket this time, the Prime Minister’s nephew Prakash Deuba seeks Pant’s seat in the provincial assembly.Opposition leader and former Prime Minister K P Oli of the UML is running in Jhapa-5, where there are a total of 25 candidates in the fray, including Khagendra Adhikari of the NC.The Unified Socialist’s Madhav Kumar Nepal and Jhalanath Khanal are vying to represent Rautahat-1 and Ilam-1 respectively. Nepal currently represents Kathmandu-2 in parliament, while Khanal is the incumbent of Ilam-1 and will be challenged by Mahesh Basnet, who is currently an MP from Bhaktapur.JSP leader Upendra Yadav is contesting from Saptari-2, while LSP chair Mahanta Thakur will run from Mahottari-3.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022120710128/639058329c7e80680e0ce190jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Unholy alliancesMaoist Centre chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal will stand from Gorkha-2, which is currently represented by Baburam Bhattarai in Parliament. Dahal had previously contested from Kathmandu and Rolpa in 2008, Kathmandu and Siraha in 2013, and Chitwan in 2017. Bhattarai relinquished his seat for Dahal, who needed a sure win ostensibly in return for Maoist support for his daughter in Kathmandu and, some say, assurances of being nominated President.In Jajarkot, old political rivals Shakti Basnet of the Maoists and Rajeev Bikram Shah of the NC have become allies this election cycle, with Basnet running for parliament while Shah contests provincial polls to become Chief Minister. The two ran against each other in Jajarkot in 2017 and Shah won.Chitwan-3 is currently represented by Dahal in Parliament, but the coalition ticket has gone to physician Bhojraj Adhikari of the Federal Hospital Bharatpur. His opponent will be Dinesh Koirala, who defied the NC and is standing as an independent candidate. Koirala is among 74 NC members against whom the party has taken action for failing to support coalition candidates. Koirala will be supported by the UML, which withdrew its own candidate.In Makwanpur, Kamal Thapa of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal (RPP-N) is not just allying with the UML, but is actually contesting the election under the UML’s ‘Sun’ election banner amid protests from the local chapter of the party. Thapa will be challenged by coalition candidate Mahalaxmi Upadhyaya of the NC as well as 14 other candidates.Some of Nepal’s most high-profile candidates are vying for parliamentary positions from Kathmandu’s 10 consituencies. Rabindra Mishra, who exited Bibeksheel Sajha Party to join the Rajendra Lingden’s Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) as vice-president is standing in Kathmandu-1 on a royal-right platform. He will be up against the NC’s Prakash Man Singh. Maoist leader Onsari Gharti Magar will contest from Kathmandu-2.Younger and independent In Kathmandu-4, ageing youth leader Gagan Thapa of the NC is up against Rajan Bhattarai of the UML, who lost the constituency in 2017. This is Thapa’s stronghold where he won during the 2013 and the 2017 elections.Ranju Darshana, who lost the bid for Kathmandu mayor by a smaller-than-expected margin in 2017, is running as an independent from Kathmandu-5, where she will be up against UML senior Vice-president Ishwar Pokhrel and the NC’s Pradip Poudel.Manushi Yami Bhattarai, daughter of Baburam Bhattarai and Hisila Yami, is contesting from Kathmandu-7. Suman Sayami, who finished fourth in the Kathmandu mayoral race in May, will contest the federal election from Kathmandu-8. Milan Pandey of the Sajha Party is standing for the second time from Kathmandu-9 constituency.Elsewhere, former tv personality and founder of the Rastriya Swatantra Party Rabi Lamichhane will face off in Chitwan-2 against State Minister for Health and Population Umesh Shrestha, a coalition candidate and close ally of PM Deuba. Noted actress Rekha Thapa, who has long been part of the RPP, will be competing against Tourism Minister Bhanu Bhakta Dhakal in Morang-3 constituency.Politics as usual It is the women, Dalit, indigenous communities and other minorities across party lines who are the biggest casualties as the two coalitions circumvent constitutional quotas for them.In a mature democracy, coalitions are formed after election results are out. But Nepal’s pre-poll cartels (called “political plotting” by one analyst) have rigged the votes so that it is impossible for the Big Boys to lose .In Sindhuli-1, NC candidate Shyam Kumar Ghimire and the UML’s Pradeep Katuwal who went head to head in the provincial election in 2017 will face off in parliamentary elections.Across the country, conflict victims like Sushila Chaudhary, who lost her brother and sister to the Nepal Army in the war, and Maina Karki, whose husband was killed by the Maoists, are some of the first conflict victims to be on the PR list from the Maoists in the NC respectively.As coalition candidates, victims and survivors from both the government and rebel sides during the insurgency given tickets by their parties will essentially be allied because of the NC and Maoist coalition—  forced to fight on the same side in the battle of the ballots just so their party bosses get to be prime ministers again.The 2022 elections will be remembered for bringing together parties with diametrically opposed ideologies just to ensure that the kakistocracy remains in power. Candidates have been forced by party HQ to ally with people that they ran against in 2017.After Nepalis shunned the established parties and voted for independent candidates during the May local elections, more independent aspirants have stepped up, hoping to cash in on voter disillusionment with the establishment.New political aspirants and voters are trying to build critical mass for radical change, how much they can loosen the stranglehold of the established parties and their two coalition clusters this time we will only know when the results are out.Nepalis are also urging other Nepalis, via voter collectives like #NoNotAgain, to replace  superannuated politicians with competent new leadership. But it remains to be seen if Nepalis will indeed say #NoNotAgain in the voting booths.

