The closure of the Strait of Hormuz has triggered what the International Monetary Fund <a href="https://www.imf.org/en/blogs/articles/2026/03/30/how-the-war-in-the-middle-east-is-affecting-energy-trade-and-finance" target="_blank">calls</a> a “global yet asymmetric” rupture, disrupting the flow of roughly one-quarter of oil, one-fifth of liquefied natural gas, and one-third of fertilizer supplies. Energy and fertilizer prices have risen, supply chains have rerouted, and financial conditions have tightened unevenly around the world.&nbsp;
Import-dependent economies in Asia, Africa, and parts of Europe have been hit hardest, with many facing higher bond spreads and credit downgrades. As central banks weigh their responses to surging fuel and food prices, the rise in global interest rates is squeezing what little fiscal and policy space developing countries still have.&nbsp;
But if the ‘Hormuz shock’ has laid bare economic vulnerabilities, it has also illuminated something else: the stark differences in how countries absorb turbulence. One of the most salient fault lines in the world nowadays is not simply between oil-exporting and oil-importing countries, but between countries whose energy systems leave them exposed and those who began building energy resilience long before the crisis arrived.&nbsp;
Spain’s <a href="https://www.euronews.com/2026/03/11/spains-renewables-revolution-likely-to-keep-energy-bills-low-even-as-gas-prices-soar" target="_blank">renewables revolution</a> offers the starkest illustration of what is possible. Its rapid wind and solar growth has cut the share of hours in which gas sets the domestic <a href="https://ember-energy.org/latest-insights/decoupled-how-spain-cut-the-link-between-gas-and-power-prices-using-renewables/" target="_blank">electricity price</a> from 75% in 2019 to just 19% in 2025—the sharpest reduction among Europe’s major gas-reliant power markets. While wholesale electricity prices in Germany and Italy have been well above €150 ($177) per megawatt-hour during the Hormuz shock, Spain’s <a href="https://ember-energy.org/data/european-electricity-prices-and-costs/" target="_blank">average wholesale price</a> for 2026 is projected to be €60–70/MWh.&nbsp;
Brazil’s extensive <a href="https://www.economist.com/the-americas/2026/03/26/brazil-has-a-secret-weapon-against-oil-shocks" target="_blank">biofuels infrastructure</a> has provided a similar buffer, though by a different route. Tens of millions of Brazilian drivers can choose between 100% sugarcane-based ethanol or gasoline blended with 30% biofuel, supported by one of the world’s largest fleets of <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-biofuels-sugarcane-ethanol-oil-prices-iran-war-bbdfcb49c0d3ceb86ceb8e25c1a25259" target="_blank">flexible-fuel vehicles</a>. Because domestic gasoline includes a substantial biofuel share, fuel <a href="https://precos.petrobras.com.br/en/home" target="_blank">refined</a>by the state-run energy major Petrobras has remained dramatically cheaper than imported gasoline equivalents, cushioning consumers from global oil volatility. Brazilian <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-biofuels-sugarcane-ethanol-oil-prices-iran-war-bbdfcb49c0d3ceb86ceb8e25c1a25259" target="_blank">gasoline prices</a> rose just 5% in March, compared with roughly 30% in the United States, and Mexico’s president has publicly <a href="https://apnews.com/article/brazil-biofuels-sugarcane-ethanol-oil-prices-iran-war-bbdfcb49c0d3ceb86ceb8e25c1a25259" target="_blank">expressed</a> interest in Brazil’s ethanol technologies, including agave-based production. &nbsp;
China, too, has proven more resilient than many would have guessed. After a decade of investment, renewables <a href="https://ember-energy.org/countries-and-regions/china/" target="_blank">account</a> for nearly 40% of its electricity generation, up from 26% a decade ago, and it has amassed strategic petroleum reserves of more than 1.2 billion barrels. As a result, Goldman Sachs has revised China’s GDP growth <a href="https://finance.yahoo.com/news/why-goldman-sachs-says-chinas-economy-is-better-than-the-us-in-handling-oil-shock-142610418.html" target="_blank">forecast</a> down by only half as much as that of the US, identifying renewable-energy dominance as one of the “shields” protecting its economy.&nbsp;
No wonder energy analysts are <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/20/china-oil-reserves-global-energy-crisis" target="_blank">describing</a> the Iran war as “Asia’s Ukraine moment.” Just as the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 compelled Europe to reduce its reliance on natural gas, the Hormuz shock is pushing Asian countries to cut their oil dependencies. Moreover, cleaner alternatives are now significantly cheaper and more readily available than they were in 2022. &nbsp;
The lesson is clear: vulnerability is a function of structural and policy choices, not just of trade balances. Every country must ask how much of its energy system it controls, how diversified its supplies are, and whether it has built sufficient insulation between global commodity markets and ordinary people. For fossil-fuel-dependent economies that neglected the energy transition, there is an additional warning: if this crisis accelerates other countries’ shift to renewables, <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41558-022-01356-y" target="_blank">stranded assets</a> and shrinking export markets may compound the pain of future shocks.&nbsp;
As many governments wait for multilateral institutions to respond, realities on the ground are changing fast. At the same time, oil and gas producers have a rare window of opportunity. As the University of Massachusetts Amherst economists <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/isabella-m-weber" target="_blank">Isabella M. Weber</a> and Gregor Semieniuk have <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2026/mar/19/oil-crisis-research-rich-costs-wealth-redistribute" target="_blank">argued</a>, fossil-fuel price shocks are redistribution episodes: costs are imposed on the entire population while profits flow only to shareholders. That is why windfall profit taxes, such as the one recently championed by <a href="https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/boards-policy-regulation/five-eu-finance-ministers-call-windfall-profit-tax-energy-companies-2026-04-04/" target="_blank">five EU finance ministers</a>, are so urgently needed.&nbsp;
The additional revenues could serve two urgent priorities. The first is consumer protection. Higher energy prices are a regressive tax on the poor. Without active intervention, this crisis will deepen inequality within oil-exporting countries, just as it does elsewhere. Short-term subsidies, targeted energy vouchers, and price-stabilization mechanisms are legitimate uses of windfall receipts, precisely because the shock is temporary and the revenues will not last.&nbsp;
The second priority is structural investment. State-owned enterprises like Petrobras have already begun investing in biofuels and low-carbon technologies, and the Hormuz crisis could provide them with additional resources for this purpose.&nbsp;
Likewise, sovereign wealth funds offer a proven mechanism for institutionalizing the link between windfall revenues and long-term energy-transition goals. The Malaysian sovereign wealth fund, for example, has committed RM1.5 billion ($378 million) to decarbonize industrial parks and is building green investment platforms targeting renewable energy, storage, and e-mobility. Indonesia’s new Danantara sovereign wealth fund has struck agreements to develop renewable energy and green hydrogen facilities, directly linking resource wealth to clean-technology value chains.&nbsp;
Even Senegal, a relatively small producer, has established the Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency Fund through its sovereign vehicle FONSIS. It is mobilizing equity investments in renewables across the West African Economic and Monetary Union, as well as positioning itself to channel future gas revenues into green industrialization.&nbsp;
This is how countries shift from exposure to autonomy: by transforming yesterday’s rents into tomorrow’s capital base. Seizing this moment means converting temporary windfalls into durable assets and treating green industrial strategy as necessary for national resilience. The countries that act now will be glad they did when the next crisis comes.
Laura Carvalho is Director of Economic and Climate Prosperity at the Open Society Foundations and Associate Professor of Economics at the University of São Paulo.

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Opinion

Hormuz shock can hasten energy transition

Every time the price of fuel rises in Nepal, the country performs a familiar ritual: a longer weekend is announced, officials speak of austerity, an odd-even for vehicle is mulled, and the nation tightens its belt, waits for the global market to settle, and then quietly returns to exactly where it was before: exposed and dependent. With barely ten days of petroleum in reserve, this is not crisis management but crisis theatre. And we have been performing it, with minor variations, during every crisis in the past 50 years. Crude oil prices have surged past $100 per barrel (from $72/barrel before the war) and further increase is expected if the Strait of Hormuz continues to be disrupted much longer. The oil shock hit Nepal hard with the new government raising fuel prices four times in the past month and petrol hitting Rs232 per litre, up from Rs152.&nbsp; But it is spoken of as an external factor, something visited upon Nepal from the outside over which we have no control. That framing may be comforting, but dishonest. This is not the cruelty of circumstance. It is a harvest of a structural negligence so deeply embedded that successive governments mistakenly treat it as normal. In 2015, Nepal’s economy was brought to its knees when fuel supply from India was stopped for nearly five months. Factories shuttered, hospitals ran short of medicines, private vehicles were off the roads, and earthquake relief was stuck. Black market petrol was sold in mineral water bottles by the roadside for three times the official rate. When it was over, the reckoning was swift and the promise was absolute: Nepal would build strategic petroleum reserves sufficient to last 90 days.&nbsp; This was not an ambition. It was treated as a covenant, a debt owed to the 800,000 during that bleak winter 10 years ago. A decade later, Nepal holds only up to 13 days of fuel reserves.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2026043009048_9e04a92247f8f7fc068efdab34561ec2fd01a49dcefc3d033901efc2f4f396e0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2026043009048_9e04a92247f8f7fc068efdab34561ec2fd01a49dcefc3d033901efc2f4f396e0" data-rendition-name="original" width="731" height="1076" loading="lazy" alt="oil reserve of countries"> </figure>  That number, not any trade statistic, policy paper or any diplomatic disagreement, is the failure of every government that has held power since to give Nepal a breathing space on energy during a crisis. It is the ledger on which their energy stewardship should be judged.&nbsp; The Lothar oil terminal is under construction, and its expansion plans exist only on paper. Construction timelines slip, budgets stretch, and in the meantime the country wakes every few years to the same queue outside every petrol station, the same panic, the same ritual of weekend closures and official proclamations. What makes this particularly difficult to defend is not the vulnerability itself, Nepal is landlocked, import-dependent, and subject to geopolitical pressures it cannot fully control. These are genuine constraints. The tragedy is that the vulnerability is entirely foreseeable, and has been for years.&nbsp; Strategic petroleum reserves are not a sophisticated intervention. They are a buffer, the most elementary form of national insurance. Every major economy that imports fuel maintains them. The International Energy Agency (IEA) sets 90 days as the global standard. India holds 25 days and is working toward 45. Jordan, similarly, dependent on imports, holds 60 days. Nepal, with the full knowledge of what it means, holds just 13 days.&nbsp; The argument has never been that storage capacity is impossible to build. It is that they have never been made a legislative obligation, never written into law with a deadline, a penalty, and a mechanism for enforcement. Every government has treated it as a target rather than a threshold. And targets, in the history of governance in Nepal, have an unhappy tendency to drift. Nepal now exports electricity to its neighbours. The country that cannot keep its petrol stations stocked for a fortnight earns revenue from selling hydroelectric power. Many new passenger vehicles sold here run on electricity. The grid is more than 95% renewable. By these measures, Nepal is ahead of countries with vastly more resources.&nbsp; This is no small achievement, it reflects a genuine and organic momentum in the economy, driven as much by citizens choosing electric vehicles for practical reasons as by any government mandate. But this momentum is built on an unstable foundation. The energy transition, however real, has not yet reduced Nepal’s vulnerability to petroleum shocks. Diesel still moves nearly all freight. LPG still cooks most meals. Aviation, industry, and heavy transport remain entirely fossil dependent.&nbsp; The tactical response, price adjustment, tax relief, demand suppression, addresses none of this. It is the work of a country that has accepted its own fragility as a permanent feature, and learned to manage the symptoms rather than treat the condition. The new government arrives with something its predecessors did not have: an unambiguous parliamentary majority and a mandate built explicitly on the promise of structural reform. Political capital of this magnitude must be spent on hard decisions, or it is spent on nothing at all. The hard decision here is not complicated: it requires a single piece of legislation, an Energy Security Act that mandates a minimum strategic petroleum reserve of 60 days within three years, establishes an independent monitoring body, and makes non-compliance a matter of ministerial accountability rather than administrative aspiration.&nbsp; This is not a target, not a policy. It is a law. There will be other wars, droughts, border disruptions, geopolitical tremors and crises that create a fuel shortage and sky high prices. The question is not if that day will come, but when. Will Nepal, by then, have built itself a margin of survival? The pledge of 2015 to build strategic reserves is still unfulfilled. The new government can finish the job.&nbsp; Ashutosh Dev is a PhD researcher at Victoria University of Wellington and a New Zealand Award Scholar specialising in renewable energy systems, energy resilience, and the socio-technical transitions of the Global South.&nbsp;

