There was a time not long ago when Nepal had a female president, a female Speaker of the House and a female Chief Justice. Women accounted for <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/GUEST-COLUMN/politics-power-women,773">33% of seats</a> in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/parliamentary-arithmetics">Parliament</a> following the provision in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-letter-and-spirit">the 2015 Constitution</a> that mandated at least one-third female representation. It looked like Nepal was way ahead of everyone else in the region and much of the world. But by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people">the 2022 elections</a>, the country regressed. Women were token figures used by male party bosses to use Proportional Representation seats. The increase in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/autumn-of-the-patriarchy,3149">numerical representation of women</a> has not necessarily resulted in substantive changes for citizens.&nbsp; In the 2017 elections, political parties primarily assigned women to the deputy position in local governments with less authority than male chiefs. They treated their nominations as a mere formality, rather than a genuine commitment to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/placing-nepali-women-first-past-the-post">female leadership</a>. The Local Level Election Act 2017 mandated that half the chairpersons/chiefs, vice-chairpersons, or deputy chiefs of municipalities, as well as the chief and deputy chief of District Coordination Committees must be women. However, in the 2022 elections, the parties blatantly disregarded the quotas and deliberately fielded more male candidates. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/voters-cynical-about-electoral-alliances">Electoral alliances and coalitions</a> were more important for party bosses than female representation. The alliance of the Nepali Congress (NC) and CPN (Maoist) parties meant that male candidates got the preference. Women’s representation in municipal positions declined by 20% between the two elections.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.alignplatform.org/sites/default/files/2023-10/nepal_-_jwas.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.com">A briefing note</a> on gender norms in local government and women leaders by Janaki Women Awareness (JWAS) highlights the exceedingly low <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/female-foreign-envoys-on-gender-gap,1189">representation of women </a>in 2017 and 2022. Out of 753 local units, only 18 women were elected as mayors or chairpersons, some of the municipalities just ignored the provision for the deputy to be a woman. Much like other sectors where women face <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/vow-against-vaw">gender-based discrimination and challenges</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-enterprising-women-in-politics">female politicians in Nepal</a> experience the same treatment, if not worse. Many are openly disrespected, not allowed to speak or are barred from performing their duties. Those who are doing well are barely recognised while the likes of Balen Shah and Harka Sampang hog the headlines. All that may be about to change. A group of Nepali feminists have come together to empower<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal"> local women leaders</a>, amplify their influence within political parties and electoral structures to ensure the constitutional right to inclusion is not just promised but realised. The Inter-Generational Feminist Forum (IGFF) has launched a nationwide campaign to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-power-to-have-a-say-in-her-story">secure equal representation for women</a> at all levels of governance, and raise awareness about women’s role in local elections while challenging gender-based discrimination.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025030713030_0e66faccc85b8e821ed7ac9113d7616e3c17c2dcb2cf61e2b48f7ce38400d363.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="2025030713030_0e66faccc85b8e821ed7ac9113d7616e3c17c2dcb2cf61e2b48f7ce38400d363" data-rendition-name="original" width="1599" height="975" loading="lazy" alt="Anupam Abhiyan 2 "> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki “Everyone, including women and men, must jointly work for this initiative if we are to have a better future ahead. Everyone must think of what our responsibility is and what contributions we must make for our upcoming generations,” says Rita Thapa, founder of Tewa and member of IGFF. A travelling caravan called <a href="https://www.studiofreedom.org/women-leadership-anupam.html">Anupam Abhiyan</a> will follow the East-West Highway, visiting grassroots communities to promote women’s empowerment and political participation. <a href="https://www.studiofreedom.org/">Freedom Studio</a>, the campaign’s creative partner, has been producing graphics and multimedia content, documenting the journey through social media platforms. Locally-led parades and marches are being organised in Taplejung, Mustang, Sindhuli, Jumla, Parsa, Ramechhap and other districts. Their slogan ‘८४ मा महिला पहिला’ (Women First in 2027) highlights the focus on bringing judicial, inclusive, and equitable representation of women at all levels in the 2027 elections. Rajya Laxmi Shrestha was one of many women who found their voice and independence. With training from the Women Empowerment Center in Kirtipur, Shrestha began <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=14779">sewing</a> bags, turning her <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/the-return-of-a-master-baker">skills into a source of income </a>and managing her household on her own terms, unlike in the past when she relied on her husband. As the Anupam rally moved through Kirtipur, Rajya Laxmi played the flute and used music to communicate the movement’s message forward. The campaign spreads love and kindness so people are prioritised over power, building a sense of community and emotional attachment to those involved. “Leadership is not a position, it is an attitude. Being a leader and performing leadership duties regardless of being in a leadership position is true leadership,” explains activist Sharu Joshi Shrestha, another IGFF member. Shrestha likens the campaign to a sacred duty, and hopes that it will empower women from all walks of life, especially those from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-marginalised-on-the-margins">marginalised communities</a>. Regardless of legal provisions, politics is inclusive for women only on paper. In reality, it follows an entrenched patriarchal script. The campaign is an example of how women can organise themselves in solidarity and with a sense of purpose to change the way this country is governed.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250308020356_6825169952209d739aa156515636ac901cbb3dac491ee7b569e55c79ef97b51e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_20" data-image-id="20250308020356_6825169952209d739aa156515636ac901cbb3dac491ee7b569e55c79ef97b51e" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Anupam Abhiyan NT"> </figure>  When rallying women step into leadership and claim decision-making power, real change goes a step ahead. Nepali women have already proven to be as good, if not better, managers and leaders. In the rare few wards and municipal councils where both the chair and deputy are women, they have demonstrated better governance and service delivery — even if the two are from different parties. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a> Aditi Adhikari Elsewhere, the lack of women and indigenous engagement in decision making has set back action in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/support-for-reproductive-health-of-nepali-women">reproductive rights,</a> wage equity, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepalis-are-dying-because-they-are-poor">healthcare access</a>, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/alarming-rise-in-violence-against-women">violence against women</a>. Between 23-24 March, the campaign will gather in Padmalaya in Nawalpur with a focus on <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Accountable,842">community health and well-being</a>. The team also holds virtual meetings every Sunday, apart from their grassroots messaging. One of the coordinators of Anupam Abhiyan and founder president of Mitini Nepal Laxmi Ghalan says they also focus on intersectionality such as whether it is a <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/double-affirmation-dalit-women-elected-to-local-bodies-Nepal,3743">Dalit woman</a>, a member of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-is-ahead-of-many-countries-in-lgbtqi-rights">LGBTQIA+ community</a>, or someone from any political background to ensure participation without any bias. “If women can run households, why can’t they run the country?” Ghalan says as she highlights the importance of political engagement: “If we don’t step in at the party level, our voices will go unheard and our issues unresolved. In the upcoming elections, why settle for 33% representation when we can aim for 51%? Women deserve not just token positions but real leadership.” &nbsp;&nbsp;