Battle of ballots

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414114/63723cda9c7e80680e0c963djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="960" height="640"/><figcaption>Photo: GOPEN RAI</figcaption></figure>Right after Tihar, Nepalis will be preparing for yet another festival – federal and provincial elections. Five years after the 2017 polls, the dominant feature this time is that Nepalis are left to choose between two coalition clusters that are devoid of ideology and principle.Despite some strong independent candidates, the election will most likely just reshuffle the deck of cards since superannuated, out-dated leaders have forged opportunistic electoral alliances to guarantee that none of them lose.Less than 10% of election hopefuls are women. Indigenous communities and marginalised groups are more poorly represented, making this election even less inclusive than in 2017 and mocking Constitution provisions. The Proportional Representation (PR) system which was supposed to bring in under-represented communities to the fore, has party nominees like first lady Arzu Rana Deuba and former Maoist house speaker accused of rape Krishna Bahadur Mahara. Ek Nath Dhakal whose Paribar Party is supported by Korea’s Unification Church is top on the UML’s PR list.“Our parliamentary process has been subverted and distorted,” said Surya Prasad Shrestha, former chief election commissioner at a discussion in Patan on Wednesday organised by the Tanka Prasad Acharya Memorial Foundation. “A bad election can lead to the collapse of a democratic system. Voting is an exercise of one’s conscience and it should not be curtailed by manipulation of those in power.”In a democracy, an election should be a way of rewarding performance. It is supposed to weed out the inefficient and dishonest, and select the best managers to run the country for a given period.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-parties-forge-new-pre-poll-alliances/">Nepal’s parties forge new pre-poll alliances</a>, Shristi KarkiIn Nepal, except for a brief period after 1990, freedoms have been abused and the system distorted so that Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba is contesting elections to possibly be prime minister for the sixth time. A front page reportage this week in Nepal’s most influential daily, Kantipur, pointed out that despite Deuba being prime minister for most of the past 25 years, his home district of Dadeldhura still ranks 50 out of 77 districts, its average life expectancy is much lower than the national average.It is such neglect, apathy and lack of accountability that elections are designed to rectify. But the ruling class has rigged the system with electoral alliances and coalitions so that the same tried, tested and failed leaders get voted repeatedly.The run-up to this election has been marked by make-up, break-up politics. Maoist leader Pushpa Kamal Dahal has for the past decade engineered coalitions and alliances that best serve his purpose and keeping himself relevant. Analysts credit him for the decline of K P Oli of the UML, Madhav Kumar Nepal of the CPN-US and sidelining all rivals within his own party. Although they are allied, it is difficult to tell whether Dhaal is using Deuba, or vice versa in their electoral alliance – and what kind of secret leadership deal they have if the coalition wins.Dahal is once again chummy with former comrade-in-arms turned nemesis Baburam Bhattarai with whom he has swapped Gorkha-2 constituency in exchange for Maoist support for his daughter Manushi contesting from Kathmandu-7.Bhattarai had once publicly accused Dahal and Nepal of embezzling billions in the Budi Gandaki contract. Suddenly, he has backtracked saying he was wrong to accuse the pair without hard evidence. There are indeed no permanent friends or foes in politics.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/3-party-dictatorship/">3-party dictatorship</a>, EditorialIn this battle of coalitions, the Hindu right RPP has found partners in the opposition Unified Marxist–Leninist, while the Maoists are in electoral alliance with centre-right Nepali Congress. There is no space for ideology or reward for performance in Nepali politics.“We need a credible election that reflects the will of the people. Democracy should be ‘by’ the people not ‘buy’ the people,” quipped advocate Dinesh Tripathi at Wednesday’s interaction. “This is a choice-less, agenda-less election. We have coalitions and alliances with no common program. One party’s chair is another party's candidate. This is anarchy, a farce, a fraud on the people, a hijacking of the public space.”At least a dozen of Nepal’s richest men and businessmen are standing for direct elections. More than one-third of the mayors and municipality chairs elected in local elections in May were contractors, most of them have not even bothered to divest.When election wins are not determined by track record and party pledges, Nepal’s governance and inclusive development will suffer for another five years. The only ray of hope is that independents make up 37% of candidates, and there are rebel candidates standing against their own party’s nominees.“We have come a long way in terms of the democratic process and now have periodic elections, but we must reform the electoral system and integrate newer technologies, or we risk losing our hard-won democracy,” warned Nilkantha Upreti, the chief election commissioner who oversaw the 2013 Constituent Assembly polls.Nepalis will mark Tihar next week with all-night card games, but a month from now they will be gambling in elections for a better future.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/swing-votes/">Swing votes</a>, Shristi Karki