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Nepal is a 13-day country

In 2024, renewables accounted for the largest share of growth in global energy supply. For the first time, solar and wind generation exceeded coal and gas in the European Union. In the United States, solar and wind reached 16%, overtaking coal. In China, solar and wind generated about 20% of total power. More than 51% of India’s total installed electricity capacity now comes from non-fossil fuel sources.&nbsp; Together, these shifts point to a system in transition at a time when the world is once again confronting a global energy crisis due to the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz. But this is not an isolated disruption — it is a structural signal reminding us that fossil fuel dependence is not only environmentally unsustainable, but also economically and geopolitically precarious. History shows that crises can be turning points. They disrupt inertia, challenge established systems, and open space for transformation.&nbsp; Many countries are responding to the war by accelerating their energy transitions. In <a href="https://asianinsiders.com/2026/03/31/asia-energy-transition-plans-oil-crisis/" target="_blank">Asia</a>, India, Indonesia and Vietnam are scaling up renewables and electric mobility, while also exploring storage and grid upgrades. China continues to lead globally in solar and wind expansion, rapidly increasing domestic capacity to reduce exposure to external shocks. Japan and South Korea are investing in hydrogen, offshore wind and next-generation energy systems. <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/apr/16/south-korea-solar-power-renewables-revolution" target="_blank">South Korea</a> is expanding community-based solar programs, linking clean energy with local development and economic benefits. In Europe, the response has been both immediate and strategic. The <a href="https://commission.europa.eu/topics/energy/repowereu_en" target="_blank">European Union’s REPowerEU plan</a> aims to reduce dependence on imported fossil fuels while accelerating renewables, improving efficiency, and diversifying supply. Germany, Spain, and Denmark are expanding wind and solar at scale, with renewables increasingly outcompeting fossil fuels. Chile is advancing solar and green hydrogen, Brazil is strengthening its renewable-based power system, and South Africa is opening space for private renewable investment to address power shortages. Efforts are underway even in <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/apr/15/cuba-beat-us-energy-blockade-investment-renewables" target="_blank">Cuba to scale renewables</a> to reduce reliance on imported fuels. Energy security and climate action are no longer competing priorities, they are deeply aligned. Renewable energy offers not just emissions reduction, but independence from volatile global markets. The question is no longer whether the transition will happen, but how quickly it can scale. The current crisis is also reshaping global climate diplomacy. Initiatives such as the <a href="https://transitionawayconference.com/" target="_blank">Santa Marta Conference</a>, bringing together countries committed to accelerating the fossil fuel transition, signal growing political momentum for systemic change. These efforts reflect increasing frustration with slow progress and a recognition that incremental change is no longer sufficient. This aligns with broader developments under the Paris Agreement. The outcome of the first Global Stocktake marked a historic shift in global consensus, reaffirming that the 1.5°C goal requires not just emissions reduction, but a fundamental transformation of energy systems. The COP30 Presidency in Brazil has further championed this by advancing roadmaps for transitioning away from fossil fuels and scaling up clean energy deployment. It serves as a catalyst to translate global commitments into practical pathways, linking ambition with implementation. NEPAL'S EXAMPLE  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260426090444_cb2659cf00a284ab7f6578963a4fed861133cfbb0141c6d13bb779a42f9f50aa.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260426090444_cb2659cf00a284ab7f6578963a4fed861133cfbb0141c6d13bb779a42f9f50aa" data-rendition-name="original" width="906" height="460" loading="lazy" alt="energy trandition due to West Asia conflict"> </figure>  Despite rising global prices, Nepal’s overall spending on fuel imports has declined for the last four consecutive years, driven by the expansion of hydropower, increased electrification, growing adoption of electric vehicles (page 5) and electric cooking, and policy measures aligned with Nepal’s Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). Together, these efforts are beginning to reshape the country’s energy landscape. Also, from last fiscal year the country is &nbsp;exporting clean hydro electricity. Nepal’s experience shows that transitions do not always require massive technological breakthroughs. It often begins with incremental changes, better policies, targeted investments and shifts in behaviour. It demonstrates that even in the face of structural challenges, it is possible to reduce fossil fuel dependence while advancing development goals. Too often, short-term responses to crises, such as fuel subsidies or increased fossil fuel production, undermine long-term goals. Rather than increasing dependence on fossil fuel, <a href="https://www.oecd.org/en/publications/energy-prices-are-spiking-again_a68e5c37-en/full-report.html" target="_blank">investments should focus on diversification</a>, efficiency and clean energy systems. The transition is not a question of feasibility, but of priorities. Choices made today will shape the future for decades to come.&nbsp; We can choose to treat this as a temporary disruption, patching up the system and returning to business as usual. Or we can recognise it as a turning point, an opportunity to accelerate the transition to a more sustainable, resilient and equitable energy system. What is needed now is the will to act and invest because every crisis holds the seeds of a new beginning. Manjeet Dhakal is the Head of the LDC Support Team at Climate Analytics and Director for Climate Analytics South Asia.

Guest Editorial

Silver lining in war clouds

Even 11 years later, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/disaster-journalism">25 April 2015</a> is etched into the psyche of every Nepali who lived through it.&nbsp;
Some remember the first crack on the walls. Others recall the low, deep rumbling. Many flash back to the silence that followed, when phone lines were jammed, and how the time stood still between aftershocks.&nbsp;
Many remember waiting for news, for help, for certainty that never came. April 25 did not just shake buildings, it exposed some harsh realities of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/disastrous-preparedness">Nepal's disaster management system</a>.&nbsp;
Disasters in Nepal are not isolated events, they are what medicine would call an 'acute on chronic' crisis. They reveal the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/it-better-be-better-next-time">deeper, long-standing weaknesses</a>: in our road network, our hospitals, governance, and most critically, our lack of preparedness.&nbsp;
Nearly 10,000 lives were lost, entire districts were flattened, thousands of livestock and homes were lost. While attention was drawn to Kathmandu Valley and surrounding areas, most of the devastation was in hard to reach rural areas.
The first responders were not professionals. They were our neighbours who dug through rubble with bare hands. They were mothers who pulled children from collapsed homes. They were communities who organised themselves without training, without equipment, without formal leadership structures.&nbsp;
The first 48-72 hours after a disaster determines who lives and who dies. In Nepal, those hours often pass before outside help can arrive, especially in areas where geography and infrastructure delay response.&nbsp;
If 2015 is too far back to remember, let us look at the 2023 Jajarkot earthquake: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/poverty-killed-a-mother-not-the-quake">a pregnant woman dying from the cold</a>, supplies bottlenecked in district offices instead of reaching villages, and rubble cleared days later.
All of this means that survival depends on communities. And yet, despite having disaster response frameworks on paper, there was no meaningful implementation of community-level preparedness in 2015.&nbsp;
Plans spoke of training, simulations, and local capacity building, but these were not translated into action where they were needed the most. When the earthquake struck, communities responded with courage and improvisation despite their own losses.
But now we have evidence that things can be different. In places like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/devolution-for-development">Ramaroshan village in Achham district</a>, community responders have been trained to recognise emergencies, control bleeding, splint fractures, and stabilise patients after road accidents and falls. They are showing us that when communities are equipped, they can deliver emergency care.&nbsp;
This is crucial not only during disasters but every single day. A bus goes off the road, a child is injured, a woman falls from a tree, a landslide cuts off access, and so on. In these moments, the difference between life and death is often what happens before a patient reaches a hospital.&nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/building-back-not-better-after-2015-kxble6c6">Preparedness</a> is not just about earthquakes. It is about building a system that works during everyday mishaps that quietly define our health outcomes.&nbsp;
Sooner or later, there will be another earthquake in Nepal. It is a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/past-disasters-foretold">geological certainty</a>. The 2015 disaster did not release all the energy and there has not been a major quake in western Nepal in over 500 years.&nbsp;
Besides, we also have to be prepared for floods, landslides, and fires, all of them made worse by the climate crisis.&nbsp;
Community-based responses should not be treated as a backup plan, we need to scale it up. We must build local disaster leadership, conduct real drills, and equip communities with basic tools, first aid, and communication systems.&nbsp;
After a disaster event, people also need reassurance that they have not been abandoned, that their lives matter whether they live in Kathmandu or Jajarkot, and that the system sees them. Because when communities feel neglected long enough, the consequences are not only humanitarian but political.
Rural neglect, lack of opportunity, and absence of state presence have contributed to instability and conflict in the past. The Maoist armed insurgency is an example.&nbsp;
Disasters do not create these fractures, but they deepen them. Hence, preparedness is not just about saving lives, it is also about building trust in a state.
25 April should be a day of remembrance, a day where we hold ourselves accountable. It should also be a day of possibility. Disasters, painful as they are, create opportunities for countries to change their trajectory.&nbsp;
The 2015 earthquake was one such moment. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/demographics-of-disaster-in-nepal-quake">Jajarkot was another reminder</a>. We cannot keep letting these moments pass.
This is a call to our new government to invest in systems that start from the ground up, and to take what has worked in places like Achham and scale it nationally. The government has a real opportunity to build communities, not just for them.
This is also a reminder to communities that preparedness is not a privilege, but a right. As we mark the 2015 disaster and mourn the lives lost, we should honour them through action, through real preparedness.&nbsp;
The next disaster is just waiting to happen, and when it does, it will once again test us and our systems. We can either choose to confront it the way we did in 2015 or with communities that are trained, equipped, connected, and ready.
25 April is not over. But our preparedness will vastly differentiate the outcome. &nbsp;
Ramu Kharel is an emergency medicine specialist and Assistant Professor at Brown University in the USA. Hefounded the non-profit <a href="http://www.hapsaglobe.org/" target="_blank">HAPSA Nepal</a> that works to strengthen community based emergency and trauma care in Nepal.