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Women first in 2027

Nepal’s 2015 Constitution is considered as one of Asia’s most progressive in promoting women's political participation and empowerment. It is one of about 70 countries to adopt gender quotas to encourage women's leadership.
Despite having achieved the 33% target in Parliament, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard">Nepali women continue to be excluded </a>from executive leadership positions, and are underrepresented in Parliament committees and the Cabinet. This prevents them from being involved in the decision-making process that directly affects their lives.
Genuine progress is not possible without a true effort to institutionalise the structures to uplift women and eradicate the symptoms and patterns that have historically marginalised them. Political empowerment of women requires a multi-faceted approach that addresses Nepal’s political and bureaucratic capacity while also challenging societal norms that favour men.&nbsp;
According to <a href="https://data.ipu.org/women-ranking?month=2&amp;year=2023">a report by the Inter-Parliamentary Union</a>, Nepal ranks 54th globally in terms of women's representation in Parliament. Women make up 51% of the total population but comprise only 33.09% of the total parliamentarians. This under-representation limits their ability to effectively advocate for women's rights and interests and contribute to inclusive development.
The current political structures and provisions such as quotas and reserved seats, have not been sufficient in ensuring equal political representation. Women face numerous barriers including cultural and traditional beliefs, economic and educational disparities, and gender-based discrimination. The lack of enforcement mechanisms to ensure implementation further undermines the effectiveness of these provisions.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics">Can Nepal change its male-stream politics</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics">?</a>, Aditi Adhikari
To enhance <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power">women's political representation</a> and address the underlying systemic barriers that prevent their access to leadership positions, the government needs to revise its current legal framework, explore innovative approaches, and demonstrate a commitment to upholding the principles of democracy and gender equality.&nbsp;
An effective solution would be to strive for a first-past-the-post (FPTP) system that reserves 33% of the seats for female candidates. This would promote equal representation of women in Parliament and other decision-making bodies.
Women's political representation was a major concern in the 2022 elections. Women leaders across party lines came together to <a href=" https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-power-to-have-a-say-in-her-story">express collective dissatisfaction</a> with their parties for failing to adhere to the constitutional requirement of female participation and candidacy. They called for their parties to nominate more female leaders through FPTP rather than the proportional representation (PR) system.
This would encourage political parties to nominate more women candidates, as they would have a greater chance of winning under the new electoral system. It would also help address the issue of tokenism, as women would be more likely to be elected based on their merit and qualifications rather than being seen as mere placeholders.
Read Also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power">"Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power"</a>
The implementation of a 33% FPTP system for women would require a constitutional amendment, necessitating the support of two-thirds of the parliamentarians. Given the importance, it would be a worthwhile effort.
A key factor that hindered women's political representation in the 2022 elections was the prevalence of coalition politics. &nbsp;According to Section 17 (4) of the Local Level Election Act-2017, political parties must field a woman candidate for either chief or deputy chief at the local level. But it is only applicable when a party has candidates for both positions.&nbsp;
In a case where a party fields a candidate for only one position, this provision is not applicable.&nbsp;
As parties prioritise their own interests, coalition politics often results in fewer women getting nominated and hence elected. In the 2022 local elections, the electoral alliance between the NC and coalition parties resulted in fewer women being nominated. As a result, 163 local units are now headed by men, and the number of female deputies has decreased from 700 in 2017 to 564.
Tighter laws to discourage coalition politics would help to promote greater accountability and transparency in the electoral process. Parties could be prevented from forming alliances before elections, and they can do that once the poll results are out.&nbsp;
The second proposal is to forbid parties from presenting an imbalanced candidacy if they form an alliance. This would prevent the parties from making backroom deals and compromising on women's representation for the sake of political gain.
Empowering women heavily depends on bureaucratic capacity. This can be achieved by increasing resource allocation to the Ministry of Women, Children, and Senior Citizen, and sending dedicated ministers to elevate its positioning in the Cabinet. By doing this the government's commitment to gender equality and social inclusion can be reflected in its policies and actions.
The Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Industry, Commerce, and Supplies can play a significant role in creating policies that are favourable towards empowering women.
To promote gender equality, existing policies need to be revised through a comprehensive approach. This includes conducting a gender analysis of policies, reviewing and revising them to remove discriminatory language, and incorporating gender-specific targets and indicators.&nbsp;
Diverse groups should be involved in the process, and monitoring and evaluation mechanisms should be placed to <a href="https://www.adb.org/sites/default/files/institutional-document/32237/cga-nep-2010.pdf">track progress</a>. Political literacy can also help women to gain confidence and better understand the landscape.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki
We must think innovatively and focus on strategies that can be effective in both urban and rural areas. It is important to engage with women at the grassroots level and understand their unique challenges and perspectives. This can involve creating awareness campaigns on women's rights and political participation, as well as working with local leaders and stakeholders to address the barriers.
Empowering women through community-led initiatives that can address local issues is crucial. These efforts may include creating local women's groups that can advocate for women's rights and promote their participation in local governance.
By providing access to information, resources, and emotional support, <a href="https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/Headquarters/Attachments/Sections/Library/Publications/2014/Strategy%20Guide%20Political%20Empowerment%20of%20Women%20LAC.pdf">networks can help women</a> overcome barriers and challenges they face in the political arena. They can also amplify women's voices, help them advocate for change, and build alliances and coalitions with other groups.
Promoting economic empowerment through <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-enterprising-women-in-politics">small-scale entrepreneurship</a> and microfinance initiatives can help women gain the necessary skills and resources to become economically independent. When more women take on leadership roles in the economy, it can challenge the traditional notion that men are the sole breadwinners. This can help to break down gender stereotypes and promote gender equality.&nbsp;
The practices, policies, and values of political parties can greatly influence women's participation and representation in politics. Nepali political parties have failed to demonstrate a genuine dedication to promote gender equality in actual practices. This is evident in the leadership hierarchy, selection of candidates, and policies of these parties.
Trends show that women receive insufficient support from within their own parties with a general opposition to a woman occupying executive positions, mostly <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/political-patriarchy">among men</a>.&nbsp;
For instance, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/jumlas-great-leap-into-the-future">Kantika Sejuwal</a> of NC says she faced continual opposition and criticism from her own party when she was vying for nomination for the mayor of Jumla despite having a strong educational background, experience, and extensive networking.
Political parties must ensure that women have equal opportunities to participate in party politics and decision-making processes. They should provide necessary resources and support to women candidates with training and mentorship, financial support, and access to information and networks.
Male solidarity is important here since men dominate political parties in number, and in executive leadership positions. They have more access to resources and command an informal authority. Men in positions of power must prioritise advocating for and actively supporting women's political empowerment.
Nisha Onta is the Executive Director and Pukar Malla is the Chairperson of the Governance Lab.
&nbsp;

