The two sides of Punjab in India and Pakistan may be 2,000km away, but the war between two <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/south-asia-2040-qxr16oup">South Asian neighbours </a>sent aftershocks here to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds">India-Nepal border</a>.&nbsp; Among the 26 tourists killed by terrorists in Pahalgam on 22 April was a Nepali from Butwal on a holiday with his family, and Nepali nationals enlisted in the Indian Army could be see action in case of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/peacemongers-at-india-pakistan-border">conflict between India and Pakistan</a>.&nbsp; The open border between India and Nepal is usually relaxed with people going back and forth without much checking, but after hostilities broke out last week, controls by India’s Border Security Force of documents and inspections of vehicles has been stepped up. About 15km east of Birganj is the frontier village of Ghodasahan. On the Nepal side, the settlement is under the Bisrampur Rural Municipality in Bara District and on the other side it is in East Champaran of India’s Bihar state. There are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/20-years-ago-this-week/secularism-debate">Hindus and Muslims </a>on both sides of the national boundary that slices through the village. The increased security on both sides of the border is starting to affect the daily life of villagers who had been used to going back and forth without any hindrance. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nukes-in-the-neighbourhood">Nukes in the neighbourhood</a>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250511160520_7202b268e053118ed783c740918389ace533bf47576c0bda787eecb6f71af5b9.png" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250511160520_7202b268e053118ed783c740918389ace533bf47576c0bda787eecb6f71af5b9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2230" height="1534" loading="lazy" alt="No man's land"> </figure>  “We know who the locals are, but if there are people who we don’t know and they look different, we interrogate them,” one Nepali security official said, adding that local people also inform the police if they see any strangers. Right along the 1,700km <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/people-to-people-at-india-nepal-border">Nepal-India border</a>, there are many townships like Ghodasahan which have the same name on both sides of the border. In some places, the border divides <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/home-is-where-the-heart-is">homes and households</a>, in others one side of the road is in Nepal and the other side is in India.&nbsp; In most of these villages, the local people have come to accept the presence of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/job-insecurity-in-security-forces?%2F">security forces </a>on both sides. Some farms are divided by the border, and villagers are used to border guards inspecting harvests being brought across. The India-Nepal border is also a hotbed of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/smuggled-chimps-wait-it-out-in-kathmandu?%2F">smuggling</a>, so police inspections are normal, but the heightened tension between India and Pakistan have made such checks stricter. Also in Bara district is the village of Gulariya which also stretches on both sides of the border. Seventy-year-old Satan Bhagat’s house is on the other side of no-man’s land in India but his livestock shed is in Nepal.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250511160520_4b4057c9f03b82e4f634fc071929b2847897b13982e2dc08eaaa48c6feb9f906.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250511160520_4b4057c9f03b82e4f634fc071929b2847897b13982e2dc08eaaa48c6feb9f906" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1204" loading="lazy" alt="No man's land NT"> <figcaption>Satan Bhagat</figcaption> </figure>  With new requirements for citizenship on both sides, and stricter enforcement of those with dual citizenship, families are having to decide whether they are Nepali or Indian. “We don’t want war, we want peace,” said one villager, apprehensive of the spillover effect of the India-Pakistan conflict. “In the 1971 war we followed what was happening on the radio, but now we know minute-by-minute what is happening <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/surveying-nepal-s-digital-landscape">on our mobiles.</a>”&nbsp; The open Nepal-India border is a model for other parts of the world, where frontier controls are getting tighter and populist anti-migration parties are winning elections. The rhyming slogan in Hindi here has been ‘बोर्डर बनेंगे अमन के निशान, दोनों &nbsp;मित्र नेपाल - हिंदुस्तान’ (Nepal-India Border: A Symbol of Peace).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250511160520_7607dcca541c23093c11c3b3a5e1380d27401d458d2ce28a24c18a6b609df1fd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250511160520_7607dcca541c23093c11c3b3a5e1380d27401d458d2ce28a24c18a6b609df1fd" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1204" loading="lazy" alt="No man's land NT"> <figcaption>The village of Gulariya in Bara district also stretches on both sides of the Nepal-India border.</figcaption> </figure>  But slogans only go far when policies about these<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=7594"> borderlands </a>are made in faraway national capitals in New Delhi and Kathmandu. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/messaging-is-the-message">The media </a>also has a role in making border controls only about security and crime, and not about how much it helps local people on both sides. The reason there are calls for stricter border control is due to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-politics">geopolitics</a>, and this concern has been enhanced by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/indo-pak-tension-hits-saarc-climate-action">the India-Pakistan conflict</a>. But this is not just about safeguarding India’s security interests, but also about Nepal being vigilant and taking advantage of its open border.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250511160524_d31874e0dad74299d3849a37690e050690604a03f0320b79f1816ea3bb039679.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250511160524_d31874e0dad74299d3849a37690e050690604a03f0320b79f1816ea3bb039679" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1204" loading="lazy" alt="No man's land NT"> <figcaption>Naser Ahmed</figcaption> </figure>  <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/the-world-9-11-made">Terrorism </a>cannot be defined as ‘moderate’ or ‘radical’. Terror has no morals. It cannot be justified by arguments for or against. Terrorism has no respect for innocent human life — whether it is structural violence of the state, or militant counter-violence. Pahalgam was proof that terrorism is not an accident. It does not happen in a vacuum. When geopolitical rivalry is involved, it complicates matters further as a tit-for-tat in which <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/remembering-not-to-forget-the-peoples-war">innocent civilians are cruelly caught in the crossfire</a>.&nbsp; As Naser Ahmed on the Nepal side of the border village of Ghodasahan says: “The open border may not be open forever, we have to work to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/justice-delayed-justice-denied-byrx8a1c">safeguard peace </a>on both sides of no-man’s land.”