25 April is not over

EVs in Nepal have come a long way since the micro-segment Reva was first introduced in the early 2000s with 2-seat occupancy and giving no more than 80km of range.&nbsp; Mahindra acquired Reva and introduced the upgraded e2O which was well-suited for city driving, but alas they are no longer made. Now, <a href="https://youtu.be/nXFjV_YJiZg?si=B5N4PB2Exoup6JV4" target="_blank">Mahindra’s latest flagship the BE6 </a>crossover EV is a whole new breed, evolving leaps and bounds with its jet fighter-inspired cockpit design and a boatload of futuristic tech. But with such an impressive history of EVs in Nepal and the whole range of models to choose from, it seems we are still addicted to fossil fuels. Not everyone has, or wants, to make the transition to battery-powered locomotion just yet.&nbsp; Even though range anxiety may not be as much of an issue anymore, drivers may not want to wait a whole hour for a fast DC charge to 80% on their EVs, when a quick 5-minute pit stop at a gas station allows them to hit the highway again quickly.&nbsp; But Nepal was second only to Norway last year in the proportion of new cars being battery-powered. And this has to some extent cushioned us from the full impact of the fallout on fuel prices due to the Strait of Hormuz blockade. The uptake of EVs in Nepal was a direct result of tax rebates. As Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle prepares the annual budget, it could be an opportunity to extend tax breaks to public vehicles to further reduce Nepal’s petroleum import bill. Even if the war ends and the strait is opened to tanker traffic, however, energy experts say it will take months for oil prices to stabilise. This means petrol in Kathmandu will stay at Rs219/l or thereabouts for some time yet. It was only Rs160/l before the war. Nepal is 100% reliant on imported fuel from India, which in turn relies mostly on imports from the Gulf states. We are directly affected by the escalating conflict and geopolitical tension. Nepal Oil Corporation (NOC) usually <a href="https://noc.org.np/retailprice" target="_blank">publishes</a> a new fuel price every 15 days, for petrol, diesel and kerosene at the beginning, and another at the middle of the English month.&nbsp; But departing from the 15-day rule, NOC has made large out-of-schedule overnight revisions to the fuel prices in the pst month to accommodate global fuel fluctuations. The two-day weekend may help, but the higher prices have already forced consumers to travel less. There are rumours that if supplies from India are further constrained, the government may implement an even/odd number plate rule. Driven by relentlessly rising fuel prices, the willingness to transition to electric mobility, whether two-wheelers or four-wheelers, has never been higher. Your columnist has also observed a surge in inquiries from both new and old EV owners, reflecting a clear shift in consumer sentiment, and recently took out the BYD Atto 2 on a test drive (review below). This growing demand for EVs has its own set of challenges. Global supply chains are already under severe strain, and as demand for electric vehicles accelerates worldwide, production bottlenecks are inevitable.&nbsp; The question then arises: will Nepal have sufficient EV stock to meet this surge, or will consumers be faced with longer waiting periods and limited choices? For the time being, Nepalis must look beyond quick fixes and begin actively reducing fuel dependency in more ways. While switching to EVs offers an immediate alternative, it is not a complete solution.&nbsp; The current oil shock is not just about fuel, but about the future economic model this country will have to adapt to.&nbsp; <h2>Versatile e-vehicle</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260421130444_0ad98a38fd48172bec5d5e83005b0a2f6c06ef5f4d6672d27777b429a70a3848.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260421130444_0ad98a38fd48172bec5d5e83005b0a2f6c06ef5f4d6672d27777b429a70a3848" data-rendition-name="original" width="1784" height="1004" loading="lazy" alt="BYD Atto 2"> </figure>  I got into the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bRG23MQKPcY&amp;t=879s" target="_blank">BYD Atto 2 </a>knowing that it met almost all the requirements on my checklist:&nbsp; <ul> <li>Muscular-looking SUV design</li> <li>Decent size battery pack (51kWh Blade Battery) that gave over 300km range (345km WLTP claim)</li> <li>Powerful enough motor with good acceleration (100kW motor producing 290Nm torque)</li> <li>Healthy amount of features and space on the inside&nbsp;</li> <li>Above all, an abundance of ground clearance (200mm) greatly needed for our roads.&nbsp;</li> </ul> The cherry on top was that all this came at a sub Rs5 million price tag. But one nagging question on my mind was: will the Atto 2 drive as well in real life, as it sounded on the <a href="https://www.byd.com/np" target="_blank">BYD website</a>?&nbsp; Getting in, the almost all-black cabin felt premium. Shifting in my seat and turning on the seat ventilation with a push of the accelerator pedal, I found the vehicle had more pull than anticipated.&nbsp; The <a href="https://www.byd.com/np/car/atto2" target="_blank">Atto 2</a> turned out to be a jack of all trades, it had something for everyone. Whether you need to drive from Kathmandu to Nepalganj, rough it to West Rukum, or get stuck in Kathmandu traffic, this was one versatile vehicle. Arnav Upadhyay is a content creator who reviews automobiles and promotes road safety for his Nepali Times column, Drive Line. He is also on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver">Youtube</a>, <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@casuallyannoyeddriver">Tiktok</a> and <a href="https://www.instagram.com/casuallyannoyeddriver/">IG</a> under the handle Casually Annoyed Driver.

Arnav Upadhyay

Drive Line

Petrol panic to plug-in promise

When Nepal decided to mark the annual National Yak Day on 20 April 2025, it celebrated an animal that has been the backstay of mountain livelihoods for centuries.&nbsp; The sure-footed yak is more than just an iconic bovine. It is the guardian of the high Himalaya and integral to the identity of pastoralist communities. Yaks provide a lifeline: hauling goods across treacherous trails, providing milk, butter and warm wool for clothing, and providing dung that serves as fertiliser and fuel.&nbsp; (In English, yak is used to refer to both the male and female, while in Himalayan languages it refers strictly to the male, while females are called dri or nak. A dzo or chauri is a crossbreed between a yak and a domestic cow.)  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130436_8d828e6e87963b6be7efbf6752f708d06ac026f8b212de382f24d6ce8e023da3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260420130436_8d828e6e87963b6be7efbf6752f708d06ac026f8b212de382f24d6ce8e023da3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="1313" loading="lazy" alt="Yak"> <figcaption>Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption> </figure>  At above 3000m, where the air is thin and cold, yaks and chauri have made mountain agro-pastoralism coexist. This transhumance herding and livelihood system, practiced by the Sherpa, Tamang, Thakali, Rai, Limbu and other communities shapes pastoralist identities.&nbsp; The yak also holds deep cultural ties, often featuring in folklore and festivals. Their presence has led to a rich indigenous pastoral knowledge of the alpine ecology, embodying a unique harmony between people and nature. But despite their value and reverence, the animals and the customary practices around them are in peril. Nepal's yak population has plummeted from around 200,000 in the 1960s to just 53,000 today.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130436_6684dbdf0990c5f0a4dd8ac353f3ab3c803ad77d99f45b62ec4793ecbe9c55e0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260420130436_6684dbdf0990c5f0a4dd8ac353f3ab3c803ad77d99f45b62ec4793ecbe9c55e0" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> <figcaption>Photos: FAO NEPAL</figcaption> </figure>  Climate change has led to the degradation of alpine pastures, increasing temperatures, while prolonged winter droughts and unseasonal snow have reduced nutritious pastures. Traditional grazing areas have shrunk, or claimed for other uses. Nepal’s highland youth are migrating to cities or abroad, leading to a decline in second-generation pastoralists as well as a loss of traditional knowledge in yak husbandry. Those who remain face rising losses from predators and disease outbreaks, compounded by scarce veterinary services.&nbsp; At present, fewer than 10,000 households across Nepal still rear yaks, endangering an important cultural heritage.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130432_7098ab71303f70ab82c665d1038da8bd28a173b08183d4ec1599021a1fcdffb5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260420130432_7098ab71303f70ab82c665d1038da8bd28a173b08183d4ec1599021a1fcdffb5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> </figure>  National Yak Day, therefore, marks an important step in Nepal’s effort to revitalise the yak economy, focusing national attention to its role in food security, livelihoods, ecology and culture.&nbsp; The UN's Food and Agricutlure Organization (FAO) in Nepal is also integrating yak development into its agricultural investment programs, market facilitation, and support for high-mountain communities.&nbsp; Yak herders from 25 districts across five provinces have formed a national federation, uniting to advocate for their needs from grazing rights and market accessibility to better veterinary and extension services.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130432_088d493721e598e01e5fed3b5cffaabf85f3267839b50358898edcc3403177c3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260420130432_088d493721e598e01e5fed3b5cffaabf85f3267839b50358898edcc3403177c3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> </figure>  National Yak Day has become more than symbolic: it has evolved into a collective platform to drive policy support and cooperative action to keep yak pastoralism alive. The conservation of Nepal’s yak populations is important for the rights, mobility, and the preservation of highland cultures, but it also presents an economic opportunity. The most effective way to sustain yak herding and retain the communities that depend on it is to make it a financially viable livelihood. What has long been practiced as a subsistence activity can, through innovation and value addition, evolve into a driver of economic growth and resilience for herding communities.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130436_1fa5a1b49c6171a7f6b1b89661f060c5fabaec8d3364e6bd0a2834f7e4acdca7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260420130436_1fa5a1b49c6171a7f6b1b89661f060c5fabaec8d3364e6bd0a2834f7e4acdca7" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> </figure>  Yak-based products ranging from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-story-of-langtang-cheese">Himalayan yak cheese in Langtang</a> to churpi and yak wool already secure premium value in niche markets. With enhanced processing, improved cold-chain systems, stronger branding, and greater recognition of the collective rights of herding communities, these value chains hold considerable potential to further increase income. Herder-led homestays and tourism also presents promising avenues for diversification. But <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/langtang-emmentaler">yak herding </a>is inherently dependent on seasonal mobility across highland pastures, yet access to traditional grazing routes is becoming increasingly constrained, and land tenure arrangements remain insufficiently defined.&nbsp; The long-term viability of yak herding systems needs to be addressed. Access to rangelands and recognition of transhumance practices are not secured, the foundations of the yak economy will continue to erode.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130432_efc69e496af84a5904b3e101929e2a8124a02f525ac9cc137dbd303d6e0cb724.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260420130432_efc69e496af84a5904b3e101929e2a8124a02f525ac9cc137dbd303d6e0cb724" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> </figure>  Revitalising this sector, therefore, requires more value chain investment and private sector coordination; it will also need policy reform and state support.&nbsp; Highland communities need pastoral grazing rights, and strengthened claims on the lands of which they have long been the custodians. Targeted subsidies, transport support, and tax exemptions for high-altitude enterprises can help offset the structural disadvantages of remoteness.&nbsp; With investment, Nepal can create green jobs, curb out-migration from mountain areas, and give young people a reason to carry forward a livelihood that is their heritage. The yak is a climate-resilient animal, and its economy could yield high returns across social, economic, and environmental dimensions.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130436_529793aac7a8497a9fefd35a054f256ee611ee2dad09d53a7ba9af91dbb7bec3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260420130436_529793aac7a8497a9fefd35a054f256ee611ee2dad09d53a7ba9af91dbb7bec3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> </figure>  The second annual National Yak Day on 20 April arrives as the world prepares for the UN’s International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists (IYRP) 2026, a global initiative to safeguard pastoralist communities and the fragile rangeland they nurture.&nbsp; By aligning National Yak Day with IYRP themes, Nepal has amplified its message and tapped international partnerships. The shared goal is the economic empowerment of yak-herding families. With secure livelihoods and a voice in policy, Nepal’s mountain pastoralists can continue as stewards of the high mountains, protecting nature as they have for generations. FAO is leading this momentous effort, calling for stronger support for pastoralists from the Andes to the Himalayas. Nepal’s yak herders have been the bedrock to food security, biodiversity conservation, and climate adaptation through their traditional livelihoods.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260420130436_3ed4e181a51ab8beef1dbd84e19d19040e7de39448a07fc4242971d9d69feea8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20260420130436_3ed4e181a51ab8beef1dbd84e19d19040e7de39448a07fc4242971d9d69feea8" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1080" loading="lazy" alt="National Yak Day 2026"> </figure>  In Nepal, FAO has been working with the government and national partners to co-host a forum to strengthen Nepal’s Rangeland Policy, aiming to ensure herders have better access to pastures and support services. FAO Nepal is also engaged in the value chain and digital innovation to support yak pastoralists. National Yak Day 2026 is an opportunity to promote a development model that builds on, rather than replaces, traditional livelihoods. Supporting yaks and pastoralists is not just about preserving their past, it is a pragmatic approach to supporting climate-resilient mountain livelihoods.&nbsp; This means recognising pastoral mobility, securing grazing rights, investing in value chains, and ensuring highland communities are not sidelined in national development. The moment for Nepal to act is now by enabling policies, targeted investment, and greater recognition, yak herding can serve as a foundation for a future where economic opportunity, ecological sustainability, and cultural continuity are mutually strengthened for better livelihoods across Nepal’s mountain communities.&nbsp; Ken Shimizu has been the FAO Country Representative for Bhutan and Nepal since 2021.