Placing Nepali women first past the post

A Member of Parliament operates a fast-food restaurant. Another MP runs a trout hatchery. A female party leader owns a pig farm. All three <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-women-go-from-home-to-house">women are in the business of politics</a>, and they have established and run their own enterprises on the side to augment household income and to backstop their careers. While their male counterparts in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics">local, provincial and federal</a> governments have earned some notoriety for having a conflict of interest because they are also infrastructure contractors, these women <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal">multitask without mixing business with politics</a>.&nbsp; Coffee, avocado and banana  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230314100332_7a5870a2238cf1567a28cc76eedff184b91864c9e900dd8db4aed064296a64f5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20230314100332_7a5870a2238cf1567a28cc76eedff184b91864c9e900dd8db4aed064296a64f5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="devi khadka"> <figcaption>Photo: DEVI KHADKA</figcaption> </figure>  Devi Khadka is a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/guerrilla-turned-member-of-parliament">former guerrilla</a> and Maoist Centre MP from Dolakha who was elected to the Constituent Assembly in 2008. And while she might have once walked the corridors of power in Kathmandu, Khadka is still attached to the roots of her family’s farming profession. &nbsp; In 2008, Khadka established a trout farm in Dolakha, but it was irreparably destroyed during the 2015 earthquake. However, she remained steadfast in her decision to continue her business and began growing tomatoes in greenhouses in Bhaktapur. But while Khadka’s farm thrived, things were not going so well back home in Dolakha, where she was the district in-charge under the erstwhile Nepal Communist Party formed after the merger of the UML and the Maoist Centre. A meeting of elected officials of nine municipalities of Dolakha were worried that subsidised farming and agriculture in general had become all but impossible in the district because of out-migration and low yield. Khadka was determined to do something about it – not through politics but with enterprise. “The decline of agriculture shook me to my core,” Khadka recalls. “I realised that it would be impossible to revive the people's hope and trust in farming unless I did not show them myself that properly done agriculture in Dolakha was still worthwhile.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230314110312_c6dfaed9dfa3fa749e4465979344458f3af67ce6191c2839f71dde6ee9a8d561.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20230314110312_c6dfaed9dfa3fa749e4465979344458f3af67ce6191c2839f71dde6ee9a8d561" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="423" loading="lazy" alt="devi khadka 2"> <figcaption>Photo: DEVI KHADKA</figcaption> </figure>  So, Khadka returned home and set up the Women Floris Agriculture Private Limited in Gaurishankar Municipality, where for the last three years, Khadka and her husband Raj Kumar Shrestha have been growing coffee, avocados and bananas. Along with two other women, she set up the farm with an investment of Rs5 million. The three women are involved full-time in the business and employ 12 men on a part-time basis whenever it is farming season.&nbsp; Khadka juggles this with her role as a Central Committee member of the Maoist party. And while avocado and banana sell mostly in the domestic market, she has successfully negotiated to export her farm’s coffee to South Korea, Australia and Japan and other countries. “The business has not only given me financial independence, it has also made me an ethical politician,” she says. “Because of my business, I am able to engage in politics without resorting to dirty business, I get to demonstrate a high moral standing to my children and ensure that they have a good future.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-in-the-driving-seat">Women in the driving seat</a>, Shristi Karki Fast food and slow fashion  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230314100336_8b919284442cc235aef28995d6a6019c4ae30b59f4909c12a2d38b2eace55d6b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20230314100336_8b919284442cc235aef28995d6a6019c4ae30b59f4909c12a2d38b2eace55d6b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="NABINA LAMA 1"> <figcaption>Photos: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  Nabina Lama was an MP in Nepal’s last Federal Parliament and is currently a central member of the UML. But despite an active political career, Lama owns not only one but two businesses. Her restaurant, Doban Pool Burger House in Kathmandu employs dozens of people. And many more benefit from her clothing store Rimthim Ethnic Collection, where she sells products made out of traditional dhaka and allo fabric. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230314100336_d66df1ecbfe9bd68801a6f79c910b48a6f9fac6abc5772cb8735069fdfc37b7d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20230314100336_d66df1ecbfe9bd68801a6f79c910b48a6f9fac6abc5772cb8735069fdfc37b7d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="NABINA LAMA 2"> </figure>  Lama’s ethnic fashion store is a joint venture with four other women entrepreneurs, and she is a 70% partner in the fast food restaurant. Whenever Lama is busy with her party work, her husband looks after day-to-day business at both outlets. &nbsp; Like Khadka, Lama agrees that entrepreneurship has made her financially self-sufficient and independent. She adds, “Having a business is the only reason I have been able to actively engage in politics.” Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nurture-in-her-nature/">Nurture in her nature</a>, Babita Shrestha Piggery and soap  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230314100336_856e2ee40a5325ef875171139823c68a89637985bde3910396fda3e74dbf736b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20230314100336_856e2ee40a5325ef875171139823c68a89637985bde3910396fda3e74dbf736b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="DHAN KUMARI SUNAR 1"> </figure>  Dhan Kumari Sunar, president of the Women's Organisation of the Scientific Socialist Communist Party of Nepal, operated a pig farm until it collapsed due to poor market management. But she did not let failure get her spirits down. Two years ago, she started the Tillikka Jhol Sabun Udhyog that makes liquid detergent together with Rs120,000 in investments from 12 other women from her party. Sunar took inspiration from her party’s ‘scientific’ ideology of an independent and self-reliant economy to set up her business.&nbsp; “The economic ownership of Nepali women in terms of resources and property is only 26%,” explains Sunar. “Entrepreneurship is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/in-nepal-women-hold-up-more-than-half-the-sky">crucial to women’s freedom</a>, we cannot be truly free until we are financially independent.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20230314100336_02ffdefb8f1a074d28eb890aa7d2c9cf2dcc1c8d22899aff999d9aeb21014566.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20230314100336_02ffdefb8f1a074d28eb890aa7d2c9cf2dcc1c8d22899aff999d9aeb21014566" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="800" loading="lazy" alt="DHAN KUMARI SUNAR 2"> </figure>  Sunar’s business runs on word-of-mouth, and is doing well. But the politician in her is critical of the lack of state support for small businesses, adding that her loan proposal has been stalled. Says Sunar: “The government promises to facilitate self-employment of Nepali youth, but it is not happening on the ground. Powerful middlemen who control businesses seize the loans set aside for women and low-income individuals and communities." Translated from the Himal Khabar <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/134729">original</a> by Shristi Karki.&nbsp; Read also:&nbsp; <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/news/women-moving-nepal-s-climate-activism">Women moving Nepal’s climate activism</a>, Sewa Bhattarai <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/the-women-connecting-nepal">The women connecting Nepal</a>, Sahina Shrestha

Nepal’s enterprising women in politics

The candidacy of Ram Chandra Paudel for Nepal’s next presidency backed by eight parties including the Nepali Congress and Maoist Centre this week is the latest proof (if any is still needed) of Nepal’s entrenched political patriarchy.
The series of backroom deals in the run-up to presidential elections on 9 March was meant to stop K P Oli of the UML from being all-too-powerful two-and-a-half years down the line when his party would have president, prime minister and speaker.
In this quagmire, we are losing a chance to elect a non-political president respected by all Nepalis. In the spirit of national unity and inclusiveness, it was the turn of a candidate from an indigenous community or a Dalit to be the third president of Nepal.
But what we are getting instead is another partisan figurehead who will continue the legacy of Bidya Devi Bhandari to do the bidding of a ruling party -- exactly why a ceremonial post has now become a dealmaker (or breaker).
Paudel’s presidency is probably a foregone conclusion and underscores the gerontocratic patriarchy in which a handful of superannuated incompetent and tainted men have been reshuffling the cards for more than two decades. They will not tire of mansplaining to us that they are just defending democracy and stability.
This is in direct contrast to the people’s strong show of support in the 2022 elections for young, independent leaders, the likes of Rabi Lamichhane, Toshima Karki, Balen Shah and Harka Sampang.
This is a sorry state of affairs for a country that at one time had women in the three topmost positions: Bidya Devi Bhandari as the President, Sushila Karki as the Chief Justice and Onsari Gharti Magar as Speaker.
Women also made up 33% of parliamentarians and, in the 2017 elections, women were elected to every local unit as either a mayor or a deputy mayor, or both.
While many argue that women were mostly confined to ceremonial posts or rarely got to contest the direct election, in 2022 they did not even get to be token women. Indigenous people, minorities and Dalits were even more sidelined as politicians used electoral alliances (between parties with diametrically opposing ideologies) to cheat them out of Constitutional provisions.
It is not surprising, therefore, that women are still unable to provide citizenship in their name to children while celebrities accused of rape wangle get-out-of-jail cards, and get back to business as usual.
Ironically, it is rural Nepal with its limited access to resources and low literacy rate where women are truly growing as leaders. With men away working overseas, women have taken a lead in every sector from community forestry and agriculture to school and health post management committees.
Community forestry, which doubled Nepal’s canopy cover in 25 years, is an internationally recognised model, while the Female Health Volunteers (FCHVs) program is the backbone of community healthcare in the country. In many ways, the feminisation of rural Nepal is empowering Nepali women to take charge by default.
Among the most dramatic successes of the last decades is the decline in childhood malnutrition and maternal mortality rate in Nepal, both of which are inversely correlated to increased literacy of girls.
But of late, progress has stagnated. In some areas, incidences of child marriage, malnutrition and maternal mortality are creeping up again. So, what are we missing?
<h2>Explaining to some men</h2>
Women empowerment needs men to not just accept equality, but make up for historical marginalisation. Most Nepali women are now aware of their rights and potential, many have proven themselves. But the attitude of men towards gender equity has not changed at the same rate. This can mean young men and boys unlearning the culture they have grown up with.
Homemakers are not jobless people. If all of their work was monetised, they would be the biggest earners in most families. A girl child, if given the same opportunity, can be at par, if not above her male counterpart. Educated career women have a more difficult life balancing home and work.
Only when men are educated do they respect all individuals, their choices and decisions. International Women’s Day on 8 March should not just be about women: it is about educating men, the men in our families, in our communities, and society. &nbsp;
Only then can we envision a world that is just and fair to everyone. And maybe then we won't need to mark an International Women's Day anymore.
Sonia Awale