Sonia Awale

House of cards

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bd59c7e80680e0c95e5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1464"/><figcaption>Aspirants file their candidacy under the first-past-the-post system for the 20 November parliamentary and provincial elections at the Election Commission on Sunday. Photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>The once extreme left Maoists are allies of the centre-right Nepali Congress. The Unified Marxist-Leninists (UML) has suddenly found friends in the Hindu-right RPP and has partnered with the Madhes-based JSP. Top Maoist comrades who had fallen out big time, are back together.Shifting alliances ahead of the November polls prove that ideology does not separate political parties anymore. It is all about finding a partnership that is most likely to propel them to power.On Sunday, Nepal’s political leaders and election hopefuls registered their candidacies for the upcoming November provincial and federal parliament elections under the First Past The Post (FPTP) system with 165 Chief Electoral Officers across the country.The deadline for registering candidates has now lapsed, and coalition and opposition parties, as well independent candidate collectives have completed complicated seat-sharing deals and finalised the lists of who they are fielding and where. On 19 September, political parties had presented their closed list of Proportional Representation (PR) candidates to the Election Commission.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/swing-votes/">Swing votes</a>, Shristi Karki<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bd89c7e80680e0c95e6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bdb9c7e80680e0c95e7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366">Nepal’s recent political history has been defined by petty party infighting, splits, unlikely mergers and lots of horse-trading.  In the days leading up to the  candidacy deadline, all eyes had been on Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba-led five-party coalition and electoral alliance as the parties negotiated seat-sharing.And while Maoist chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal — who political analysts and experts had noted would not hesitate to join hands with his nemesis KP Oli’s UML if offered a better deal and more seats in Parliament — ultimately upheld his commitment to the electoral alliance.But not all parties of the coalition chose to continue the partnership. On Friday, the Madhes-based JSP (Janta Samajwadi Party) quit the five-party electoral partnership after failing to reach a seat sharing agreement, and instead switched alleigance to the UML instead.Subsequently, Mahanta Thakur’s LSP (Loktantrik Samajwadi Party), the other Madhes-based party which split from JSP in 2021 and had been in talks to partner with the UML to contest the November election, formed a partnership with the Deuba-led electoral alliance.After negotiations, coalition leader NC is to contest 89 parliamentary seats, the Maoists secured 45 seats, while Madhav Kumar Nepal’s CPN (Unified Socialists) will get to fight 19 seats and the smaller Rastriya Janamorcha Party 2 seats. The new ally LSP will contest 8 federal parliament seats.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-of-the-lawless/">Rule of the lawless</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bde9c7e80680e0c95e8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723be19c7e80680e0c95e9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1402"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723be49c7e80680e0c95eajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723be79c7e80680e0c95ebjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366">Meanwhile, the UML and JSP have reached an agreement for 35 and 17 federal parliament seats respectively.On Sunday, top political leaders mobilised across the country to file candidacies. NC leader and Proportional Representation candidate Arzoo Deuba Rana filed Prime Minister Deuba’s candidacy on behalf of the NC chair from Dadeldhura.CPN (Unified Socialists) chair Madhav Kumar Nepal registered his candidacy from Rautahat. LSP chair Mahanta Thakur has registered in Mahottari-3, while Rastriya Janamorcha Chair Chitra Bahadur KC will contest the election from Baglung-1.Pushpa Kamal Dahal, who was elected to the House of Representatives from Chitwan’s third constituency in 2017, registered his candidacy from Gorkha-2, with the endorsement of Baburam Bhattarai, who currently represents the constituency in parliament. On Monday, Baburam Bhattarai — whose new Nepal Samajwadi Party is contesting the upcoming elections under the Maoist Centre symbol— announced in a letter addressed to Gorkha voters that he would not be running for parliament this election.The former Maoist ideologue on Sunday accompanied Dahal to file his candidacy in Gorkha. There is speculation this is under a deal where the Maoists will allow Bhattarai's daughter Manushi to win in a Kathmandu constituency.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bea9c7e80680e0c95ecjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bed9c7e80680e0c95edjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1920" height="1280"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf09c7e80680e0c95eejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1406">NC leader Shekhar Koirala, who has been at odds with party chair Deuba over his decisions to continue the electoral alliance and the parliamentary seat-sharing deal, is contesting the election from Morang-6. Gagan Thapa on the other hand is a Kathmandu-4 hopeful.The list of FPTP candidates from NC also includes billionaire businessman and Nepal's richest man, Binod Chaudhary, who was previously elected to parliament under the PR system.UML chair KP Oli registered his candidacy from Jhapa-4. Meanwhile, Kamal Thapa, chairman of the Hindu-rigt RPP (Rastriya Prajatantra Party-Nepal) registered his candidacy from Makwanpur 1 with the UML’s support amid protests from the local chapter of the party. JSP chair Upendra Yadav is contesting the election from Saptari’s second constituency.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/">Is democracy too expensive for Nepal?</a>, Laxmi Basnet<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf39c7e80680e0c95efjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf69c7e80680e0c95f0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bf99c7e80680e0c95f1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366">Rabindra Mishra, who exited the Bibeksheel Sajha Party to join the Rajendra Lingden’s Rastriya Prajatantra Party as vice-president, will contest the election from Kathmandu-1. Lingden has registered his candidacy from Jhapa-3.Former television presenter Rabi Lamichhane, who founded the Rastriya Swatantra Party after announcing his intention to run for Parliament, has registered his candidacy from Chitwan-2. Meanwhile, atmospheric scientist Arnico Panday, who had been included in the PR candidates list from the same party, withdrew from the election citing long-Covid complications.Interestingly, Ek Nath Dhakal of the South Korean  <a href="http://upfnepal.org/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://upfnepal.org/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1665414919510000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3m15L16mpMYIGS-8GMK6V3">Universal Peace Federation (UPF)</a> and leader of the Nepal Family Party who once served in K P Oli’s cabinet as Minister of Peace and Reconstruction has also got nominated for a PR slot. The Family Party is considered to be supported by South Korea’s Unification Church of <a href="http://www.upf.org/founders/rev-dr-sun-myung-moon" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.upf.org/founders/rev-dr-sun-myung-moon&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1665414919511000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3m7I8PGPkXcJaiwkX9tNSq">Sun Myung Moon</a> (the 'Moonies').Binod Chaudhary who is standing from Nawalparasi-1, has oscillated back and forth between the NC and UML. At least seven other industrialists and billionaires have got tickets from the NC.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/">Reward performance</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111414110/63723bfc9c7e80680e0c95f2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1740" height="1156">Umesh Shrestha, education and hydropower tycoon and a close adviser to the Deubas, is standing from Chitwan -- his first time to contest elections -- although he was appointed Health Minister during the pandemic.Medical education businessman Sunil Shrestha is contesting from Morang-3. Another hydropower investor, Dipak Khadka is standing from Sankhuwasabha.Contractor Mohan Acharya from Rasuwa is also standing from his district. Another construction magnate Kancharam Tamang is standing from Ramechhap. Tourism entrepreneur Rajendra Bargain got the NC ticket for Gorkha.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi Adhikari