Nepal’s yak economy

In a swift and decisive move, US forces abducted Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro and his wife to the United States. The current government in Caracas has little choice but to largely submit to Washington’s dictates.&nbsp;
Trump’s motives for the war against Iran remain unclear, partly because the US president has cited various reasons: to finally destroy the Iranian nuclear program, to end the Iranian threat to the Middle East, to support the Iranian people, and to overthrow the terrible regime in Tehran. He remains vague about his reasoning and seems to make off the cuff suggestions for regime change.&nbsp;
Trump had a lofty idea at how he envisions the end of this war. He has suggested “<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/international/2026/03/why-iran-regime-wont-surrender/686422/" target="_blank">unconditional surrender</a>,” followed by his personal involvement in the <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/05/iran-leader-trump-khamenei" target="_blank">selection of a successor</a>: I must be involved in picking Iran’s next leader.
The swift victory against Iran failed to materialise, an end to the war is not in sight, and a new leader has been chosen without Trump’s involvement. The structures of the mullah regime appear so entrenched that the anticipated regime change following the rapid decapitation of the leadership did not occur. Yet Donald Trump had <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/13/magazine/iran-trump-regime-change-history-eisenhower.html" target="_blank">proclaimed</a>: “What we did in Venezuela is, in my opinion, the perfect, the perfect scenario.”&nbsp;
<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/03/trump-venezuela-hostile-takeover/686469/" target="_blank">The Atlantic</a> calls this attitude a “hostile corporate takeover of an entire country”. Now the <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2026/03/17/politics/video/trump-cuba-honor-ldn-digvid" target="_blank">US government</a> expects Cuba to surrender. “I think I could do anything I want” with Cuba, Trump declared, now that the island is virtually cut off from energy supplies and its economy is in ruins. He is demanding the removal of Cuban President Diaz-Canel.
In the business world hostile corporate takeovers sometimes work, sometimes they fail. Similarly with Trump’s idea of swift government surrenders. In the case of Iran, he was misguided by the Wall Street playbook. Irresponsibly, he called on Iranians to overthrow the government before the bombing campaign started. Regime change in Iran has now been forgotten and Trump is agnostic about democracy. He is interested to get the oil price down and the stock market up.
Lessons from the past
The concept of regime change—replacing the top of the government to install one more agreeable to the US—is not new to US foreign policy. Proponents of regime change usually point to Japan and Germany as positive examples of successful democratisation. Often, however, the goal is not, or at least not primarily, democratisation, but rather the installation of a government that is ideologically close to the US or amenable to them.&nbsp;
But the “Trump Corollary”, as explicitly stated in the National Security Strategy to enforce the Monroe Doctrine, is not new either. In reality, it was already the Kennedy, Nixon, Reagan, and Bush doctrine.
Both Trump’s idea of ​​regime change and his rigorously pursued territorial ambitions (Canada, Greenland, the Panama Canal) are reminiscent of the Monroe Doctrine of 1823, particularly the version of this doctrine expanded by President Roosevelt in 1904.&nbsp;
This doctrine legitimised American interventions in Latin America. At the beginning of the 20th century, the US intervened in numerous Latin American countries in ‘its backyard’, using military and intelligence means: in Colombia, to support Panamanian separatists in controlling the Panama Canal; repeatedly in the Dominican Republic; they occupied Cuba from 1906 to 1909 and intervened there repeatedly afterward; in Nicaragua during the so-called ‘Banana War’, to protect the interests of the US company United Fruit; in Mexico, as well as in Haiti and Honduras.
<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/13/magazine/iran-trump-regime-change-history-eisenhower.html" target="_blank">The New York Times</a> recently suggested that Trump’s current enthusiasm for regime change is most comparable to that of Dwight D. Eisenhower. During his two terms in office from 1953 to 1961, the once coldly calculating general allowed himself to be seduced into a downward spiral from one coup to the next.&nbsp;
In 1953, the US succeeded in overthrowing the elected Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh with Operation Ajax. Mossadegh wanted to nationalise the British-owned oil industry. The coup succeeded with CIA support. The US installed the Shah as its puppet. He ruled with absolute power until the so-called Iranian Revolution and the dictatorship of Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979.&nbsp;
After the successful overthrow of the government in Iran, Eisenhower decided to intervene in Guatemala. The elected president, Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán, who initiated far-reaching land reform laws, was overthrown in a coup d’état in 1954 and replaced by the pro-American colonel, Castillo Armas.
During this period, the US government also formulated the so-called domino theory, which aimed to prevent governments, particularly in Asia, from aligning themselves with the Soviet Union. The assumption was that if one domino fell, others would follow. It was during this time that the costly war in Korea ended in an armistice. Therefore, countries like Vietnam, Laos, Burma, Indonesia, and others were on Eisenhower’s domino list.&nbsp;
However, the destabilisation campaigns carried out by the CIA sometimes had the opposite effect. Governments in Indonesia and Syria emerged strengthened from the interventions. Eisenhower left Kennedy with the loss of American influence in Cuba. The failed Bay of Pigs invasion in April 1961, intended to overthrow Fidel Castro, was the starting point for the decades-long blockade of Cuba, which Trump is determined to end now through regime change.
The most dramatic example of failed regime change in recent history is undoubtedly the Iraq War, which began in 2003 under President George W. Bush. The stated goal was to remove Saddam Hussein from power and destroy his weapons of mass destruction. The war led to the overthrow of the regime.&nbsp;
The United Nations and US teams found no weapons of mass destruction despite intensive on-site investigations. Attempts to establish an orderly state in Iraq failed. These experiences, and especially the disastrous outcome of two decades of military intervention in Afghanistan, discredited the concept of regime change.
What are the implications?
The most important lesson taught by efforts to affect externally forced regime change is that interventions often lead to crises that were ostensibly meant to be prevented or solved. The temptation was too great for Trump to miss the opportunity to depose the despised Maduro government.
Scholarly studies of the numerous attempted regime changes and democratisation efforts reveal three key findings. First, simply removing the government from power (whether through assassination, as in the case of Saddam Hussein in Iraq or now in Iran, or through kidnapping as in Venezuela) is insufficient, as such actions often lead to chaos, state collapse, or even civil war. Thus, it will be interesting to watch further developments in Venezuela, Cuba, and Iran.
A second lesson from empirical studies of regime change is that democratisation is more likely to succeed if democratic experience already existed in the country. However, this is often not the case.
Finally, if the real goal is democratisation (and not just to secure spheres of influence or oil supplies etc.), it is far more promising not only to hold elections (as in Afghanistan, for example), but to renounce violence and initiate a long-term program with development aid and support for civil society.
Whether the US government will be impressed by these findings, or even acknowledge them, is doubtful. Currently, the American president is euphoric, despite the strong reaction from the Iranian government which he, surprisingly, did not expect. His promises to end the senseless wars and not start any new ones, however, seem to have been forgotten.
Herbert Wulf is a Professor of International Relations and former Director of the Bonn International Center for Conflict Studies (BICC).
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and has been republished from <a href="http://toda.org/global-outlooks/regime-change-sometimes-it-works-often-it-doesnt/">the original</a> with permission.