Chandra Kishore

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Borderlines

No-man’s land

During <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-constitution-3-years-later">the Constitution </a>drafting process that took nearly ten years, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/faith-in-tolerance?form=MG0AV3">Nepal’s various ethnicities and religions </a>tried to define their status vis-a-vis the state. They laid down their demands, they struggled, and then forged compacts. When the Constitution was finally promulgated in 2015, these agreements between individual groups and the state were given a rough roadmap. However, the new statute could not address the divisions between various communities and ethnicities. Despite its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/decoding-diversity?fbclid=IwAR3P0GygTCQ7HE-LaaVOhmKSyUDLlIrR2l9VzXKwCFJ8Em7YFHSAOiiXqQE">diversity</a>, Nepal does not have a history of serious sectarian, religious or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-cycles-of-revolution">communal conflict</a>. The Constitution’s preamble accepts pluralism and tolerance. Every group is guaranteed the right to demonstrate its faith as long as it does not infringe on the right of another group. Authoritarianism and democracy are two opposing poles of any political system. They are governed differently, and their internal structures are disparate. Authoritarian systems exist only if the status quo is maintained, while democracies are always in dynamic flux. This is why democracies cannot always guarantee stability, and there will be voices using the very freedoms the system guarantees them to agitate for a dictatorial regime. This can seem contradictory, but in Nepal’s present context they are complementary. The evolution of Nepali society has seen insurgency, interaction and intermingling, and democracy has allowed tolerance of different belief systems.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250418100452_b50e2b40e20769f7c27c4e30b25ccabb369c57b5f5d30b92a67c6fbf5e9daa2c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250418100452_b50e2b40e20769f7c27c4e30b25ccabb369c57b5f5d30b92a67c6fbf5e9daa2c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="The sociology of social unrest"> </figure>  In the past, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-ghost-of-monarchy-returns-to-haunt-nepal">the monarchy</a> tried but could not fully address the cultural aspirations of the country’s ethnicities. During the Panchayat, the geopolitical need of the time was to strengthen national unity and identity through a unitary state. Today’s<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/republicans-and-royalists-on-nepal-s-streets"> royalists </a>are using the current political disarray and public dissatisfaction to evoke nostalgia for strongman rule. In politics, there can be smoke even without a fire. The ex-king’s project is to terminate the pluralism ensured by this hard-won Constitution. There are indications that reactionaries are trying to fish in troubled waters. In the past four years, Birganj has started marking Hanuman Jayanti in honour of the monkey god of the Ramayana, and it has always been accompanied by tension with adherents of other faiths. Last week, violence flared again during the procession, and the city was shut down with a curfew for two days. Although restrictions have now been lifted, the city is still licking its wounds.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250418100456_bf07e5702dcae169ea57b72f7284eac805fa4d7d8dc6f5d6ccd01835bc873463.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250418100456_bf07e5702dcae169ea57b72f7284eac805fa4d7d8dc6f5d6ccd01835bc873463" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="The sociology of social unrest"> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-deja-vu-on-black-friday">Nepal’s déjà vu on Black Friday</a>, Sonia Awale A religious procession has to be sensitive to the neighbourhood it is moving through, it cannot provoke those from other communities who live there. The administration is responsible to ensure that things do not get out of hand. This was obviously not done. There should have been strict guidelines about the route of the procession, a ban on openly carrying weapons of any kind, and against provocative slogans directed at another religious group. These rules should have been pre-agreed and strictly enforced. Another factor that poured oil on the fire was live video reporting on social media of the procession that magnified the agenda of the organisers. Such ‘reporting’ by ‘journalists’ sensationalised the violence and helped spread it with fake videos, disinformation and hate speech. Sharing such content also spurs copycat violence and prevents resolution. There are signs various groups are trying to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion">mix politics with religion</a> and with extremist rhetoric. There should be forceful and immediate legal action against such elements to nip the unrest in the bud. Local problems need <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/global-crisis-local-solutions">local solutions</a>. Outside interference may complicate attempts to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/protecting-nepals-forests-from-fires">extinguish the fire</a>. The silent majority of citizens do not want violence and turmoil, they want peace and reconciliation. Any political force that tries to exploit the Birganj unrest to further its own narrow interest elsewhere will ultimately reap the whirlwind. Chandrakishore is a Birganj-based political commentator who writes this monthly column BORDERLINES in Nepali Times. @kishore_chandra