Political patriarchy

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114131140/637238059c7e80680e0c7363jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="366"/>Nepali Congress Joint General Secretary Mahalaxmi Upadhyay recalls how she missed a call from a journalist because she was attending an event.When she called back later, the reporter replied to the Member of Parliament, “I couldn’t reach the party vice-president, so I called you.”Another time, Upadhyay was meeting the press with other women in leadership to brief them on how underrepresented female politicians were in the news media. One editor said he listened to women: he always called up a politician’s wife for inside information.Chanda Chaudhary, an MP from the Loktantrik Samajwadi Party, recalls a well-regarded tv anchor telling her without a hint of regret that there were no women politicians worth inviting to his talk show.Binda Pandey of the UML sees Nepali politics as a revolving door of ageing politicians — mostly male, and some female who behave like men — who are always given office as if there were no one else in the party who deserved it.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-power-to-have-a-say-in-her-story/">The power to have a say in her-story</a>, Shristi KarkiNepal’s women politicians have had enough. They feel so strongly about being excluded that they have banded together across party lines to share these experiences with the media. They have been galvanised into action by their parties once more trying to short-circuit affirmative action policies in the Constitution allowing greater women’s representation in provincial and federal elections on 20 November.Women politicians are on the list, but they are not given tickets to stand for direct elections and are confined to proportional representation registers.In the 2017 elections, 41% of locally elected representatives were female, whereas there was 34% women’s representation in provincial elections. At the federal level, the Upper House has 37% female representatives, while 33.1% of MPs in the House of Representatives are women.The Global Gender Gap Index ranked Nepal 61st out of 155 countries in political participation, and 40th in terms of women in parliament. Nepal is currently one of only 35 countries in the world that has a female head of state or government.Nepalis like to tout positive statistics, and the fact that we have a female president and once had a female Speaker and Chief Justice finds its way into every discourse about gender equality. While these numbers are encouraging, the ground reality of Nepali women politicians is starkly different.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power/">“Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power”</a>, Nepali TimesAfter the May local elections, only 69 out of 753 municipalities and metropolitan cities are led by female chiefs, with most women getting tickets for deputy chief positions because Nepal’s Local Government Act requires at least one female candidate between the chief and deputy chief.Out of the 91 women in Parliament (exactly 33% as per the Constitutional requirement) only seven were directly elected, and the rest through the proportional representation system.Women are getting into the legislative through their quota, but not through direct ballot. Nor are they given decision-making executive roles. Were it not for constitutional mandates and affirmative action policies, they might not even be in those positions.Getting elected is half the battle. Female leaders recount how those nominated through proportional representation are seen by their male counterparts as someone less deserving and competent than those directly elected.What this means is that women in political leadership, just like many Nepali women at home or in the workplace, are expected to be grateful that they were even allowed to enter the Parliament premises.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal</a>, Laxmi BasnetElected women face gendered condescension on a daily basis. They are second choices when it comes to interviews, opinions and media representation. Male leaders are addressed simply by their full names, or by adding जी at the end of their names, while female politicians get addressed as दिदी or बहिनि.All this has forced many women aspiring to political leadership to speak and behave like their male counterparts, often at the expense of their femininity and identity.Maoist Centre MP Anjana Bishankhe is fed up with women trying to make it to the top presenting themselves in a masculine way just to be considered seriously for leadership roles. “Why do I need to change to conform to the patriarchy?” she asks.Women leaders are actively campaigning to compete directly in the election and to be given a 50% seat at the table. But they are up against the formidable patriarchy of their parties.While voters need to be informed and vote for capable female leaders in future elections, political parties need to nominate them for competitive positions first. After that it will be up to the Nepali people to vote more women to office come November.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/">Reward performance</a>, EditorialShristi Karki

Shristi Karki

Affirmative inaction

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/6372171f9c7e80680e0ba9d0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1200" height="600"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>After having served five years in office, Manju Devi Gurung was once again chosen by the UML as its deputy mayor candidate for Pokhara. Gurung had initially opposed her party’s decision because she wanted to contest as mayor, but later re-registered her candidacy.She is one of the many grassroots politicians who are actively pushing back at the male leadership of the parties who consider <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">deputy mayors</a> as incapable of taking on the top post.Indeed, even as the Election Commission records show an increase in the number of female candidates for mayor and rural municipality chair, the appointment of women to top political positions will likely decrease this time.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/baby-on-her-back-dalit-mother-on-campaign-trail/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Baby on her back, Dalit mother on campaign trail</a>, Anita BhetwalIn 2017, seven women were elected mayors and 276 were elected <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">deputy mayors</a>, while 11 female leaders were appointed chairpersons and 424 vice-chairpersons of rural municipalities.While 345 women across the country had run for mayors and rural municipality chiefs in 2017, 466 women have registered their candidacies for the top position this time. Similarly, 3,359 women have filed for the position of deputy mayor and deputy chief, up from 3,291 in the last election.The three biggest parties — UML, Nepali Congress (NC) and the Maoist Centre have put up more female candidates for the top post this time. UML has fielded 27 women for mayors and 28 for village chiefs or chairperson, up from eight and 13 respectively in 2017.The NC had nominated 16 candidates for mayor and 10 <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/baby-on-her-back-dalit-mother-on-campaign-trail/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women candidates</a> for village chair in 2017. This time 12 women have been fielded for mayor and 19 for chairpersons. The Maoists had 17 mayoral candidates and 18 village chair candidates last election. This time, there are 18 mayor hopefuls and 29 women running for village chairs.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/woman-leader-vies-for-top-job-in-local-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Woman leader vies for top job in local polls</a>, Himnath DevkotaIn 2017, the UML had 662 female candidates, NC had 636 and the Maoists had 604 for deputy mayor and deputy chair. This time, the UML has nominated 670 women, NC 475 women, and the Maoists 475.While the UML has slightly increased the number of women nominated for deputy positions, the number of women running for deputy positions from the NC and Maoist Centre have decreased.Political analyst Indra Adhikari says that although the increase in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/woman-leader-vies-for-top-job-in-local-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">female candidates for top local office</a> is a positive step, there is a catch: “Nepal’s female mayors and chairs have done remarkable work in the last five years. Given their achievements and potential, it was natural for the number of women candidates to increase, but they have been sidelined from leadership positions by the central party leadership citing political reasons.”Indeed, the electoral alliance within the governing 5-party coalition led by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur’s Nepali Congress has meant that many municipality tickets are going entirely to male candidates because they are from different parties. There is no constitutional provision to select candidates of different genders in election partnerships.The male-dominated party hierarchy has taken advantage of this loophole to nominate their cronies, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/coalition-collision/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">given women fewer tickets</a>. Says Adhikari: “Women have been given the fundamental right to proportional inclusion by Nepal’s constitution. Yet we do not see that being implemented.”Dila Sangraula Pant, an NC MP, says the number of women candidates has decreased because of the five-party electoral alliance as there are no laws or mandates requiring women to be nominated in election partnerships.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?</a>, Aditi AdhikariMP Amrita Thapa of the Maoist Centre agrees that the current political equation has barred capable women from running for top positions in the local election despite elected women having proven their mettle in the last five years.The number of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women in municipal leadership</a> is also expected to decrease. Adhikari says this is a reflection of the patriarchy’s distrust of female leadership. She wants the 33% female participation rule to apply to mayor and chairperson appointments as well.“Nepal’s political parties and society at large have not yet created an environment in which women can be trusted in key political and leadership roles,” she says. “Male candidates are automatically picked because parties fear that female candidates will bring in fewer votes. Women are not in a position to lobby for tickets, they still do not have access to inheritance, and thus are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">unable to raise election money</a>.”The UML’s Bishnu Rijal admits that Nepali politics has been dominated by men in top leadership positions resulting in male-dominated committees within parties, while women have always been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">relegated to supporting roles</a>. “This is what has led to women candidates being less acceptable to the political leadership at election time. Although women are nominated and contest elections, their participation has not been accepted wholeheartedly. Political parties need internal reform to change this mind set.”