Regime change – sometimes it works, often it doesn’t

In the first six days of the United States military campaign against Iran, Washington spent $11.3 billion, according to a Pentagon briefing to Senate appropriations staff. The entire annual operating budget of the United Nations stands at $3.45 billion for 2026, covering diplomacy, political missions, human rights monitoring, and the institutional machinery designed to prevent conflict. In less than a week, one country spent more than three times what the world invests in preventing conflict over an entire year.&nbsp;
Since then, the Pentagon has asked the US Congress for more than $200 billion in supplemental funding to sustain the campaign and replenish depleted munitions stocks.
This is not an anomaly. It reflects a structural feature of the international system: the consistent overfunding of war and the chronic underinvestment in prevention.
The imbalance is not primarily about scarcity. Global military expenditure exceeded $2.2 trillion in 2024 and continues to rise across regions. Over the same period, funding for multilateral institutions has stagnated or declined in real terms. The United Nations, whose core mandate is the maintenance of international peace and security, operates on a budget modest by the standards of national governments, with many member states in arrears on their assessed contributions. This pattern reflects a political economy that consistently privileges the financing of conflict over the financing of prevention.
Part of the explanation lies in political incentives. Military spending is visible, immediate, and readily justified to domestic audiences. It signals resolve and responsiveness to threat, and political leaders can mobilise support for such expenditure quickly, often with limited scrutiny once a crisis is framed in security terms.
Prevention operates differently. When diplomacy succeeds, when tensions de-escalate, when mediation holds, there is no spectacle and no clear political dividend. Success registers as absence. This asymmetry between the visibility of war and the invisibility of peace systematically distorts how resources are allocated.
Institutional dynamics reinforce this bias. Defence establishments are typically well-resourced and embedded in decision-making systems. Diplomatic and development institutions are more fragmented, more vulnerable to cuts, and often politically marginal.
In several major donor countries, development agencies have been weakened or absorbed into broader foreign policy structures, reducing their ability to act early and independently. At the multilateral level, the United Nations depends on assessed contributions that are frequently delayed or withheld, alongside voluntary funding that is unpredictable and often earmarked. Peacebuilding remains one of the least funded areas of the system, despite repeated recognition that prevention is more cost-effective than response.
The consequences are cumulative and mutually reinforcing. When preventive diplomacy capacities are under-resourced, opportunities for de-escalation narrow and conflicts are more likely to reach the point where military intervention appears unavoidable. When the United Nations is tasked with managing complex crises without adequate or predictable funding, its performance is constrained, reinforcing perceptions of ineffectiveness and further eroding political support for multilateral solutions.&nbsp;
The costs of conflict are then externalised globally: military escalation in strategically sensitive regions disrupts energy markets, trade routes, and supply chains, with the resulting increases in fuel and food prices falling disproportionately on low- and middle-income countries. A
t the same time, decisions to mobilise large-scale resources for military operations are typically taken within executive branches, with limited sustained public debate, while the underfunding of diplomacy and development is normalised as a technical constraint rather than recognised as a strategic choice.
It would be misleading to argue that the use of force is never justified. States face real security threats, and there are circumstances in which military action is deemed necessary. In the case of Iran, however, a functioning diplomatic framework had already demonstrated that constraints on its nuclear programme were achievable. The diplomatic option was dismantled, not exhausted. Senior American intelligence officials stated publicly that Iran was years away from the threat cited to justify the campaign.&nbsp;
But the current structure of incentives ensures that diplomacy is too often set up to fail: under-resourced before it begins, and then judged ineffective when crises escalate.
Rebalancing this political economy requires more than incremental budget adjustments. At the national level, it means integrating preventive approaches into foreign and security policy with corresponding investments in diplomatic capacity, development partnerships, and early warning systems, alongside greater transparency in how resources are allocated between military and non-military instruments.&nbsp;
At the multilateral level, member states need to provide more predictable and adequate financing for the United Nations, particularly in peacebuilding and conflict prevention. Addressing arrears in assessed contributions and strengthening flexible funding mechanisms would be immediate steps. Coalitions of middle powers, countries with a strong interest in a stable international order but less directly engaged in great power competition, have a particular role in advancing practical initiatives on prevention financing and institutional reform.
The issue is not whether resources exist. The scale of global military expenditure makes clear that they do. The question is whether states are willing to treat prevention not as an aspiration, but as a strategic priority.
As long as the current imbalance persists, the system will continue to produce the same outcome: rapid mobilisation of resources for war, and chronic underinvestment in the institutions that might make war less likely. This is not a failure of capacity. It is a failure of political choice.
Jordan Ryan is a member of the Toda International Research Advisory Council (TIRAC) at the Toda Peace Institute, and former UN Assistant Secretary-General with extensive experience in international peacebuilding, human rights, and development policy.
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and has been republished from <a href="https://toda.org/global-outlooks/why-the-world-funds-war-but-starves-peace/">the original</a> with permission.

World funds war but starves peace

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/homecoming-at-election-time" target="_blank">Pappu Mahara</a>'s campaign for RSP began in Malaysia as he came to Nepal with a suitcase plastered with PM Balendra Shah’s photo. 
Last week, after what he considers a “job well done” he was flying back to Malaysia with a suitcase without the election poster but with high hopes for his, and Nepal’s, future.
On Thursday, the day of his flight, the first session of Parliament was underway. Addressing the House, RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane made an apology to Nepal’s Dalit community. 
Pappu was traveling to Malaysia with Lalit and Abhinash and all three are members of the Dalit community working in a factory to provide for families back home. Migration is an equaliser: it connects talent which is universal with opportunities that are not. It allows people a fresh start no matter their circumstances.
What we do not talk about as much, however, is that this <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/valuing-moral-migration" target="_blank">equaliser</a> itself is not equally accessible. Access to migration requires money, networks and information – all of which are unevenly distributed.
Among the three, Abhinash was part of an initiative by Migration Lab and the group International Manpower Recruitment targeted at the Musahar community to make meaningful migration accessible to all. He did not pay a single penny. He got exactly the job he had been promised. 
Abhinash and other Dalit youth may still have migrated despite not having money, but they would have had to borrow to pay hefty recruitment fees to fraudulent agents. The Musahar cohort <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/fee-free-migration-is-possible" target="_blank">included</a> workers who were victims to passport confiscation by middlemen without any job placement. 
As they prepared to fly back to Malaysia after a 45 day break, the three workers were examples of how targeted labour mobility can be designed to ensure migration benefits the poorest.
One answer is scale: reaching more marginalised communities with ethical recruitment pathways so more people can benefit.
The other is to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/social-remittance" target="_blank">link</a> them to countries offering even higher salaries and better protections for migrant workers.
Abhinash and others would have typically gone to India, a low-cost, low-risk and low-return destination, but they went to Malaysia where returns are significantly higher. But returns are relative: a Nepali in a Malaysian factory earns a basic salary of $422. The same factory job in Korea would pay $1,500 per month. In both cases, overtime hours add to the income.
But there is a catch. Barriers to entry are higher for countries like Korea. Workers have to learn the language and pass a test, unlike Malaysia when an employer interview is sufficient. We helped youth prepare for the job interview so they could show up in the best way possible and pass. But helping workers with language preparation is a wholly different proposition.
In interactions with youth from the Musahar community, I have often asked them informally why they do not opt for Korea. Abhinash, Lalit or others could easily pass the Korean language test if they put their minds to it.
There is lack of information (even misinformation) about migrating to places like Korea. Village-based agents will not share information about the Korean labour market in the villages because it is a government-to-government initiative where brokers have no role at all. 
While not a representative sample, many youth I spoke with do not know such details: how to apply, what the benefits are and how much it can cost. Abhinash thought that it costs upto Rs800,000 to migrate to Korea, which is not true. Actually a Korea placement costs just Rs70,000 which can easily be recuperated in less than a month.
There is also a network barrier. Musahar youth I spoke with did not know a single person who had migrated to Korea or Japan. Not knowing anyone who has attempted to go to Korea or Japan makes it daunting and out of reach. 
We have witnessed this first hand in the case of ethical migration in Malaysia. Word of mouth is one of the most important sources of job information for workers. Friends of Abhinash and Lalit ask us if there are similar ethical opportunities. It takes just one cohort to change perceptions of the unknown, we have learnt.
Lalit is setting up a WhatsApp group with peers from his village who also wanted to get jobs without recruitment fees. He already has a friend that he put in a good word about, 
“My friend is very smart and educated, but has never worked in his life,” he says. It was an honest referral, but not a blind one. 
When we create labour mobility initiatives, a part of the wider goal is also to enable such knock-on effects like building networks, role models, mentors, and reliable sources of information. Only then can we eliminate fraudulent actors.
The government’s apology to the Dalit community for historic discrimination has to be followed through with concrete action. This means creating job opportunities, including for foreign employment that are transformational.
This is in line with RSP’s own manifesto. Goal number 80 states: ‘Families from Dalit and marginalised communities who wish to go abroad for employment will be provided with concessional loans through banks based on recommendations or guarantees from local authorities.’
This commitment can be realised in many innovative ways so people from marginalized communities have access to not just any migration but the most rewarding, safe and transformational ones. 
Unlike India, Malaysia and the Gulf, access to high-return markets like Korea and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-japan-jobs-deal-still-stuck" target="_blank">Japan</a> has a more rigorous preparatory and selection stage. What barriers, for example, do youth from underserved communities like the Musahar face in accessing language preparation classes? Are there gaps in finances, social networks or reliable information that can be addressed? Can they access high-quality instruction? Sometimes, the barriers may be invisible like our own limiting beliefs stemming from unfamiliarity and lack of guidance and role models.
Publicly available administrative data on outmigration is not disaggregated for caste and other factors to help who is migrating, and by extension, who is not.
Not all migration is the same, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/labour-mobility/our-great-stories" target="_blank">Nepalis</a> understand this all too well. Some return worse off than when they left, others are engaged in “survival migration”. Some come back having built assets or to build thriving businesses. A successful <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/labour-mobility/helping-migrant-returnees-to-pivot-2urk8oo9" target="_blank">returnee</a> contributing to Nepal is inevitably a function of their migration experience: how much they earned, saved, learned, and were protected.
The earlier we become intentional through better program design, training partnerships, recruitment practices, and employer selection, the more likely it is to create positive and lasting change for migrants and their families. That we have an action oriented, proactive government gives us hope. 
We met Abhinash when he had doubts about whether he could actually migrate without paying fees. Now, back home for a break, he encouraged others to migrate ethically directly through recruiters and avoid middlemen. He has bought land, and now plans to build a house on it within the next two years.
A youth from the Musahar community or someone from Bajura should have the information and resources to migrate for rewarding overseas jobs if they wish to do so and to break out of the broker-trap that puts them in vulnerable positions. The new government should undertake measures to ensure that this great equaliser is also equally accessible to all.
Upasana Khadka heads Migration Lab, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Upasana Khadka