The sociology of social unrest

The fact that the festival of Holi is celebrated on two different days in Nepal this week is itself an indication of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">how the mountains and plains of Nepal</a> are culturally united. The full moon day of Fagu Purnima is marked with much merriment in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/knowing-our-mountains-43v4iyvo">mountains</a> on Thursday, while the festival of colours is celebrated on Friday in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-tarai-s-shrinking-forests">the Tarai</a>. And it would be fair to say that the passion with which <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/holi-in-birganj">Holi in the plains </a>is several times more intense. In fact, along the Nepal Tarai, holi is celebrated on both days. In many places in Birganj, Janakpur and Rajbiraj, young Hindu or Muslim, Madhesi or Pahadi, celebrate each other’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/festivals-of-sisterhood">festivals</a> together. The 2021 census shows that more than half the country’s population now lives <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-tarai-learns-from-past-floods">in the Tarai</a>, and this coexistence has made the Holi mosaic in the Tarai even more colourful.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250312040356_6026f407093ac0acaf39542e71a72279fc67226e50e0f3b2a3e10dc436f58d40.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250312040356_6026f407093ac0acaf39542e71a72279fc67226e50e0f3b2a3e10dc436f58d40" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Holi story 2"> </figure>  The festival proves that as long as the rulers on either side of these borderlands do not mix <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion">politics with religion</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/decoding-diversity">Nepalis of all faiths and ethnicities</a> can get along as they have for centuries. And example of this are the tradition of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-folk-songs-move-beyond-love-and-loss">folk songs</a> in the Bhojpuri language sung during the Holi festival by people in India and Nepal.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15948">Many tongues, one voice</a>, Amar Kanta Jha One such song actually prays for the prosperity of Nepal: ‘Blessed be Nepal,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/a-thousand-sadhus-and-a-hanuman"> the land of Pashupati </a>which I will decorate with gold and sprinkle Nepal with silver.’ The lyrics of this song are contained in a 1948 Hindi book, Bhojpuri Folk Songs shows that reverence for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-healer-of-pashupati">Pashupati </a>and its role as Nepal’s patron deity is part of the culture on both sides of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-s-border-trains-that-connected-nepal">Nepal-India border</a>.&nbsp; The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/languages-are-both-software-and-hardware">language</a> is a bond that ties the people of these borderlands together, but it is also the festival of Holi that cements the people-to-people relations. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/margins/songs-from-chomolungma">folk songs</a> sung during the festival have been passed down for generations, highlighting the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/barbwire-borders">age-old ties</a>. Holi is celebrated all week this week in Nepal as well as in India with communities gathering in the evenings to sing the ‘Hori’ folk songs. With <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-road-out-of-nepal">outmigration</a>, it is mostly older people who take part in these rituals and there are fewer and fewer people every year who can sing the songs. “The cultural erosion had been happening, but it is accelerating in recent years,” says Harinder Himkar, a historian from the neighbouring Indian state of Bihar. “Because of this, mutual closeness of people <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds">in the border regions of India and Nepal</a> have also diminished.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025031205030_a0fecd32df939e0a3f642585d9f3133683e7cf332511d20c34b78534a6fdd4bf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_19" data-image-id="2025031205030_a0fecd32df939e0a3f642585d9f3133683e7cf332511d20c34b78534a6fdd4bf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Holi 3"> </figure>  Holi is a festival of love, intimacy and celebration of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandus-silent-spring">spring</a>. It is flirtatious, and represents the changing of the seasons and new beginnings. Which is why the songs sung are happy and optimistic despite the daily grind that the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/strength-in-numbers-for-female-farmers">farming communities</a> here are engaged in. It is believed that<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-deities-in-transit"> the deities </a>Krishna, Shiva, Ram and Sita all splashed colours on each other, and humans are just emulating their merrymaking. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/eastern-melodies-in-kathmandu">Folk songs</a> are by definition old. They are moulded by centuries of experience and knowledge that makes them relevant to this day. No one knows who wrote these songs, or who gave them music, and yet they are immortal. This particular Bhojpuri folk song sung at Holi, reminds us that Nepal is an ancient country, and it is Pashupati that is the holy bond. Says cultural historian Ramsharan Agrawal from Sitamarhi, just across the border in Bihar state: “The folk song proves that the ties that bind our civilisations together are ancient, and the fact that there are references to Pashupati and wishing prosperity on the people of Nepal shows just how interconnected we were, and are.” Holi may be celebrated differently on different dates in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/to-save-the-tarai-save-the-siwalik">the Tarai</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/conserving-mountains-for-people-and-nature">the mountains</a>, but it is a festival of solidarity between <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-is-turning-into-a-nation-of-hybrid-identities">different ethnicities </a>and geographies of Nepal. ‘Holi Friendship Ceremonies’ are held in just about every town along the border. Just like the song itself says: “May you be happy all year round, like today.” "आरे धन्य नगर नयपाल हो लाला, धन्य नगर नयपाल हो । आरे जाहवां विराजे पशुपति बाबा, धन्य नगर नयपाल हो। आहो कथिये छवइबो में बाबा के मन्दिलवा, आहो लाला,कथिये छवइबो नयपाल हो सोनवे छविइबो में बाबा के मन्दिलवा रूपवे छवइबो नयपाल हो।" Chandrakishore is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/un-holi-colours">Un-Holi Colours</a>, Ashish Dhakal