Why fewer women may be elected this time

<img width="800" height="533" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216d49c7e80680e0ba9b6jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Srijana Lama was elected deputy chair of Naukunda Rural Municipality of Rasuwa district five years ago when she was just 22. She is so enthused by what she could achieve in her tenure that she is campaigning to be voted for top job in the 13 May local election.Srijana is from the UML, and is standing against her current boss, Nurbu Sangbo Ghale from Nepali Congress. She believes she can work much better to serve her village, and also continue the social projects she has initiated.Srijana comes from a political family, and has been immersed in local issues from a young age, inspired by her father who was a former ward chair from the UML party.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">Women leaders set example for rest of Nepal</a>, Laxmi BasnetBy the time she was in Grade 8, she was already elected to the student council and was a key member of the UML’s youth association. She was then member of the district committee of the previous Maoist–UML alliance.  Being active in rescue, relief and reconstruction in the Naukunda region which was badly hit in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/lessons-still-not-learnt/">2015 earthquake</a> gave her confidence in her capacity to serve the public, she says.   After being elected as vice-chair in 2017, she mobilised the Judicial Committee and resolved many local disputes from property claims to divorce settlements. Female deputies of municipalities like Srijana across Nepal have proven themselves in the past five years to settle land disputes in Siraha, resolve domestic disputes in Bardia, and Srijana herself has prevented <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-child-marriages-spike-during-pandemic/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">child marriage</a> in Panchthar and addressed domestic violence in Doti. <img width="619" height="624" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216d89c7e80680e0ba9b7jpeg.jpg" alt="">Srijana Lama is a multi-tasker and has also monitored, and laid special emphasis on the education status of her municipality and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/grassroots-democracy-promotes-good-health/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">improving health services</a>. Even though she and the chair were from different parties, she felt that shouldn’t stand in the way of working together for the public good.Even as the two parties drifted apart at the centre and the UML went from being in Nepal’s government to an opposition party, Srijana has still managed to remain committed to her focus on the socio-economic employment of citizens in this scenic but rugged part of Nepal 40km north of Kathmandu.  <img width="552" height="311" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216db9c7e80680e0ba9b8jpeg.jpg" alt=""><img width="552" height="331" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216dc9c7e80680e0ba9b9jpeg.jpg" alt="">“Once elected, we will initiate skills-based trainings to produce women entrepreneurs, clean kitchen programs, and have health insurance for pregnant women,” says Sirjana Lama who plans to rescue <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/in-nepal-lockdown-a-domestic-violence-spike/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women facing domestic violence</a>, start a legal aid women protection fund, and  begin women prosperity and development programs.In her new electoral platform, Lama has now included <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/few-jobs-created-by-nepal-employment-drive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">youth-centered program</a> so that jobs are created locally and young men and women do not have to migrate to the cities or abroad for work.What matters most to people of Naukunda are jobs, proper roads, farming support, health and education, which Sirjana Lama intends to continue if she is elected as chair for the next five years.Her goals include <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18019#.YnH789NBz0s">building and maintaining roads</a>, bridges, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/decentralising-hydropower/">hydropower plants</a> and giving <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/corruption-and-nepals-chronic-fertiliser-crisis/">subsidies to farmers</a> as well as finding access to market for produce. <img width="1094" height="570" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637216de9c7e80680e0ba9bajpeg.jpg" alt="">“The village has a lot of resources compared to other rural municipalities, and it can be utilised through agriculture, small businesses and building infrastructures to promote it,” says Srijana.Her main goal if elected is to utilise Naukunda’s abundant water resources by bottling and selling it in Kathmandu to generate revenue to fund her projects. “Just the income and self-reliance that this will bring our community will be huge,” she says.Lama is currently pursuing a Master degree in Political Science and Bachelors of Law (LLB) in Kathmandu, and she feels that having educated women in leadership positions will improve governance.  In the five years since transitioning into the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">federal system</a>, Nepal’s  local governments, especially <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/">women leaders have garnered much trust</a> among voters.A new constitutional provision meant that in the 2017 election, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/">many deputy mayors and chairs were women</a>, with some municipalities even having female mayors and deputy mayors.Although many want to stand for mayor and chair in this election, coalition compromises for candidacies will probably mean there will be fewer women leading municipalities and wards.Despite this, Srijana Lama is confident about her ability and optimistic that her voters will reward her with another term.Translated by Aria Parasai from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/129560">Nepali original</a> in himalkhabar.comRead more: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/">Deputies drive development in rural Nepal</a>, Laxmi Basnet

Woman leader vies for top job in local polls

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/63720a1c9c7e80680e0b5583jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>When we had a baby, just a few weeks ahead of the first lockdown in 2020, my husband and I had to make some difficult decisions about how to manage childcare and work. We wanted to be around our child in his initial years as much as possible, but we were also not ready to give up work.A few things, including the pandemic and the fact that financially we were able to work part-time, permitted us to spend our child’s first year primarily as his caregivers. When I went back to work a year after giving birth, my husband continued to stay home as the primary caregiver. Which made me think, what if everyone had that opportunity?Nepal’s family leave policies are the bare minimum, with men just getting two weeks paid leave and women two months, and an extra 38 days unpaid for every child. Many women risk losing their livelihood and their jobs when they extend their leave.Data shows that 90% of working women are informally employed, which means they do not have formal contracts, to begin with, so their employers are not mandated by law to provide any kind of family leave.As a young mother, I realise the importance of legally mandated family leaves for all parents, not just for white-collar professionals. But what I also realised is that while family leave is beneficial for children, and has advantages for society as a whole, it is uncomfortable for many people who have been raised in traditional families.Issues like family leave may seem contentious in current policy discourse, but to modern women who do a disproportionate amount of housework and childrearing, and also participate in paid employment, it is of utmost importance.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi KarkiIssues like family leave and<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/leave-no-one-behind-gender-roles,858" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> equal pay</a> are reasons why we need more women in leadership and policy-making roles. Research and real-life situations have shown over and over that the participation of women in legislative bodies improves deliberation and decision-making.This is not a surprise. People of diverse backgrounds are likely to have different life experiences, be affected by different problems, and see the same social issues from unique standpoints.But the participation of women in politics improves decision-making not just regarding women’s issues, but also in matters that affect men and children. Studies have found that women in elected roles also make decisions that reflect the priorities of ethnic/ racial minorities.There is also evidence from India that shows that women politicians invest more in health and education when elected. Women parliamentarians are also known to work more effectively across party lines through women’s caucuses and push through agendas.In May 2020, a video of Jhowa BK, a member of the Karnali Provincial Assembly, speaking about its government’s policies and plans for the next fiscal year, went viral. It was clear from the video that BK is not a seasoned politician or an experienced orator. In the speech itself, she says she is not formally educated.But while there was some mockery of her speech, or of the fact that an illiterate woman was an elected representative, there was widespread appreciation of BK’s heartfelt comments, and of the fact that in our provincial and local governments, we have representatives who are grounded in the realities of the people who voted them to office.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power/">"Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power"</a>, Nepali Times<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/63720a1f9c7e80680e0b5584jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="1051"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Indeed, it is no small feat that we have representatives from diverse backgrounds in federal and provincial parliaments as well as local governments, thanks to the 2015 Constitution and our election laws.Over 40% of the members of the local government assemblies are women. In fact, the Local Governance Operation Act mandates that every body of the local governments have representation from women. But it stops there.The patriarchal biases that we hold, and our male-stream political parties mean that women, especially those from minority groups, are seen as less capable of leadership than men from high caste groups. We can see a snapshot of these biases in the chairs of Nepal’s 753 local governments. Only 18 of them are women.The Local Level Election Act 2017 mandates that each political party must field one man and one woman candidate for the positions of chairperson and deputy chairperson of the local governments. Most political parties, however, fulfilled the requirement put forward by the Local Level Election Act by nominating women for deputy positions.According to the Voices of Women Media’s Women in Leadership infographics booklet, only 7 of 293 municipalities (2.39%) have female Mayors and only 11 of 460 Rural Municipalities have female chairs (also 2.39%).These are positions that there were no quotas for. In fact, despite an electoral system that promotes diversity in legislative bodies, over 40% of mayors/chairs and ward chairs are from dominant caste groups. We also see these biases when we look at the central committee of Nepal’s political parties.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/">All politics is local</a>, Sahina ShresthaSimilarly, despite quotas ensuring the proportional inclusion to women, ethnic minorities, and other under-represented groups in the bureaucracy and other state bodies, there are lots of nuances behind the numbers.According to the Women in Leadership, women also are underrepresented in the upper ranks of the bureaucracy. Only four Chief District Officers and three District Coordination Officers are women (out of 77).Women are also underrepresented in the decision-making positions of the security forces, in the higher levels of the judiciary (the Supreme Court, High Courts, as well as District Courts), and in non-governmental organisations and the media. It is no surprise then, that our problems and their solutions are seen from the male gaze.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101128/63720a239c7e80680e0b5585jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="449">There are also biases against women leaders within the legislative bodies/local governments, especially those who are elected through the proportional election system. They are seen as token representatives who are elected because of their demographic characteristics, as members who represent special interests because of their gender.They are subjected to discrimination within their workplaces, and their authority on issues that are seen as mainstream, such as the economy and infrastructure are questioned even by their fellow representatives.Because the proportional electoral system is designed to bring people from less advantaged groups into leadership roles, candidates elected through the proportional system are often less educated than their counterparts who come from privileged groups.This makes it difficult for these women to participate confidently in deliberation. Being elected to office is only the beginning of the struggle for many women politicians.To be sure, elected women officials are subjected to differential behaviour based on gender bias not just in Nepal but the world over. Even Angela Merkel, one of the most powerful women today who was Chancellor of Germany from 2005 to 2021 and led the European Union through many of its recent trials, has been undermined by her male counterparts, such as Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump. But Merkel’s leadership has also proved to much of the world that women are just as capable as men.Part of the skepticism of women leaders comes from the fact that we see them as representing only the issues of women, but that is not true. On the other hand, it shows just how biased we are that we have that kind of discourse only in the case of women leaders.No one questions a male politician working only for the welfare of men, because men’s issues, we have been conditioned to think, are our common issues. But the moment you bring up family leave and equal wages, you are a ‘women’s parliamentarian’.Nonetheless, the voice of women must be raised and heard in local, provincial, and federal decision-making. As more women and candidates from minority groups are elected into decision-making bodies, their presence in the governments and their participation in deliberation and decision-making will start feeling more and more normal.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Think nationally, vote locally</a>, EditorialWomen who aspire to start a career in politics or move from the ward levels to the municipal levels, and from the municipal to provincial and federal levels will also see other female politicians as role models, and find mentors in more seasoned women leaders.In fact, BK herself has mentioned in interviews that the encouragement of another female politician finally led her to speak up.At this important moment in Nepal’s history, it is up to us whether or not we decide to have more inclusive governments at the local, provincial, and federal levels. There is no evidence that highly educated, well-spoken parliamentarians make better decisions for people’s welfare.Historically, our heavily male and ‘high-caste’ legislators have not prioritised formulating policies that reduce gender, class, and caste disparities, nor they have been unable to develop frameworks to promote sustainable economic growth, promote the health and education infrastructure, and create functional social security.Having more diverse and representative parliaments and local governments will therefore add dimensions to the deliberations that happen in our legislative bodies, and result in better decision-making.Come May, we will have to decide whether our elected bodies should resemble a little bit more like our society, or whether the same Ram, Shyam, and Hari Uncles continue making decisions for the whole lot of us, even though our problems and priorities are widely variable.This time, ward-level minority leaders might file their candidacy for a municipality chair or deputy. Women and minority leaders who were elected in the last election may file their candidacy as FPTP candidates, or as independent candidates if their parties refuse to give them a ticket.This is our chance to make our local governments look more inclusive and less tokenistic.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/">Power to the periphery</a>, Sonia Awale<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101128/63720a249c7e80680e0b5586jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="89" height="109">Aditi Adhikari is an educator and education policy researcher/consultant based in Kathmandu