Labour Mobility

The great equaliser

In a classic arc of political sociology, a revolutionary figure takes several decades to complete their cycle: mobilisation, institutionalisation, and finally governance. 
However, the timeline of this trajectory has been telescoped in the case of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, who in 2025 described himself as a social activist and volunteer, has gone from the barricades of the GenZ protests to the mahogany desk of the Ministry of Home Affairs.
Gurung is a personal pick of Prime Minister Balendra Shah, and played a pivotal role in getting him to join the RSP by mediating with Rabi Lamichhane. His journey serves as a real test bed for the ‘Outsider-to-Insider Transition’, raising a fundamental question about someone who now leads the very apparatus that he once fought against: the police, intelligence service, and the bureaucracy.
Social capital can indeed be built during a crisis exacerbated by state failure, and that is where we first see Sudan Gurung — expediting relief delayed by systemic corruption and red tape. Gurung’s delivery aid through a social-media-driven volunteer network bypassed the government. 
Whether or not he really rushed a dying child to hospital after the 2015 earthquake does not matter, it has become an urban legend. 
His work evolved into the non-profit Hami Nepal in 2020, serving as a ‘parallel state’ mechanism that would later become central to his public identity. Later, his group sprang into action during the Covid crisis, organising oxygen cylinders and beds . He was there after flood disasters in Manang and Sidhupalchok, and even organised Rs15m worth of aid to Turkey after the 2023 earthquake. 
Moral Legitimacy became his primary source of power, and he strategically positioned himself as an alternative emergency response system. But the real rupture happened on 8 September 2025 when years of frustration, corruption scandals, lack of transparency and state accountability culminated in a rally that the next day descended into anarchy. 
There was no single leader. The movement was fully decentralised, but as elsewhere such upheavals produces a recognisable face. Among them was Sudan Gurung. Who despite being a millennial himself, became the most visible interlocutor of the GenZ movement. 
He negotiated with the state’s key actors, including the president and the Chief of Army staff, during the period of uncertainty When the country was on the brink. This led to the dissolution of parliament and the formation of the interim government under Sushila Karki, paving the way for the election on 5 March.
Since then, Sudan Gurung’s role has become contradictory. Within days of touching Prime Minister Karki’s feet after her swearing in, he was at the gates of Baluwatar spearheading midnight demonstrations calling for her resignation. He accused her and Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal of not consulting the youth over Cabinet appointments and not arresting the previous government officials.
This oscillation became a hallmark of Gurung’s own version of the ‘Radical Flank Effect’ — erratic behaviour to force the establishment to make concessions. 
On 18 January Gurung formally joined the RSP, and started campaigning from his home constituency of Gorkha-1. He won decisively and was appointed home minister by Balendra Shah. The transition was complete. 
As minister his role spans core security areas: overseeing internal security through the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force and the intelligence bureau. The man who took part in anti-government rallies is now in charge of the riot police that aresupposed control anti-government protests.
His portfolio also handles state administration matters such as citizenship, immigration, and border security, coordinates with the judicial system on prisons, detention, and policies related to punishment and clemency. For example will be overseeing the fraud case against his own party’s chair, Lamichhane.
In his book Power in Movement, political scientist Sidney Tarrow observes that social movement leaders encounter ‘institutional capture’ upon entering government. In a sociological paradox, the man who previously denounced the police for killing youth protesters is now the person who issues directives to those same forces.
Preventive detention, surveillance, and the control of public festivals are the same instruments that the former old guard employed to stifle his movement. The activist who demanded transparency at the B P Koirala Institute now manages the state’s most secretive security apparatus.
In this arc, Gurung is not alone, there are parallels around the world for leaders emerging from the ashes of revolt. It is not so much a prediction, but for Gurung the challenge is even more acute because youth expectations are so high.
The bar for performance has been raised by citizens demanding change and quicker, more efficient service delivery. He is under constant public scrutiny, which is why he has to take YouTubers every time he goes on inspections of the airport, the BP Highway, police stations, picking trash on the sidewalks or meeting the Swiss ambassador to ask about repatriating the ill-gotten wealth of politicians.
Sudan Gurung is facing intense public glare. There have been calls to reveal the truth behind Hami Nepal’s finances, the alleged links to Free Tibet, and lately not paying five years of rent for an illegal lakefront property in Pokhara. 
As minister, he will find that moral legitimacy alone is no longer sufficient, it must be reinforced by transparent and consistent institutional accountability. Sudan Gurung’s ascent is evidence that the public mostly trusts ‘outsiders’ during times of crisis. However, history also cautions us that the state only permits ‘insiders’ to operate. 
Gurung will have to organise systemic reform to inject the transparency of his volunteer days to the Home Ministry’s traditionally secretive disbursements. If he fails, he runs the risk of validating Michels’ Iron Law of Oligarchy, which would serve as a warning about how revolutionary energy is dissipated by the very structures it was intended to overthrow.
Nepal is watching the man who said he once held a dying child in his arms after an earthquake. The volunteer has become the Warden.
Nischal Raj Gautam is a student of Media Studies and Mass Communication at St. Xavier's College, Maitighar. He is a member of the EU Delegation's Youth Sounding Board (YSB), and a journalist for TheirWorld's The Education Issue 2026.

He said no to politics. Now he runs it.

Just three weeks in, Prime Minister Balendra Shah has already shed two ministers, and is having to contend with the economic fallout of the West Asia war plus the global order that it has upended.&nbsp;
The new dispensation in Nepal has aroused interest in New Delhi, Beijing as well as Washington. The ouster of Home Minister Sudan Gurung, whose first act in office was to arrest former prime minister K P Oli, has foreign policy wonks scratching their heads.
The US sent Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs Samir Paul Kapur on a special mission to figure out what is happening in Kathmandu. In town at the same time was Cao Jing, Deputy Director General of the Asian Affairs Department of China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. And Prime Minister Shah is preparing for an official visit to India.
For the Americans, it is mostly about containing China and looking after the welfare of Tibetan refugees, while pushing its own MCC Compact and State Partnership Program (SSP). Beijing is mindful of the post-Dalai Lama era, and does not want instability in Nepal to encourage free-Tibet activities. India lately seems more wary of American activity in what it considers its backyard.
The Chinese appear relieved to see Sudan Gurung go. Only last week, Ambassador Zhang Maoming met Gurung during which he raised the issue of Tibetan and Taiwanese activities in Nepal, seeking firm commitment that Kathmandu would not harbour activities hostile to Beijing.
“Geographically we are close to Tibet and not to the Mainland, so China remains suspicious of us, especially after the TOB and free-Tibet components that emerged from the GenZ protests,” says geopolitical analyst Indra Adhikari.
Kapur, for his part, met RSP Chair Rabi Lamichhane, Finance Minister Swarnim Wagle and Foreign Minister Shishir Khanal. Although investment and infrastructure was on the agenda, the main issue seems to have been about Tibetan refugees. In nearly parallel meetings with ministers, Cao Jing warned Nepal not to be too cosy with the Americans.
For Indian academic and Nepal watcher Sukh Deo Muni, all this harks back to American activity in Nepal during the height of the Cold War. He tweeted: ‘US senior diplomat Paul Kapur's statement in Kathmandu must be understood carefully in New Delhi. He said the US does not want China or any other country to dominate Nepal.’&nbsp;
‘Any other country’ could be a pointed reference to India, and what this means is that Nepal may now have to navigate even more carefully a tri-polar world order reshaped by the West Asia war.&nbsp;
Nepali journalist based in New Delhi Akanshya Shah agrees that the United States may not be seeing Nepal through the Indian lens anymore, while New Delhi does not want heightened US activity in what it considers its sphere of influence. All this is further complicated by recent frostiness in Washington-New Delhi ties.
“New Delhi doesn’t have that familiarity factor it used to with old leadership in Nepal, but it is curious about what the young Balen Shah will do and what kind of relation he will pursue with India,” she adds. “Certain decisions of the Balen government such as ending VIP culture and delivering passport at homes have hugely resonated with the Indian people, he has in some ways become a role model among the youth in India as well.”
India has invited Prime Minister Shah for an official state visit, which will be his first foreign trip as per tradition. Shah graduated in structural engineering from a college in Bengaluru, and knows India well. Shah has injected religious elements into his public exposure as prime minister and this could help project Nepal’s ‘soft power’ in dealing with India.
But he has also been a nationalist on the Limpiyadhura map dispute, and there are other thorny issues like air connectivity, river projects and power exports that need to be ironed out.&nbsp;
Sukh Deo Muni warns that the old Indian diplomatic approach based on religio-cultural stakeholders in Kathmandu may not work anymore. He wrote: ‘India's Modi government must prepare itself well to deal with new Nepalese leadership and their empowered support base, which is self-confident, highly nationalist, aspirant and impatient.’
The RSP’s 22-page National Commitment document said Nepal should abandon its historical ‘buffer state’ identity to serve as a ‘vibrant bridge’ between regional and global powers. Much of this debate is theoretical, and there is much navel-gazing that distracts from regional realpolitik.&nbsp;
“Whether we are a buffer state or a vibrant bridge, in today’s heightened geopolitical scenario we have to have good relations with good neighbours,” explains Akanshya Shah. “What is of paramount importance is that our ties are based on the aspirations of the young generation, so that they are engaged.”
Indra Adhikari goes as far as to say that the concepts of “buffer state” and “vibrant bridge” have both failed and Nepal is neither. “We have had zero roles in mediating or de-escalating the tensions between India and China to call ourselves a buffer state. As a vibrant bridge, we cannot facilitate trade of the two countries. The new government should have researched and consulted more before proposing the same outdated and failed foreign policy concepts.”&nbsp;
What will be much more important for Prime Minister Shah is to continue Nepal’s traditional policy of ‘equidistance’ and convince his interlocutors that it is not an anti-Indian stance.&nbsp;
“At a time when there is increased interest of big powers in Nepal, we need to do a bit of our own homework for the systemic reforms we want,” says Akanshya Shah. “As for India, we first need to clearly define what we want on connectivity, energy and culture. But most importantly, we have to capitalise on the goodwill of India which we haven’t been able to in the past.”
Adds Indra Adhikari: “When it comes to fundamental aspects of foreign policy that ensures and enhances the well being of our citizens, national parties should all have one unified voice that doesn’t change when the government does. Only then the future generations can own it.”