Nepal's parties forge new pre-poll alliances

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131148/6372399e9c7e80680e0c73f1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>HAPPY HOLIDAYS: Recently done with her exams, Aashika Khadka,16, enjoys a Dasain swing in Kathmandu this week. She is not eligible to vote for another two years. Photo: GOPEN RAI</figcaption></figure>Federalism might have handed power back to the Nepali people, making way for crucial changes in local-level leadership and driving grassroots development. But Nepal’s mainstream politics in the last five years has been defined primarily by infighting within parties, their mergers and splits.In 2018, KP Oli’s CPN-UML and Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s Maoist Centre merged to form the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) after a successful electoral alliance during the country’s first federal elections. The ensuing power struggle between them split their party.This ushered in an era of break-up and make-up politics. Madhav Kumar Nepal broke away from Oli to form the CPN (Unified Socialists). Next, Mahanta Thakur cut ties with the Janata Samajwadi Party (JSP) to form the Loktantrik Samajwadi Party (LSP).Five-time prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba of the Nepali Congress (NC) joined forces with former nemesis Dahal, Nepal, Yadav and Bhattarai to form a coalition government, which is carrying over to an electoral alliance at all three levels of elections in November.The mergers and splits did not stop there. After the May local elections, Baburam Bhattarai split from the JSP to form the Naya Samajwadi Party (NSP) joining hands with former comrade-in-arms Dahal to contest the upcoming election under the Maoist’s election banner.And this week, Rabindra Mishra, who had stepped down as the chair of  Bibeksheel Sajha following dismal local poll results, resigned from the party altogether to ‘form a moderate conservative nationalist force’. On Wednesday, Mishra, who was once known for progressive politics, joined the right-wing RastriyaPrajatantra Party (RPP).The opposition UML had formed an alliance with the RPP and the LSP to contest the November polls.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-of-the-lawless/">Rule of the lawless</a>, EditorialParties with diametrically opposing ideologies are getting together, proving that dogma and party creed are as fickle as political alliances.The coalition and opposition parties are finalisingtheir election candidates with complicated seat-sharing deals. The closed list of proportional representation (PR) candidates include high-profile names from former ministers and spouses of top leaders from the NC and the Maoists, leading to dissent from within party ranks.NC leader Shekhar Koirala has been turning the heat on PM Deuba to modify the PR list to ensure that the Koirala-Gagan Thapa faction accounts for 40% of the candidates. The closed list only has 13 members from the faction as of now. Koirala has warned that his supporters will not vote for coalition candidates if they are not represented.In the far-western districts of Doti and Baitadi, regional chapters and leaders of the NC have rejected the electoral alliance that would give away their constituency to the Maoists. This is a repeat of what happened in the mayoral race in Bharatpur in May.In Dhankuta the Maoists had to give up seats for the UML candidate in 2017 elections, and this time for a coalition candidate. So, Maoist Politburo member Hemraj Bhandari and other cadres resignaed in protest and will contest the election as independents.PM Deuba’s priority is to appease the electoral alliance, and he thinks he can  mend the rift within his own party later. The great mystery is why Deuba thinks the MC and the CPN (US) are more important for his future than popular leaders from his own NC.The answer probably lies in his own ambition to be prime minister for a sixth time, and the lack of confidence that the NC alone cannot get a majority in November.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/">Reward performance</a>, EditorialAs for the Maoists, the electoral partnership has ensured Dahal’s standing in national politics. He has once again joined hands with Bhattarai, the Maoist ideologue whom he had vilified, and said he will not break the coalition.However, it will surprise no one if Dahal once more takes up with the UML if Oli promises him more seats like he did in 2017.Widespread dissatisfaction brought about an exodus of leaders who ran the election independently in May. It also gave rise to independent candidates like Balen Shah and Harka Sampang. Nepalis voted in droves for them, sending a clear message to Nepal’s ageing, out-of-touch establishment.This has encouraged more people from outside the political sphere to vie for the elections— some of whom have formed a collective, The Rastriya Swatantra Party, to contest the election under one symbol. They include party founder and former tv personality Rabi Lamichhane, climate scientist Arniko Panday, and former Bibeksheel leader Pukar Bam.There is a risk in all this of a rise in populist candidates fanning their agenda through social networking platforms to cash in on growing public disenchantment with traditional politics.If Nepal’s top leadership do not mend their ways, it will only serve to boost leaders like Shah, who bulldoze through due process as he has done by whipping up public frenzy over the Tukucha excavation in Kathmandu.It is a signal of how dangerous populism is that even the established candidates are not speaking out against Mayor Balen because of fears of a political backlash at election time.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/">Rise of the independents</a>, Editorial

Swing votes

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131144/637238d49c7e80680e0c73aajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1366"/><figcaption>Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>President Bidya Devi Bhandari failed to authenticate an amendment bill to Nepal’s Citizenship Act by deadline on Tuesday 20 September, rendering it null and void. The bill had passed back and forth between Parliament and President’s office, before its rejection by a ceremonial head of state. It is seen by most experts as an unconstitutional move, and retaliation for Parliament’s refusal to deliberate her 15-point request for review.It is also proof of the deep polarisation ahead of elections between President Bhandari, who is close to the opposition UML, and the government. Passage of the bill would have been popular with the Tarai vote bank for the 5-party governing coalition, while the UML will hope to cash in on the opposition to the bill among many voters in the mountains.Understandably, coalition members were unified in their denouncement of the President allowing the bill to lapse after Parliament was already dissolved ahead of elections.‘This unconstitutional move by the President is a gross insult to Nepal’s federal Parliament elected by the people,’ reads a statement co-signed by leaders of four parties in government. The fifth coalition partner, Rastriya Janamorcha, did not sign, with its chief Chitra Bahadur KC casting strong reservations.In an unprecedented move, the Maoist-appointed Vice-president Nanda Bahadur Pun also condemned President Bhandari’s failure to certify the amendment. Interestingly, Maoist leader Narayankaji Shrestha wanted to have it both ways, tweeting: ‘The president does not have the right to go against the Constitution, but we agree with a lot of the points she has raised about the bill.’Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rule-of-the-lawless/">Rule of the lawless</a>, EditorialThe amendment would have allowed hundreds of thousands of Nepalis, especially in the Tarai, to finally obtain citizenship papers. But many activists had said the bill’s restrictions on citizenship for children born to single mothers, and the process of obtaining naturalised citizenship were discriminatory towards women.Former Law Minister Nilambar Acharya said that the Citizenship Bill was too sensitive and nuanced for knee-jerk, one-sided reaction.“The fact is that the House of Representatives passed the amendment bill without deliberating the President’s 15-point request for clarification,” Acharya said. “And should a Parliament that is about to reach its term take decisions on issues of long-term national interest? The new Parliament should have been entrusted with that.”Indeed, the bill has already become an election issue. Student wings affiliated with coalition parties took to the streets in protest (pictured) burning effigies of the President, while unions affiliated with the UML rallied with placards that read ‘salute to the President who stands up for the nation and nationalism’.With citizenship becoming a battle for populist vote-gathering, the row has over-shadowed moves by the governing coalition which also went against constitutional values. The closed list of proportional representation (PR)  candidates presented Monday included the Prime Minister’s wife, Arzoo Deuba, former NC minister Bimalendra Nidhi and Maoist former speaker Krishna Bahadur Mahara.The PR system is actually meant to ensure that communities on the socio-political fringes get represented in decision-making. But the candidates on the list have perpetuated the status quoist, transactional, and nepotistic nature of Nepali politics.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, Editorial