Can Nepal elections change its male-stream politics?

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161148/636d1d309c7e80680e0af39cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="359"/><figcaption>Photo: RSS</figcaption></figure>Garima Shah was a candidate from the UML party twice in the 2008 and 2017 elections. She lost both times but was elected to the House through the Proportional Representation (PR) system in the 2013 polls.She entered the political arena as a student leader in the post-Panchayat period, but in 2009 she had to sell her private school to pay off the piling election debt. Today she is Far-Western Province in-charge for the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-post-breakup-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">breakaway CPN (Unified Socialists)</a>.But even as Nepal’s political parties and leaders hit the campaign trail ahead of the next election in 2023, Shah has been living with the financial consequences of her two unsuccessful runs for office.“We have to think twice even if we were allowed to run for office this time around, with the burden of election expenses,” says Shah. “Securing election funding is a struggle for women leaders across the country.”Costly elections have had a direct impact on women campaigning for office. Indeed, the number of women elected to office has steadily declined during each of Nepal’s three post-conflict Constituent Assembly elections: from 197 in 2008 to 176 in 2013.Similarly, 90 women were elected to office in 2017, only six of whom were selected through the first past the post system.While direct elections are for Nepal’s male politicians, it seems women are only able to get into the legislature through the proportional representation quota.“Money is the main reason why parties do not trust us women in elections, which means capable women are unlikely to come forward and run,” says a UML leader who did not want to be named.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/post-convention-uml-eyes-set-on-elections/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Post-convention, UML sets eyes on elections</a>, Santa Gaha MagarFormer Minister Kamala Roka of the Maoist Centre was elected to Parliament from East Rukum in 2017, but the debt she incurred during her election campaign is a constant source of worry.“My expenses were relatively low compared to the others, but I still have not been able to pay off the money we spent to feed and accommodate staff,” she says.Roka realised that minorities including women, Dalits and Nepal’s low-income communities would face an uphill battle in elections because the environment is not conducive to people from those communities who might decide to run for office.“If our electoral system continues to operate this way, only the rich and powerful, political contractors and brokers can afford to run and win elections in Nepal,” she adds.Women MPs are so heavily in debt that they cannot afford to stay in Kathmandu even with the allowance for legislators.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepali-leaders-unable-to-accept-women-in-power/">“Nepali leaders unable to accept women in power”</a>, Nepali Times“A good chunk of money goes towards rent, travelling to my constituency, paying a levy to the party, supporting various causes and organisations — which my salary and allowances are not able to cover,” adds Roka.Asha Kumari BK is an MP from Bajhang, and says that her monthly expenses including travel back and forth from Kathmandu and contributions to the party average Rs85,000 every month against her MOP allowance of Rs64,000.“Running for elections is impossible for Nepali women, excepting few, in the current climate,” she says. “If this continues, no honest politician can afford to stand for office.”MP Tham Maya Thapa was elected from Myagdi in Nepal’s first election under the multi-party system in 1991. “In those days, we would be fed by the families we met along the campaign trail, and if there was nothing else, there was always roasted corn and beans that we would always bring with us,” recalls Thapa.Despite that, she defeated her opponent by 5,000 votes. Thapa says there is no way she can afford to campaign these days.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/battle-lines-drawn-for-nepal-elections/">Battle lines drawn for Nepal elections</a>, Nepali TimesSalma Khatun, a former journalist who is now the deputy chief of Pokhariya Municipality of Parsa, has also taken out loans to pay for expenses after being elected to office.“Campaigning in 2023 is going to cost a million rupees at the least," says Khatun, considered by many to be the mayoral or state parliamentarian contender to watch in the upcoming election. “I had financial support from my family in the last election, but how long am I going to ask them to shoulder such a burden?”Khatun and Asha Kumari BK agree that there is no place for integrity in Nepali politics given the financial constraints faced by many elected and hopeful leaders.“I have seen many capable women decide not to run for office once they realise how costly it is,” says Khatun. “Parties pick candidates based on their electability determined by how much money they have and are willing to spend. Leaders who are actually willing to put in the work are not considered at all.”Minister for Women, Children and Senior Citizens Uma Regmi has run for office multiple times, and the Nepali Congress leader says that even after elections are fought and won, women leaders have to keep paying back loans for a long time.She has been advocating a fully proportional electoral system and adds that elections have become a hotbed for corruption, concluding that the first past the post system is actually undermining democracy.Kamala Roka is also a proponent of a fully proportional electoral system. The leader from the Maoist Centre party says: “If we want to elect dedicated leaders who have made great sacrifices to serve the people then all of Nepal’s political parties must actively work on an alternative to Nepal’s current electoral system.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Women leaders seen, but not heard</a>, Shristi Karki

Is democracy too expensive for Nepal?

The newly-formed Himalayan Art Council is set to launch Nepal’s National Art Protection Platform that seeks to preserve <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-history-of-heritage">Nepal’s unique cultural heritage </a>using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/artificial-censorship"> AI-powered tools</a>. The Council seeks to safeguard <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-art-going-places">Nepali art works</a> from neglect, theft and counterfeiting as well as preserve existing artwork and celebrate living masters by giving them a cultural space to continue the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/sacred-survival">sacred art traditions</a>. "We are introducing a new digital platform designed to preserve, verify and elevate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-new-generation-of-alternative-artists">Nepal’s art for generations to come,</a>” says a statement from the Council, adding that the digital platform will use AI told for authentication and blockchain to keep track of works of art. Artists can now be protected by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/ayo-ai?fbclid=IwAR1uwmTVq4gUB70ljfRezjzukD9ArWXPuMnUikopeQ8PoiZMjicToPSwhKE&amp;=1">AI tools</a> that detect forgeries, identify their work even when unsigned, and ensure they receive proper recognition and credit. The archives will be searchable with translated inscription and interactive guides. Says curator Meena Lama: “AI and blockchains are tools that give us the power to detect fakes and identify unsigned paintings and track every piece. With these tools we can restore trust, secure authorship and give artists the dignity they deserve.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250514170544_2ab58f6313c0458f75114a692b0016bd9efb3b59d5f8f07f0da72e1e37b82f53" data-rendition-name="original" width="1300" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum."> <figcaption>Artwork at the Traditional Art Exhibition at Patan Museum.</figcaption> </figure>  The Council is also holding an exhibition of Nepali cultural masterpieces with 50 historical <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Buzz-the-art,671">thangka and paubha </a>by past masters and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/between-the-sacred-and-everyday">contemporary works by current artists</a>. This curated collection is a living tribute to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/when-yaks-go-so-does-culture">Himalayan culture</a> with economic depictions of deities, mandala and sacred narratives. The exhibition at <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/a-portal-into-patan-s-past-and-present">Patan Museum</a> also provides an opportunity to meet painters and custodians of art and culture. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/golden-deities">Golden deities</a>, Sewa Bhattarai ‘The exhibition is only the first step in a long journey to ensure that Nepali art is no just seen but fully understood, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Narratives-of-Faith-and-Memory-Remembering-the-Lost-Sculptures-of-Kathmandu-exhibition,987">protected and remembered</a>,’ the Council says. Artist Kailash K Shrestha of Artudio has spent decades promoting thankha and paubha traditions because of their beauty and devotional meaning. But he also says artists are underpaid, exploited and ignored. He adds, “AI and blockchain are not just buzzwords, they are powerful tools that can protect Nepal’s artists from fraud, verify authenticity and build a permanent record of provenance.” Traditional Art Exhibition Till 17 May Patan Museum