Love thy neighbours (and America)

Nepal is experiencing a worrying spread of dengue fever higher up into Himalayan valleys where the mosquito-borne disease was unknown until a few years ago.&nbsp; In 2025, 15 of the country’s 16 high-altitude districts reported infections, marking an unprecedented ascent of the vector and virus over 2,400m. A Tribhuvan University study has confirmed the presence of Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes and their larvae, in Jumla (2,438m).&nbsp; In Solu Khumbu district, no systematic scientific research has yet been conducted, but dengue cases have been reported in patients without travel history, suggesting the presence of vectors at the base of Mt Everest as well.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_7f9b36514e85af9da5501f83b2d34c7bb12b01ae8e8e00317898938b47cf4544.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260425060412_7f9b36514e85af9da5501f83b2d34c7bb12b01ae8e8e00317898938b47cf4544" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Chandannath Municipality, 2,438m, in Jumla is the highest that the dengue-carrying Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitos have been detected.</figcaption> </figure>  Until recently, Aedes mosquitoes had only been detected up to 2,100m. Over the past two years, however, dengue has spread across almost the entire country, affecting 76 of Nepal’s 77 districts in 2024 and 2025.&nbsp; The Epidemiology and Disease Control Division data shows 42,647 people were infected since January 2024, 19 of whom died. But the number of unreported infections is probably much higher. Scientists from the Nepal Health Research Council (NHRC), in collaboration with the Institute of Tropical Medicine in Antwerp, collected mosquito samples to analyse them and examine how they are adapting to warmer temperatures and &nbsp;resistance to insecticides. The specimens are carefully observed, photographed, and catalogued, allowing researchers to document patterns of survival, distribution, and resistance.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_cadd8a73f7f0bff79d174eea921dc6046f3a4f52a0cc34f3d4c2e12a8cc9ce29.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260425060412_cadd8a73f7f0bff79d174eea921dc6046f3a4f52a0cc34f3d4c2e12a8cc9ce29" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Santos Pandey, Pratima Bhandari and Sangita Chand examine dengue vector mosquitoes under a microscope at the NHRC laboratory in Kathmandu.The entomology unit uses stereomicroscopes to identify the subtle differences between the Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitos. Differences in thoracic markings in the insects helps determine disease risk and guide surveillance and control strategies for dengue and other mosquito-borne illnesses.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_48b8ed502a8cc47da9c6e8c6bd856e7961ffc0e804174ff7fb190057a286c7b7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260425060412_48b8ed502a8cc47da9c6e8c6bd856e7961ffc0e804174ff7fb190057a286c7b7" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>A female Aedes aegypti mosquito under a microscope. Studying both larvae and adults to detect colour or shape variations may indicate insecticide resistance or adaptation to different altitudes. Each specimen is photographed for analysis and digital archiving.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_cdf3ecfc317963e228ab08134300f38d818f394046f085169a2be9f886a134c2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260425060412_cdf3ecfc317963e228ab08134300f38d818f394046f085169a2be9f886a134c2" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Sushila Devi Shah, 38, at the Sukraraj Tropical and Infectious Disease Hospital last year. She suffered severe muscle and eye pain, headache, and fever, the main symptoms of dengue. Complications can be serious if untreated.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_4a3ada611edf7551f76969b8ab2b7d7482aedacdfaec570c1024851c9bc57ccd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260425060412_4a3ada611edf7551f76969b8ab2b7d7482aedacdfaec570c1024851c9bc57ccd" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Shiva Rajbanshi of the NHRC captures mosquitos and larvae in a breeding site. This work helps assess mosquito distribution and guides prevention efforts in areas where rising temperatures allow mosquitoes to survive and proliferate.</figcaption> </figure>  Experts attribute the spread of dengue into Nepal’s mountainous regions primarily to global warming, which creates more favourable conditions for mosquito survival and reproduction, even in areas once considered at low or no risk. The dengue-carrying mosquito mainly bites in the early mornings and evenings when people are out and about. Increased mobility within Nepal with the spreading road network and greater international connectivity have also contributed to circulating the virus. As a result, dengue is reaching Himalayan communities with poor healthcare facilities.&nbsp; In these remote and hard-to-access areas, many residents continue to rely on traditional Tibetan medicine, known as Sowa Rigpa, practiced by traditional Amchi healers who enjoy strong cultural trust and have long served as key healthcare providers within local communities.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_fbd0e125f59b7c071a61f700d08f1e37409ecc647afa8ec888c0ed8a7fc991ce.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260425060412_fbd0e125f59b7c071a61f700d08f1e37409ecc647afa8ec888c0ed8a7fc991ce" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1335" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Jomsom at 2,743m has seen erratic and extreme weather patterns with dry months becoming drier, and the monsoon seeing intense storms in this arid region. Average temperatures are rising, creating favourable conditions for mosquito-borne diseases. In 2025, nine cases of dengue were reported in Mustang district.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_59398ee65a096665bb5c2c82b92de3443809673e6bdbe1405ee92b6886210cb7.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260425060412_59398ee65a096665bb5c2c82b92de3443809673e6bdbe1405ee92b6886210cb7" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Khedup Loden Gurung checks a patient’s pulse in a clinic in Jomsom at 2,743m last year. Amchi are traditional Tibetan healers trained in Sowa Rigpa. Diagnosis is based on pulse reading (nad-par), visual examination of urine and tongue, and dialogue with the patient. Because Sowa Rigpa focuses on the individual’s overall energetic state rather than on specific pathogens, there is no direct equivalent to the biomedical concept of ‘dengue’.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_421aba7152f520b640016061901108a9b7755e0feff157e7585f4f3fd2eb2ca4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260425060412_421aba7152f520b640016061901108a9b7755e0feff157e7585f4f3fd2eb2ca4" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Handmade Sowa Rigpa herbal remedies crafted using traditional methods. After drying and processing, medicinal plants are ground by hand and combined according to precise traditional formulas. The mixtures are prepared into powders, pills, or pastes using simple tools and manual techniques passed down through generations. Before distribution, the medicines are ritually blessed.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_22970174d6ad5a7c192ec43d89eae0a8aed47ed77e9a670d85f1f473ddcfe136.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20260425060412_22970174d6ad5a7c192ec43d89eae0a8aed47ed77e9a670d85f1f473ddcfe136" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Khedup Loden Gurung treats a young patient in a clinic in Jomsom. Rooted in Buddhist monastic culture, many amchis approach healing as an act of compassion and service, practicing medicine as a vocation rather than a commercial activity for profit.</figcaption> </figure>  Practiced across the Himalayan region and influenced by Indian Ayurveda and Buddhist philosophy, Sowa Rigpa combines clinical observation, herbal remedies, and a holistic view of health, in which body, mind, environment, and spiritual dimensions are deeply interconnected. To curb the spread of dengue, Nepal’s health authorities have a two-pronged prevention and awareness. Strategy involves using insect repellents and mosquito nets, proper household environmental management, and community campaigns to eliminate stagnant water and strengthen vector surveillance.&nbsp; The goal is to improve the capacity of communities to respond promptly to emerging health threats in a territory increasingly exposed to the impacts of climate change. Vaccines against the two main strains of dengue exist, but they are expensive and have side effects. Prevention and vector management are therefore the primary strategies available to combat dengue.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_4ca7d50a4edd99f2ac930a21794a9e9a42d070565bf0fc1d7254405f5bd2e329.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20260425060412_4ca7d50a4edd99f2ac930a21794a9e9a42d070565bf0fc1d7254405f5bd2e329" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Solukhumbu District Hospital at Phaplu, 2,413m. Hospitals in these highland areas work under challenging conditions, managing a range of health needs with the resources at hand.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_3e51b4047b04ce428a171efc1047a71d2e5cbe1dbf6dfe2738d2c8ac433fee05.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20260425060412_3e51b4047b04ce428a171efc1047a71d2e5cbe1dbf6dfe2738d2c8ac433fee05" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Bijay Singh Kushwaha collects sample blood from Nara Maya Khatri, 87, admitted with suspected dengue for a rapid diagnostic test. In recent years, such cases have become more familiar in the region, and the hospital is increasingly accustomed to managing them.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_61aa4750bf8948fce4ad2f2c1d80ca6d9849f58827c8232a2c3649c9d4c8b2c0.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20260425060412_61aa4750bf8948fce4ad2f2c1d80ca6d9849f58827c8232a2c3649c9d4c8b2c0" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Sunita Baral and her team work in the NHRC laboratory.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_2742b31fa889984e5c87c41c614a4b9d848fc41095ec1dd70d2b303ec29d8435.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20260425060412_2742b31fa889984e5c87c41c614a4b9d848fc41095ec1dd70d2b303ec29d8435" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Pramod Shrestha installing a data logger at an NHRC mosquito breeding site last year to track temperature and humidity in real time — conditions that determine the mosquito life cycle, influencing development, survival, and egg hatching. Certain species including Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus, prosper only within narrow climatic ranges, so these measurements help understand how mosquitos adapt to climate change.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060412_09706a1f0d5ea8e7e9f393b770a52e3b34e95e1fc5e01b816e0c39920582faf1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20260425060412_09706a1f0d5ea8e7e9f393b770a52e3b34e95e1fc5e01b816e0c39920582faf1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest NT"> <figcaption>Fog in Pokhara Valley moving up the Annapurnas, just as dengue-carrying mosquitoes move up the mountains. Rising temperatures, coupled with unseasonal pre-monsoon downpours provide ideal breeding conditions for dengue-carrying mosquitos. These conditions enable vectors to survive at increasingly higher altitudes. Public awareness and prevention remain key factors to limit the spread of the dengue virus.</figcaption> </figure>  ©2026YuriSegalerba ©YuriSegalerba ©YuriSegalerba©YuriSegalerba <h2>Mountain Mosquitos</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260430070440_9de74f44e7c9b5d2a23346af952e6c10e84ede190af77050d5b9e0f81f19710b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20260430070440_9de74f44e7c9b5d2a23346af952e6c10e84ede190af77050d5b9e0f81f19710b" data-rendition-name="original" width="2082" height="1773" loading="lazy" alt="mosquitos climb up the mountains"> </figure>  Rising global temperatures have allowed mosquitos to thrive higher than ever before in the Himalaya. This means an increase in the distribution and intensity of vector-borne diseases like dengue, malaria, encephalitis and zika. Mosquitos breed all year round at lower elevations, but higher up the invasive mosquitos are seasonal and exist alongside native species. In Nepal, dengue-carrying mosquitos were only found below 2,000m in summer. But the vectors and their larvae were recently detected at nearly 2,500m in Jumla, and there is evidence it has also spread to Solukhumbu. Out of Nepal’s 77 districts, last year dengue patients were found in 75. Factors are: climate change, urbanisation, poor awareness and greater domestic and international connectivity. &nbsp;