President’s precedent

<figure><img width="960" height="640" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238019c7e80680e0c7361jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s provincial and federal elections are due on 20 November, but the political parties seem reluctant to allow their women colleagues to directly contest elections.Prime Minister Deuba of the Nepali Congress (NC) is having a difficult time balancing the conflicting demands from four other parties in the coalition, as well as allowing female candidates to fulfil a Constitutional provision.For K P Oli of the opposition UML, it is all about winning back the House majority even if it is just to thumb his nose at the coalition that ousted him last year. Both the coalition and the opposition are also wary of the crop of young independent candidates and public figures who are in the running because they are aware of public disenchantment of their non-performance. The victory of several independent candidates as mayors of Kathmandu and several other cities has also spooked them. There is much at stake for Deuba and his alliance, for K P Oli and opposition, as well as for the young, independent candidates that hold the attention and scrutiny of much of the Nepali public.All this male politicking has left the women in senior leadership positions to fear that they will be sidelined in violation of Constitutional quotas for female representation.Nepal’s Local Level Election Act requires every party to nominate one male and one female candidate to the head and deputy of municipalities. But the election alliance between the NC and the coalition parties has meant that fewer women were nominated during local elections in May.  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/affirmative-inaction/">Affirmative inaction</a>, EditorialAs a result, there are now 163 local governments where the chair and vice chair are both men, and the number of women elected as deputies has gone down from 700 in 2017 to 564 this year.There was a slight increase in female mayors and chiefs in 2022, with the number of female mayors going up from 18 to 25 and the number of village chiefs going up from 63 to 69.“The statistics may show an increase in elected female officials, but women have not been elected to top decision making roles,” said National Assembly member and UML leader Parvati Rawal Thapa. “This is disheartening.”In a rare show of solidarity, Thapa and female leaders from across the political spectrum came together to jointly register objections against their own parties for not meeting the constitutional mandate for increased female participation and candidacy in the November election.They want their parties to field more female leaders under the direct (FPTP) election mechanism over the proportional representation (PR) system.There are 550 provincial assembly seats across Nepal’s seven provinces, out of which 330 will be elected through the direct system and 220 through proportional representation. Meanwhile, out of the 275 members to the House of Representatives, 165 will be elected directly, and 110 through proportional representation.Nepal’s male-dominated parties tend not to give tickets to female candidates for the direct election system, and instead field women in large numbers under the proportional system.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi Adhikari <img width="600" height="479" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238049c7e80680e0c7362jpeg.jpg" alt="">Nepal held its first democratic elections in 1959, as a result of which Dwarika Devi Thakurani of the NC became the country’s first female parliamentarian. Thakurani served as deputy minister of health and local governance in the council of ministers led by B P Koirala, Nepal’s first female Cabinet member. In subsequent years, the number of female MPs increased steadily  mainly because the interim constitution after 2008 stipulated that women make up one-third of the total candidates.But after 2008 the party brass changed the rules to 33% women required to win the election, as opposed to running for office. This removed any stipulation concerning direct elections, which prompted them to field women in large numbers under the proportional system in 2017.Indeed, Article 38 (4) of the Constitution stipulates that women have the right to participate in all bodies of the state based on the principle of proportional inclusion. Additionally, Article 84 (8) requires that at least one-third of the members elected from each political party represented in the federal Parliament should be women.This is reflected in the provincial election result of 2017 as well. 189 women were elected to provincial assemblies — 17 of those leaders through direct elections and 172 through the proportional representation system. So while 34% of women won in the provincial elections, fulfilling the constitutional provision, only 5% of the candidates elected under the FPTP system were women.Women MPs complain that the national and provincial halls of power have been such that leaders elected under the proportional system are seen by their directly-elected colleagues in parliament as less qualified and less deserving to be there. This has created a chasm between lawmakers elected under different systems.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/">Is democracy too expensive for Nepal?</a>, Laxmi BasnetThis discrimination directly affects women, who are mostly elected through the PR system, as planning and budget distribution are directed towards constituencies that have powerful, directly elected leaders.“We sit alongside each other, and we have been elected to do the same job, but we have been given second-class status because we were not elected directly like they were,” says Chanda Chaudhary, a Loktantrik Samajwadi Party MP. Political parties also sideline women leaders for their perceived inability to ensure campaign financing. Politics of patronage means that powerful businessmen and contractors donate to the campaigns of leaders. Election Observation Committee reports have shown that campaigning expenses were vastly underreported in 2017.“It is taken for granted that men will be able to run while we are asked about our ability to raise money,” says National Assembly member Jayanti Devi Rai of the CPN Unified Socialists. “The electoral system is flawed and costly. We need to look at financing protocols such that candidates can stand regardless of their financial status.”All these hurdles have forced Nepal’s female leaders to re-evaluate the way they present themselves, and what kind of message they put across.“Nepal’s centres of power are patriarchal, so that women are forced to act like men to be noticed and to rise up the ranks,” says Maoist Centre MP Anjana Bishankhe. “Why can’t I contest elections on women’s agenda and women’s issues as my foremost priority?”Nepal’s female elected officials gathered last week to demand 50% election participation, up from the current requirement of 33%.“There is no shortage of smart, capable female leaders ready to directly compete in elections,” says Joint General Secretary of the NC Mahalaxmi Upadhyay. “All the women considering election runs can and should demand constituencies within their parties to contest the upcoming elections.”  Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki

The power to have a say in her-story

Earlier this month, Nepal received Rs1.6 billion from the World Bank as part of its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/will-nepal-ever-be-paid-for-saving-trees">Forest Carbon Partnership Facility (FCPF)</a>, rewarding the country for increasing its carbon sink capacity. Nepal is the first in South Asia to benefit from this facility, and it is specifically to recompense the country for increasing forest cover in 13 Tarai districts between 2018-2024. “We are also trying to get another Rs13 billion from the facility while also preparing for free market-based carbon trading in the international market,” says Nabaraj Pudasaini of the REDD (Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries) Implementation Centre. Big emitters of greenhouse gases are under pressure to reduce their carbon emissions, and many have signed agreements to do so by investing in decarbonisation projects in developing countries. Countries that emit more than a specified amount of carbon would be able to buy emission rights from countries that emit less. Nepal is internationally known for its community forestry program which has been largely credited for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/tree-mendous">increasing tree cover to over 45%</a> in less than three decades. But this achievement had not been adequately recognised or rewarded internationally before. Forests, especially in the tropics, absorb and store large amounts of carbon while releasing oxygen in a process known as photosynthesis. <a href="https://www.fao.org/forest-resources-assessment/en/">Preventing deforestation</a> and increasing canopy cover is considered a much more achievable goal than reducing emission in the scale necessary to limit global average temperature to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. COP11 in Montreal in 2005 first proposed reducing carbon emissions by improving forest quality by halting degradation. By 2015, a new mechanism of financial assistance was created to help less developed countries with sustainable management of forests <a href="https://www.un-redd.org/">(called REDD+)</a>. Under this new mechanism, countries receive aid based on their efforts to prevent forest degradation and increase carbon sink, and in 2021 the World Bank was entrusted with implementing it. Nepal’s FCPF receipt this month was calculated on the basis of 2.4 million tons of carbon stored at a rate of $5 per ton. In the second phase, Nepal will receive more than Rs4 billion within the next year for storing an additional 7 million tons of carbon. Eighty per cent of this amount obtained from carbon trading needs to be spent on local beneficiaries and indigenous communities.&nbsp; But carbon trading is not easy, Nepal needs to prove that protected forests will not be destroyed in future.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241121091132_c8a381c9a95aa86fec558951650d97bb87914741f01766982ba2b086af001f16.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241121091132_c8a381c9a95aa86fec558951650d97bb87914741f01766982ba2b086af001f16" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="999" loading="lazy" alt="Greenbacks for greenery NT "> <figcaption>Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption> </figure>  Explains carbon trading expert Yugan Manandhar. “Forests should be handed over to the community and shown that they are managed sustainably. Proving this will be particularly challenging; forest encroachment and degradation is rife in the Tarai.” <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/nepal-is-going-up-in-smoke">Deliberate forest fires</a> have also added to the challenge because they increase carbon emissions and reduce the sink capacity of forests. The basis for the amount that Nepal received was set five years ago by calculating the carbon reserves of forests in the 13 Tarai districts. In the meantime, sustainable forest management, tree plantation, forest destruction and erosion control were prioritised to increase carbon reserves in those forests. Nepal is signing another carbon trading agreement during the ongoing Baku climate conference. The <a href="https://www.leafcoalition.org/">Lowering Emissions by Accelerating Forest finance (LEAF Coalition) </a>proposes to sell the carbon stored in the forests of Bagmati, Gandaki and Lumbini provinces. For this, Nepal signed the letter of intent three years ago at COP26 in Glasgow. The target is to store 70 million tons of carbon in 32 million hectares of forest in the three provinces per which Nepal will receive Rs13 billion in four years at $10 per ton with provisions to increase the rate if various conditions are met. However, the agreement in itself doesn’t guarantee the amount. According to the targets set by Nepal, forest degradation should be stopped and carbon reserves increased by protecting tree cover. Preparations are also underway for clean air carbon trade because it has offset fossil fuel use by introducing 30,000 electric vehicles. Nepal has been selected for the first round to receive $40 million within one and a half years through the Clean Air System of the World Bank. Given that most of Nepal’s energy mix is from biomass, replacing them with electric stoves can significantly improve health by reducing indoor pollution as well as strengthen the country’s capacity for carbon trade. “Nepal's goal now is to sell carbon in the free market where carbon credits are bought and sold based on supply and demand in an open and transparent manner,” adds Pudasaini of the REDD Implementation Centre. “Nepal can now set its own price and bargain with interested buyer countries and organisations.” Lately, India has been discussing setting up a carbon market. Nepal has exported Rs12.72 billion worth of electricity to India so far this fiscal year, which can be traded under Nepal’s carbon market. “Carbon trading can create significant economic benefits for Nepal, which will help reinvest in development and environmental protection projects,” says Manandhar. “But we must prioritise sustainable management of forests, cutting older trees and allowing regrowth as well as promoting electric stoves and electric vehicles.”