Digital protection for Nepal’s art

India and Pakistan are twins separated at birth. Tensions between them have been at a hair trigger ever since independence and has erupted into full scale conflict at least four times in the past 80 years.
The 22 April terrorist attack in Kashmir that killed 25 Indian tourists and a Nepali citizen, threatens to escalate tension between the two nuclear-armed nations. India has squarely blamed Pakistan for the attacks, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given his military “operational freedom” to respond. Pakistan has said it has credible intelligence of an Indian military strike and its officials have promised a “full spectrum” response — a code for a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/thinking-the-thinkable">nuclear retaliation</a>.
For Nepal, the killing of its national in the Pahalgam attack comes as another stark reminder that in conflicts from Afghanistan to Iraq, from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-to-agree-an-armistice-in-ukraine">Ukraine</a> to Israel, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/10-nepalis-from-one-town-fighting-in-ukraine">Nepalis are getting caught in the crossfire</a>. The last time full-scale fighting broke out between <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/peacemongers-at-india-pakistan-border">India and Pakistan</a> on Kargil in 1999, at least 22<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-s-trial-by-fire-for-soldiers-from-nepal?%27%5C%22="> Nepalis fighting for the Indian Army</a> were killed in action.
Three of Nepal’s immediate neighbours (China, India, Pakistan) have nuclear weapons, and they do not have good relations. With China supplying weapons, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/war-and-warming">missile technology</a> and other support to Pakistan, this triangular friction could set off a regional conflagration.&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s43016-022-00573-0" target="_blank">Research at Rutgers University</a> has calculated that even a week-long tactical nuclear exchange between India and Pakistan would throw up so much smoke and debris into the atmosphere that it would block out the sun for years, and lead to a collapse of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/grow-nourish-sustain-together-world-food-day">global food system</a>. This does not take into account the radioactive fallout that prevailing winds would blow up to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lives-on-the-line-in-the-himalaya">the Himalaya</a>, contaminating glaciers that are the sources of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-what-is-left-of-himalayan-rivers">Asia’s main rivers</a>.
The impact of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">climate breakdown </a>on High Asia was already ringing alarm bells about its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/himalayan-icecap-melting-faster-than-thought">shrinking ice cap</a> reducing the dry season flow of water downstream. Water was going to be the next strategic commodity, geopolitical experts warned, and the next wars in Asia would be over water.
That water war is already happening. India retaliated to the Kashmir attack by suspending the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/24/world/asia/india-pakistan-indus-waters-treaty.html" target="_blank">Indus Waters Treaty</a> of 1960 mediated by the World Bank that has withstood at least three wars between India and Pakistan. The treaty gives India control over the three eastern tributaries of the Indus (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Beas_River" target="_blank">Beas</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ravi_River" target="_blank">Ravi</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sutlej" target="_blank">Sutlej</a>), while Pakistan got water from the Indus and two of its western tributaries (<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indus_River" target="_blank">Indus</a>, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chenab_River" target="_blank">Chenab</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jhelum_River" target="_blank">Jhelum</a>.
Pakistan was assured of 70% of the annual flow, and India could use a reasonable amount of water for<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15231"> irrigation and hydropower</a>. &nbsp;Within days of its threat, India stopped water flowing down to Pakistan from the Chenab river and is reportedly preparing to do the same on the Jhelum.
The sabre-rattling has reached a crescendo. Besides threats and counter-threats there are also symbolic drills, with the Indian Air Force practicing landing on an expressway in Uttar Pradesh by its Rafale, Su-30 and Jaguar fighter jets to demonstrate ‘operational readiness’. In response Pakistan test-fired its Abdali ballistic missile that can carry a nuclear warhead and has a range of 450km.&nbsp;
The danger is that with ultra-nationalist rhetoric and the beating the war drums by both sides, India’s government and Pakistan’s military may have to ‘do something’ to appease domestic public opinion. But any tactical strike, an artillery exchange, or territorial incursion could quickly escalate out of control.
Expecting an Indian retaliation for the Pahalgam killings, Pakistan is using<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/interfaith-collaboration-for-nuclear-disarmament"> nuclear deterrence </a>and warning of “catastrophic consequences”. The two neighbours came close to a nuclear exchange in 2019 after an attack on the Indian military in Kashmir, and prompt international intervention led by the United States cooled tensions.&nbsp;
This time, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump administration</a> is too distracted and not as engaged. Pakistan has denied it was responsible for the terrorist attack and called on Washington to stop a possible Indian retaliation. India and Pakistan have stopped overflights by each other’s airlines, and some international carriers have even stopped flying over Pakistan fearing an air war.
Washington, Beijing, the UN and the EU have all urged restraint. Iran, which has good relations with both India and Pakistan has sent its foreign minister to urge both countries not to go into a tit-for-tat war. Iran has its own nuclear flashpoint to worry about with tensions in Israel, &nbsp;Yemen and Syria.
India and Pakistan both share similar problems of joblessness, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/why-nepal-s-poverty-rate-is-stuck">poverty </a>and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/climate-change-new-threat-to-nepal-s-rhinos">environmental threats</a>. Neither side needs the threat of a senseless war, and we in the neighbourhood do not need it either.&nbsp;
Kunda Dixit
This Editorial is brought to you by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">Nepali Times</a>, in collaboration with <a href="https://inpsjapan.com/en/" target="_blank">INPS Japan</a> and <a href="https://sgi-peace.org/" target="_blank">Soka Gakkai International</a>, in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.