Mosquitos ascend to the base of Mt Everest

Krishna Bahadur Ramtel was returning home after visiting a temple when his family insisted on climbing the Dharara viewtower in Kathmandu. He climbed up the narrow steep stairs with his mother-in-law and sister-in-law. His wife was nine months pregnant and chose to stay behind. At the top, Ramtel was holding the balcony bars when the tower started swaying at 11:56AM on 25 April 2015. The 62m tall Dharara, built and rebuilt after previous earthquakes, then collapsed into a jumble of bricks and masonry. “I heard screams everywhere, I told my mother-in-law and sister-in-law not to panic,” recalls Ramtel after regaining consciousness on a pile of rubble (pictured, below). Rescuers extricated his legs from under a brick arch and rushed him to the hospital, which was already crowded with patients writhing in pain.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_76bbf4eefc3b54464f585ac4fac81ac602cc10f7be56871860114724074847bb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260423120420_76bbf4eefc3b54464f585ac4fac81ac602cc10f7be56871860114724074847bb" data-rendition-name="original" width="801" height="399" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: KRISHNA BAHADUR RAMTEL / FACEBOOK(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption></figure>  His wife survived, but his in-laws did not. Ramtel was devastated, more so for his wife who was going to be a new mother, but lost two family members. His right leg needed an operation, but he made a complete recovery. His child was born soon after, and Ramtel’s wife had to take care of her baby as well as her injured husband. But tragically, she lacked the help of her mother and sister. The 7.8M earthquake 11 years ago this week killed 8,962 people in Central Nepal. Because it was Saturday, Dharahara Tower was more crowded than usual, and at least 180 bodies were later retrieved from the ruins. Most like Ramtel who miraculously survived were on the balcony, while those climbing or descending the staircase were killed. Built by Prime Minister Bhimsen Thapa in 1832, there were originally two towers. But one collapsed and other was damaged in the 1834 earthquake and rebuilt. Exactly 100 years later, another earthquake brought it down again. It was again restored only to collapse in 2015.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_25be3e1f9f78a3c08dcf16d5ac6663f8fbb860073d1eaf740c02b8dd18e1ea21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260423120420_25be3e1f9f78a3c08dcf16d5ac6663f8fbb860073d1eaf740c02b8dd18e1ea21" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: ADITYA KHARE(Photo: Aditya Khare)</figcaption></figure>  Only the base of the original tower remains as a memorial inside the Dharahara complex, where a reinforced concrete tower now stands. Dubbed ‘Seto Tower’ by Prime Minister Balendra Shah when he was mayor of Kathmandu is broader than the previous tower and even has a lift that goes up to the viewing deck. But Ramtel says he not going anywhere near Dharara. He says, “That place holds memories that I do not want to remember, but I cannot forget either.” Soon after his operation, Ramtel returned to his hometown in Dhading where more members of the extended clan offered support. But now he lives in Kathmandu with his family, his son is now 11 and he recently had another child.. “Being alive is a blessing. As long as one is living, there will be struggles, and I am ready to face them all,” he tells us.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260423120420_4a205fcd45f87cf1251742f6ed09f447d5f3ff363f1c65c646da46c9c456339d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260423120420_4a205fcd45f87cf1251742f6ed09f447d5f3ff363f1c65c646da46c9c456339d" data-rendition-name="original" width="640" height="427" loading="lazy" alt="Dharara survivor"><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI / NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE(Photo: Sonia Awale)</figcaption></figure>  NO PREPAREDNESS While 25 April serves as a reminder of the last major earthquake in Nepal, 16 January is marked annually as Earthquake Safety Day, coinciding with the 8.3M megaquake of 1934. Seismologists say the 7.8M disaster was not the big earthquake that Kathmandu experiences every 80-100 years, and the Big One is yet to hit. Building standards are still regularly flouted in densely populated parts of Kathmandu, which worries Ramtel. “The government acts only after the disaster has happened, people and the authorities forget quickly and move on. There is little preparation, and we expect God to save us,” says Ramtel, who also survived because of divine intervention.

Living to tell the tale

Daniel J Miller arrived in Nepal as a Peace Corps Volunteer in 1974, and spent four years in villages above 3,500m, recording the lives of livestock herders.&nbsp; His photographs and ethnographic observations offer a valuable visual documentation of how the lives of Himalayan humans were (and are) intertwined with their yaks, sheep, goats and the ecosystems they shared. Miller later worked for USAID, the Asian Development Bank, World Bank, and the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD). He travelled across Afghanistan, Bhutan, the Tibetan regions of China, Mongolia, Pakistan, and Nepal, documenting livelihoods of the inhabitants of High Asia.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_8c73e8c123a1b4cb9f9dd3a2fe8b4b8f97ac9ad16486651bfe14bba15a903e2a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20260425060420_8c73e8c123a1b4cb9f9dd3a2fe8b4b8f97ac9ad16486651bfe14bba15a903e2a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1017" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>A fast-moving herd crosses the dry plateau.ICIMOD - All Rights Reserved.</figcaption> </figure>  The Himalaya is not just a high altitude wilderness, it is a living ecosystem that includes grasslands, shrublands, forests, wetlands and a cold desert. These accounts for 60%, about 2 million sq km, of the region.&nbsp; Miller's work captured the essence of this diverse landscape, its pastoralists and their livestock, and communities whose livelihoods depended on seasonal movement across high passes. &nbsp; Miller’s photographs romanticised the rangelands and the nomadic lives of its people, while encapsulating its inherent beauty and resilience. He photographed nomad camps and caravans, documenting seasonal landscape use and migration as herders moved up to summer pastures and down in winter. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_ff707c0855b3743a372dbcbde79d4d3ea7e9e56a5cdbb9c188b72c2eb525230d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20260425060420_ff707c0855b3743a372dbcbde79d4d3ea7e9e56a5cdbb9c188b72c2eb525230d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1515" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>Mounted herders gather on a green alpine slope.ICIMOD - All Rights Reserved.</figcaption> </figure>  Miller wrote in his book Drokpa: Nomads of the Tibetan Plateau and Himalaya: ‘Moving across the grasslands with their animals, their home a tent, nomads evoke freedom.’ His images show a world shaped by indigenous knowledge, vibrant culture, and a harmony between people and their ecosystems.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_daa370021ec4fa2c95210154d37ab7f2512a542d6217c158752052b558438bb8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20260425060420_daa370021ec4fa2c95210154d37ab7f2512a542d6217c158752052b558438bb8" data-rendition-name="original" width="1107" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>Daniel J Miller with his book.</figcaption> </figure>  CLIMATE CHANGE From the Yunnan mountains to Afghanistan, the Himalayan arc supports the livelihoods of 30 million pastoralists, sustaining a rich bio-cultural diversity. Today, this balance is being disrupted in an unprecedented scale by climate and demographic change.&nbsp; Because crops struggle to grow in this harsh, high terrain, livestock is what sustains mountain communities. For the Drokpa, Bakarwal, Brokpa and Changpa, livestock is their biggest asset. &nbsp; The animals can survive temperature as low as –40°C. But global warming over the last 25 years has severely impacted the herds, weather systems and ecology of the Himalaya.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_379bdaf911d92d43e9fea7e460200b85efb32afd4fb72ac70efdeab783208b59.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20260425060420_379bdaf911d92d43e9fea7e460200b85efb32afd4fb72ac70efdeab783208b59" data-rendition-name="original" width="1511" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>Sheep spread across a wet meadow showing pastoral livelihoods depend on pockets of fragile forage in high-altitude rangelands.ICIMOD - All Rights Reserved.</figcaption> </figure>  Livestock increasingly suffer respiratory problems, loss of appetite and stress, weakening age-old pastoral systems. The mortality among the animals has increased, forcing herders to seek alternative migration routes and graze animals in unfamiliar and often riskier terrain.&nbsp; What were once well-established pastoral routes are also being disrupted by border controls, protected areas, highways and hydropower plants. Pastoral livelihoods that relied on predictable climatic rhythms are increasingly vulnerable. Wildlife populations are declining, and with them, centuries-old knowledge systems.&nbsp; The gradual loss of rangelands is threatening ways of life that depend on mobility, and intergenerational transmission of pastoral wisdom.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_bee79ad2f8c40ab562e184a836194da9b69d85c4f9ecafb93e986dd169738de4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20260425060420_bee79ad2f8c40ab562e184a836194da9b69d85c4f9ecafb93e986dd169738de4" data-rendition-name="original" width="1554" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>A pastoral camp spreads across the high rangelands, where tents, horses and open pasture show the mobility that has long sustained herding life in the Hindu Kush Himalaya.ICIMOD - All Rights Reserved.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_1b0a939b622148631f1aab81f17b0291146baef69eac1bcce635e988104a3f3c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20260425060420_1b0a939b622148631f1aab81f17b0291146baef69eac1bcce635e988104a3f3c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1539" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>At a seasonal camp, pastoral households stand at the centre of the rangeland, holding together family, livestock, culture, and mobility.ICIMOD - All Rights Reserved.</figcaption> </figure>  Miller’s work reminds us of what it was like in the 1970s, how much things are changing today. His photographs show lush pastures and fluid seasonal movement in regions where grasslands are now turniong into desert, springs are going dry, and extreme weather disrupt long-established migration cycles.&nbsp; Miller’s photographs of caravans and herders are an urgent call for action. They remind us that rangelands are livings sytems, interlinked with human survival, biodiversity and cultural identity. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_43067c16b97b0646b37b9bfa52602222a266a849bf8a2870ac628daa44a14c37.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20260425060420_43067c16b97b0646b37b9bfa52602222a266a849bf8a2870ac628daa44a14c37" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1247" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>At 72, Miller is ready to ride.</figcaption> </figure>  Often, the burden of these changes falls on women and the elderly. Their traditional skills spinning wool into blankets, weaving hand-knotted carpets, crafting garments, and building yak-hair tents are becoming a lost art. &nbsp; In pastoral kitchens, the craft of preserving raw milk by turning it into chhurpi and ghee is declining with outmigration, water scarcity and warming trends.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20260425060420_3fe1b1475afa1708587e7dcaebda539854c855a4d4283c360c2a3befbe98ce3d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20260425060420_3fe1b1475afa1708587e7dcaebda539854c855a4d4283c360c2a3befbe98ce3d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1739" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Rangelands of the Himalayan Range NT"> <figcaption>Goats and sheep are handled in a dusty enclosure, showing the daily labour and care of livestock by pastoralists in harsh terrain.ICIMOD - All Rights Reserved.</figcaption> </figure>  RECOGNISING PASTORIALISM The future of Himalayan rangelands depends on recognising pastoralism not just as an endangered way of life, but &nbsp;a system that must be valued and sustained. This demands innovative approaches that support the people who continue to serve as the custodians of these fragile landscapes.&nbsp; The International Year of Rangelands and Pastoralists (IYRP) 2026 unites global institutions and offers opportunities to recognise the value of rangelands and safeguard them before the loss is permanent.&nbsp; Saurav Thapa Shrestha is a Communications Associate at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD) in Kathmandu.