Greenbacks for greenery

Khukri Rum is <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=3719#.WurBk6SFPIU">one of Nepal’s most iconic brands</a>, and is now launching a new Cask Series premium product to sell in Nepal and abroad. The Cask Series Smoked Finish Khukri Rum is a limited edition with only about 7,000 bottles, most of it for export and rest to be sold to rum connoisseurs in Nepal itself. Each bottle is numbered and will mention the cask from which it is derived. “We are working on taking a classic Nepali rum to a new luxury premium brand category, the Cask Series will only be produced this year with new product ranges in future,” explains Subash Lamichhane, managing director of Nepal Distilleries that first started making Khukri rum in 1959 in Balaju and has never stopped. Fermented from molasses in Bara district in the Tarai after the annual sugarcane harvest, the rum is matured for at least eight months during distillation. The distillery bottles the classic Khukri XXX, Coronation Khukri XXX, Khukri White Rum and Khukri Spiced Rum.&nbsp; The distillery is now adding this limited edition of its ‘Cask Series’. While the original rum is stored in huge wooden vats, the rum used for this more exclusive line is in smaller casks made either from oak or sal, with charred insides to give the rum a smoky flavour. The Cask Series rum is indeed smokier than the classic, while the spiced rum tastes toasty and mostly of cardamom. The company has a tasting suite with a master blender and tasters who have to approve the palate test.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241122131124_10b8ddca93b37b0348bf964b4f09e7fac6ef4e754cca6231368850539cd558e2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241122131124_10b8ddca93b37b0348bf964b4f09e7fac6ef4e754cca6231368850539cd558e2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1498" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Khukri Rum"> </figure>  The packaging for the Cask Series is as special as the process. A sturdy patterned box that opens up to a black glass bottle with gold lettering, and an indication of which cask the rum is from. These are then shipped to premium customers around the world One of the reasons this is the more expensive premium line is because the casks are smaller than the vats and the blenders reject more than half of the rum in the casks when the aging period is complete. The trick for the blender is also to decide when to take the run out of the cask.&nbsp; Says Lamichhane: “If we have 25 casks, we expect to throw away about fifteen.”Over the decades, Nepal Distilleries have created and maintained a brand that feels quintessentially Nepali, and has served as Nepal’s ‘ambassador’ with exports to Germany, Korea, Belgium, Finland, the Czech Republic, besides the existing markets among Nepalis in the US, UK, Hong Kong and Australia. &nbsp;Its unique <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/khukri-rum-sharpens-its-act">khukri shaped bottle</a> first introduced for King Birendra’s coronation in 1975 has been a collector’s item. The bottle and rum have been a staple for Nepalis and visitors to take as gifts when they leave the country, and is used as decoration on bar tables around the world. Now, nearly 40 years later, even that bottle will soon be getting a makeover with a sharper design and sleeker handle. “Our bottle design has always been instantly recognisable, and it is,” says Lamichhane. The Himalayan restaurant at The Hague, for example, has a Khukri Coronation bottle adorning its bar (page 6-7). In Washington DC Himalayan Heritage Restaurant &amp; Bar offers ‘Nepalese Khukri Rum’ mojito in its drinks menu with fresh mint, soda water, lime juice and sugar syrup, for $12.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241122131124_b9474db3fc83c85845348dddc30c49652ee1f17229531867fa241de50849cedc.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241122131124_b9474db3fc83c85845348dddc30c49652ee1f17229531867fa241de50849cedc" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Khukri Rum NT"> <figcaption>Christopher Armes, master blender of the Cask Series.</figcaption> </figure>  A distinct element of the award-winning <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/business/khukri-rum-gets-award">classic Khukri rum</a> is its burgundy colour from caramel sourced from cooking sugar and blended with the raw rum. The spirits are then stored in a warehouse with floor-to-ceiling vats. The vats are not just for storage, the wood in the vats imparts flavour into the rum, and removes a lot of the harshness. &nbsp; On a visit this week, the bottling room was just about to begin for the day and the production line was churning out different shapes and sizes of Khukri Rum bottles. Most of the process is automated, including screwing bottle caps, sticking labels, placing the government seal, and packaging. The only manual intervention is the quality control where bottles are held against the light to check for sediment and colour. A mural on the wall of the distillery in Balaju depicts the rum-making process. A lady slings sugarcane on her shoulder, the molasses is churned in a pot, water is channelled into the distillation process, cinnamon, cloves and cardamom are added to a container, and finally there is a bottle of the classic Khukri Rum against a Kathmandu backdrop.

Khukri goes premium with new rum

Turkish Airlines has introduced a new amenity kit collection designed in collaboration with French fashion house Lanvin for international business class passengers on flights more than five hours. It consists of five pieces designed for sustainability and elegance. Bags are reusable and will consist of Lanvin cosmetic products like hand and body lotions and lip balm. Eye masks and socks are made from recycled materials, earplugs are packaged in paper and the toothbrush is bamboo.