Nukes in the neighbourhood

Most Nepalis thought they had seen the last of it after <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/11-56-25-april-2015-wkc9q2an">the 25 April 7.8 magnitude </a>earthquake ten years ago. But the Himalaya had more surprises in store. On 12 May, another 7.3 magnitude tremor that some said was an aftershock, but was strong enough to itself be a major earthquake, struck Dolakha.&nbsp; Not many people had heard of Singati till then — a cluster of houses by the Tama Kosi River along a narrow gorge that is the roadhead to Rolwaling Valley.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_57b6e316656851f71eca56ca6f98d9bbcc820c1a00d62af3c990725b4361244d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250508110520_57b6e316656851f71eca56ca6f98d9bbcc820c1a00d62af3c990725b4361244d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_016534fb2b6a79957402281cda768efb83a146786377e39e11df3e251d37159e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250508110520_016534fb2b6a79957402281cda768efb83a146786377e39e11df3e251d37159e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>  It was here that dozens were killed on 25 April in the first earthquake. Hundreds of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Singati-rising-from-rubble-rebuilding,3703">Singati survivors</a> had lined up for food and relief supplies in the morning of 12 May when the second earthquake triggered a rock slide that buried a nearby camp. At least 50 people were killed. &nbsp; Three hours later, a US Marine Corps UH-1Y Venom helicopter landed in a nearby cornfield to pick up the wounded, and flew off. The aircraft lost contact with air traffic control in Kathmandu and its wreckage was located high on Kalinchok four days later. Six American servicemen, two Nepal Army soldiers, and five wounded civilians from Singati were killed. Today, Singati bears little physical scar of the multiple tragedies that struck the town ten years ago. Most <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/bungamati-builds-back">houses have been rebuilt</a> as urban-style concrete structures, and Singati has become an economic hub on the road leading up to several hydropower plants and a<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/off-the-beaten-trek-in-nepal"> popular trekking destination</a>.&nbsp; The town looks less like a village and more like a suburb of the Dolakha district headquarter of Charikot, 47km away.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_196f341d1df1403ba133e5dfeb837eec20d7cbcb4c8c56b17cc5598810de5df2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250508110520_196f341d1df1403ba133e5dfeb837eec20d7cbcb4c8c56b17cc5598810de5df2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110524_ae66c4a92430f67db51b5e11e017059eedfbac4cb18c8e073f2a50cca1fe904e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250508110524_ae66c4a92430f67db51b5e11e017059eedfbac4cb18c8e073f2a50cca1fe904e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> </figure>  “The demand for construction material, cement, iron rods and bricks peaked after the earthquakes,” says Suresh Khadka, who owns a hardware business here and now supplies material to the 456MW Upper Tama Kosi hydropower project that is undergoing repairs after it was damaged by a landslide last year. The demand for cement boomed since most residents believe, not necessarily correctly, that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/in-a-disastrous-state">cement houses are safer</a>. Although Khadka did well selling construction material after the earthquake, he worries that most new structures do not follow seismic-resistant building codes.&nbsp; The construction boom financed by bank loans has in turn forced many from Singati to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/making-overseas-migration-better">migrate overseas for work</a> so they can service their debt.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110524_50caa4530bd5ff9120cf7ab70a62173846d337ef448ff8bac339f3faa375a9e2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250508110524_50caa4530bd5ff9120cf7ab70a62173846d337ef448ff8bac339f3faa375a9e2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> <figcaption>Suresh Khadka</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_ef8b7d3993fc3b5df852bbf952feb3fbabc96d6883b0d5eb74ee5c60f4123b83.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250508110520_ef8b7d3993fc3b5df852bbf952feb3fbabc96d6883b0d5eb74ee5c60f4123b83" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> <figcaption>Phu Doma Sherpa (right)</figcaption> </figure>  “My family had no choice but to borrow money to rebuild our home since the government compensation was not enough, and ten years later we are still paying off the loan,” says Phu Doma Sherpa, 60. Because of the shortage of qualified masons and proper seismic engineering, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/structural-problems">many of the buildings are of questionable building standards </a>and the traditional architecture has been abandoned, admits Kul Bahadur Budathoki, deputy chair of the municipality. “But these buildings were more expensive than what the government grants could cover, many people here are heavily in debt and the men have <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/every-day-is-closer-to-pay-day">migrated to the Gulf to pay their loans</a>,” Budathoki says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250508110520_32f89e97b7e757fc9286c0bbb671f48ea8d4468e9634fa646d7247c650ad8480.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250508110520_32f89e97b7e757fc9286c0bbb671f48ea8d4468e9634fa646d7247c650ad8480" data-rendition-name="original" width="1501" height="1079" loading="lazy" alt="Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village NT"> <figcaption>Kul Bahadur Budathoki</figcaption> </figure>  Singati is in a multi-hazard zone. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Singati,3091">12 May 2015 earthquake </a>could have led to the collapse of Nepal’s largest glacial lake, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/stairway-to-heaven">Tso Rolpa</a>, upstream. Due to global warming, the glacier has turned into an expanding lake 3.5km long, and its collapse would have unleashed a catastrophic Himalayan tsunami down the Tama Kosi Valley, with Singati directly in its path. Singati has literally risen from the ashes of 2015, with its residents beginning to recover from the trauma and financial toll. But it is not out of danger as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/climate-breakdown-linked-to-thame-flood">climate breakdown </a>magnifies the risk from future earthquakes.

Climate magnifies earthquake risk in Nepal village

The streets of Patan are alive this month with lavender jacaranda trees under rain-washed skies as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-red-god-rises-again-in-patan">the chariot of Rato Matsyendranath</a> is pulled across town. This is the festival of the rain god, and inevitably the heavens opened up and pre-monsoon showers pelted the chariot as it started being pulled in Pulchok last week. Thousands of devotees, onlookers and the chariot procession organisers thronged the streets on the first day last week. The rhythmic cymbals and drums exuded a vibrant energy as the enormous four wheels turned and the chariot lurched.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025051007050_81df97744db16f732a419dc1f1579d235ce3df37642b078f50b83bd4bd026688.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025051007050_81df97744db16f732a419dc1f1579d235ce3df37642b078f50b83bd4bd026688" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1503" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  The<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Red-rain-god,3141"> red rain god</a> has Hindu and Buddhist antecedents, alternatively called Bungadya and<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-gravity-defying-chariot-festival"> Karunamaya</a> — reflecting Kathmandu Valley’s syncretic mixture of the two religions.&nbsp; “Bungadya is a profoundly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/marketing-the-intangible">intangible form of heritage</a>,” explains heritage expert Monalisa Maharjan. “It embodies traditional knowledge,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/reviving-nepal-s-craft"> artisanal skills passed down through generations</a>. Local communities and specific families have specified roles in being custodians of the heritage, ensuring their survival over the centuries.” There are many legends and stories about this annual tradition. Lichhavi king Narendra Dev is supposed to have brought Rato Matsyendranath from Assam to Kathmandu Valley to convince Guru Gorakhnath to lift a spell that created a two-year drought in Kathmandu.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250510050520_347a9a398f8a9abc4a7fb4e2774fde8264cccbdce8bdab23851ab3f0e73c3e8a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250510050520_347a9a398f8a9abc4a7fb4e2774fde8264cccbdce8bdab23851ab3f0e73c3e8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1503" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  Matsyendranath was Gorakhnath’s mentor, and upon seeing him, the serpents were released, unleashing the rains. The chariot festival honours the return of this life-giving rain. The deity is seen as an icon for thriving agriculture, t<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/before-the-next-monsoon">he arrival of monsoon</a> showers, and the welfare of the community. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-reign-of-the-god-of-rain">The reign of the god of rain</a>, Vidhu Prakash Kayastha Till this day, the Rato Matsyendranath festival is no ordinary celebration. Patan does not sleep for a month as the chariot is pulled through various neighbourhoods. It unfolds at a state level with the president (formerly the king) attending the climax of the Bhoto Jatra in Jawalakhel later this month.&nbsp; The intergenerational transmission of tradition is unique in the world, and the reason the festival is one of the most vibrant cultural expressions that thrives despite inroads of modernity. The other unique aspect is that it is a transnational festival, binding Patan with Guwahati in the Indian state of Assam.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025051005058_8bc685ada13045d863b28e3eed91c931da2b510714586af6fd7eb5d1e298a24a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2025051005058_8bc685ada13045d863b28e3eed91c931da2b510714586af6fd7eb5d1e298a24a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1503" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  “Unlike Nepal, where the deity commands grandeur and devotion, many in Assam are unaware of Rato Matsyendranath,” says Khagen Sharma of Gauhati University, which convened <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-assam-connection-revived">a symposium in February in Guwahati on the rain god</a>. Attending was a delegation led by Lalitpur Mayor Chiribabu Maharjan, organisers of the festival, and builders of the chariot. After the symposium, a committee was formed to explore and revive the tradition in Assam as well. Although the team had planned to visit Nepal this month, logistical challenges delayed the trip. Still, there are plans to build a Guru Matsyendranath statue in Assam to reestablish regular worship practices in the Guwahati shrine.&nbsp; The vines used to build the chariot in Patan are sourced from the jungles of Assam. But Sharma notes that in recent years unclear regulations have blocked the official import of the vines, although they are still brought to Nepal informally. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/makers-of-machhindranath,2204">chariot making</a> has also had a taste of modernisation in recent times. In the past, even a single nail or piece of steel was avoided. But over time, the wooden structure, particularly the shaft between the wheels, has been replaced with bronze. When that too proved unstable, metal clamps were introduced, which have become a pragmatic compromise.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250510050524_b2a819a5791612f14c81d30fc393dbd3f99f0c64b90a9110e8b0855d944bfa93.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250510050524_b2a819a5791612f14c81d30fc393dbd3f99f0c64b90a9110e8b0855d944bfa93" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="998" loading="lazy" alt="Divine chariot"> </figure>  Another welcome change is the focus on safety. Builders climbing the chariot’s tower now wear harnesses and there are efforts in crowd control. The most visible change in recent years has been the involvement of Patan’s enthusiastic youth in the festival — the tradition is now passing to a new generation. Says Matsyendranath expert Vidhu Kayastha: “There is more energy, the young people in red t-shirts this year were very organised, these modern touches aren’t diluting our culture, they’re keeping it alive in new forms.” He adds, “We are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/searching-for-a-homeland-away-from-home">reconnecting with our roots</a>, we have more resources, more awareness than ever before. We must not be swept away by western values that may not serve us, and in some ways, cause more harm than good. We must revive our own culture.”&nbsp;