Turkish amenity kit

Nepal now generates a surplus of electricity and it is all from renewable hydropower. Nearly half the country is under forest cover. Despite meeting these decarbonisation goals, Nepal’s hydropower plants are threatened by increased risk due to climate impact.&nbsp; Till <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/when-it-rains-it-pours-ksqprbu3">28 September</a>, Nepal was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-nepal-sign-power-exchange-deal">exporting just over 1,000MW</a> of electricity to power-hungry India, when flash floods and landslides unleashed by historically heavy rains damaged over 30 hydropower plants across the country, temporarily <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/power-to-the-people">slashing nearly half the power generation.</a> The 456MW Upper Tamakosi in Dolakha was the hardest hit and it will take six months and Rs2 billion to repair. This has significantly reduced exports as well as domestic generation. Two months later, Nepal has still not been unable to fully keep its export commitment, and is actually paying Rs100 million in fines to India. Thirty-seven existing and under construction projects under the Independent Power Producers' Association Nepal (IPPAN) suffered Rs2.5 billion in damage. One of them is the 22MW Bagmati project in Makwanpur which was almost completely buried in flood debris. Even before <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/60-dead-64-missing-in-nepal-floods">record-breaking rain in September</a>, 15 other hydropower projects had been damaged by floods. Last year, floods caused by heavy localised rain damaged 28 hydropower plants. World governments met in Baku for COP29 to discuss the Loss &amp; Damage Fund and the Adaptation Fund, but for countries like Nepal the commas and brackets are meaningless until they are turned into $ and €. And likelihood of adequate compensation for climate-related damage is a long way off, if ever. Nepal’s national strategy is to use its vast hydropower resource as clean energy to spur economic growth, job creation, and boost export revenue. But the plants are located in narrow Himalayan valleys prone to landslides and floods even at the best of times. Now, those <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/changing-climate-for-investment-in-nepal">risks have been heightened by weather extremes</a> due to climate breakdown. At present, Nepal generates over 3,300MW of clean hydropower, and the target is to reach 12,700MW in the next five years. Projects equivalent to 6,000MW are under construction or ready to start. The Ministry of Energy, Water Resources and Irrigation has an Energy Development Roadmap and Action Plan with the target of producing 28,500MW by 2035 by when more than half of it will be exported.&nbsp; “The climate crisis will further change the rainfall patterns making hydropower generation a big question mark in the future,” Manjeet Dhakal in Baku, who is also the Nepali adviser to the LDC Chair at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). “We are building hydropower projects on rivers without evaluating risk. This whole process needs to be reviewed and reconsidered.” The report of the National Adaptation Plan published by the Ministry of Forest and Environment last year mentions that hydropower production, transmission and distribution will be at risk from flash floods, debris flows, glacial lake outbursts and rising temperatures.&nbsp; This risk is not confined to Nepal. Average global temperatures have increased by 1.3°C compared to the pre-industrial era. Worse, the Himalayan mountains are warming faster than the global average by 0.7°C because of elevation-dependent warming. A study conducted by our own Department of Hydrology and Meteorology in 2017 showed that the average temperature in Nepal has increased in the last four decades. Scientists say this is leading to extreme weather unleashing floods and landslides on slopes already destabilized by seismicity.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241124071128_d22901a360e8958f606d80ffa21defba05a671f65afec65539dc21a6885d8345.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241124071128_d22901a360e8958f606d80ffa21defba05a671f65afec65539dc21a6885d8345" data-rendition-name="original" width="1333" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Right climate for Nepal’s energy transition NT"> <figcaption>BIBLICAL RAIN: Photo taken during catastrophic rain on 27-28 September at the Upper Tamakosi project site that destroyed the control room, killing four staff and burying the sedimentation tanks. Photo: RSS</figcaption> </figure>  Increased atmospheric temperatures has made the monsoon rains more erratic. It does not rain when it is supposed to, and it comes down in torrents when it is not supposed to. The September floods happened two weeks after the monsoon was supposed to retreat from central Nepal. Kathmandu Valley received half its annual precipitation in just over a day. &nbsp; Winter precipitation has also failed, especially in the high mountains and trans-Himalayan valleys. Thirteen of the past 19 years experienced winter drought. This impacts on dry season flows of the rivers, reducing hydropower generation. Nepal’s power capacity normally goes down by one-fourth during winter, but the gap is widening. The Kabeli corridor could only generate 20MW November-March even though plants there have an installed capacity of 200MW. Similarly, Upper Tamakosi only produced 65MW at most against its 456MW capacity last winter. The Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) pays producers double the price for winter electricity, Rs8.40 per unit. Even though winter operation is highly profitable the rivers run low and NEA has to import from India to meet the winter demand. “This is not just a weather problem but a serious challenge also for the country's energy future, good climate-friendly design should be combined with policy and effective implementation,” says Subarna Das Shrestha, a hydropower investor and CEO of Sanima Mai Hydropower. “Insurance premiums have gone up as well, and settlement for damage is not timely.” <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/climate-risk-to-hydropower-investment">Hydropower investment</a> at one time was regarded as having a high rate of return. Now, some investors have become <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-smarter-himalayan-infrastructure">wary of the risks involved</a>. Says IPPAN’s Uttam Blon Lama: “Hydropower projects expected to give stable returns are now looking risky. Not only is climate adaptation design and planning expensive, but future repair and maintenance costs will also skyrocket.” Nepal has only one storage type dam <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/rivers-be-dammed">in Kulekhani</a> and another one is being built in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/missing-pieces-of-the-hydropower-jigsaw">Tanahu</a>, but they are also at risk. In September, the sluice gates of Kulekhani Dam had to be opened causing loss of life and destruction downstream. Nepal has to learn lessons from the deadly collapse of the $1 billion <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/sikkim-flood-is-warning-to-nepal">Chungthang Dam in Sikkim</a> in October 2023 cause by a glacial lake burst. Glacial Lake Outburst Floods (GLOFs) in Nepal pose potentially catastrophic risk to infrastructure. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lives-on-the-line-in-the-himalaya">Thame flood in August</a> was a relatively minor debris flow that damaged half of this village in the Everest region when <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">two glacial lakes at 4,760m burst</a>. Luckily there was no loss of life. Of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lives-on-the-line-in-the-himalaya">47 high-risk glacial lakes</a> in the eastern Nepal Himalaya, 21 are in Nepal and the rest are in rivers in China that are tributaries of the Arun and Bhote Kosi where Nepal has major hydropower plants under construction, or planned.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241123021128_b596cd8520c57a6c5476031e7a3ea6510f26b464c4d5351d2bc10f6f7d6b70d8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20241123021128_b596cd8520c57a6c5476031e7a3ea6510f26b464c4d5351d2bc10f6f7d6b70d8" data-rendition-name="original" width="871" height="648" loading="lazy" alt="Page 10-11 map #1236 NT"> </figure>  Global temperature rise is accelerating the melting of Himalayan snow and ice, increasing the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/living-below-nepal-s-melting-mountains">number and size of glacial lakes</a> so that we do not even have names for them. Imja Tso did not even exist in the old trekking maps until 25 years ago, but is now a 2km long lake. “Natural moraine dams in the mountains are weak, and the projects downstream can face major destruction if they burst, and the risk will only increase in future,” warns climatologist Arun Bhakta Shrestha at the <a href="https://www.icimod.org/">International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD)</a>. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/terrifying-assessment-of-a-himalayan-melting">An ICIMOD assessment in 2019</a> projected that if present heating trends continue, as they probably will, the Himalaya will lose two-thirds of our glaciers by the end of this century. “Generally speaking, hydropower developers hand over the project to the government after 30 years but by that time given the climate risks, they may not be an asset anymore,” says Manjeet Dhakal. Indeed, the cascade of expensive projects India is building on the Arun River are supposed to be handed back to Nepal in 25 years, but there is a big ‘if’ about whether they will survive that long. &nbsp;&nbsp; Planning of hydropower projects is still based on historical hydrological data, and does not take into account future temperature rise and its consequences. Investors, on the other hand, say that planning hydropower projects with climate components would make them even more expensive.&nbsp; “It’s not that we aren’t preparing for climate risk, we design keeping in mind the once-in-100-year flood,” says Blon of IPPAN. “But if we start designing based on once in 1,000 years flood, the cost would be so high that we won’t be able to build them at all.” Nonetheless, Subarna Das Shrestha of Sanima Mai Hydropower says that there is no option but to go for climate smart infrastructure despite the higher cost. Sanima Mai's powerhouse, for example, is completely underground. The strategy could also be to spread the risk by building less expensive plants located on rivers all over the country. Nepal is also diversifying away from its sole reliance on hydroelectricity, which at present supplies 92% of the power in the grid. Most of the rest comes from solar plants, where the total potential has not even been scratched. &nbsp; This article is brought to you by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">Nepali Times</a>, in collaboration with <a href="https://inpsjapan.com/en/" target="_blank">INPS Japan</a> and <a href="https://sgi-peace.org/" target="_blank">Soka Gakkai International</a>, in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240630110640_30c3782f9c09219bf1c249b51483a3cfb7a53a06d117d2aebd23ca7080d12758.jpg" data-media-id="editor_21" data-image-id="20240630110640_30c3782f9c09219bf1c249b51483a3cfb7a53a06d117d2aebd23ca7080d12758" data-rendition-name="original" width="680" height="103" loading="lazy" alt="SDG logo"> </figure>  &nbsp;

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