Holi days along the border

Every five years, the Gadimai Festival puts Nepal in the international spotlight for all the wrong reasons. Tens of thousands of buffalos, goats, fowl and rodents are slaughtered inside a temple enclosure in the village of Bariyapur of Bara district.&nbsp;
Devotees believe the goddess will fulfil their wishes, and unlike other festivals in Nepal the sacrificial animals are usually not eaten. In 2009 an estimated 400,000 water buffalos, goats, chicken, ducks and even white mice were said to have been killed over a two-day period. The 250-year-old Gadimai Mela has therefore been called ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/night-before-the-slaughter">Gadimai Massacre</a>’ by animal rights activists.
The killings polarise Nepali society every five years. The Supreme Court in 2015 instructed the Gadimai Temple Committee to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Overkill-in-Gadhimai,1794">phase out the mass sacrifice</a>, and issued a mandamus order directing the Nepal government to set a timeline stop the killings. The temple trust discouraged devotees to bring animals and announced that it would discontinue killings starting with the festival in 2019, but the sacrifices continued unabated.
Because of the <a href="https://time.com/3609356/the-worlds-largest-animal-slaughter-festival-has-begun-in-nepal/">intense international media glare</a>, the mass sacrifice has <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/night-before-the-slaughter">tarnished Nepal’s compassionate image</a> as the birthplace of the Buddha. Celebrities like actresses <a href="http://setopati.net/society/4105/">Brigitte Bardot</a> and Joanna Lumley and India’s Menaka Gandhi have staged demonstrations, and even the European Union (EU) wrote to the Nepal government.
However, here in the Tarai and across the border in India, the sacrifices are driven by a strongly-held belief that it will appease the goddess. Local groups have invoked right to religious freedom and point to the tradition of ritual sacrifices in other religions.&nbsp;
The Gadimai Mela coincides with the Thanksgiving Festival in the United States in which tens of millions of turkeys are slaughtered, and supporters say that is also a mass killing. Sacrifices on a similar scale are held across the Muslim world during Bakr Id.
<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16522">Rabi Thapa, in his 2014 column ‘Kalam’</a> in this newspaper wrote: ‘It is the fact of the slaughter, more than anything else, that attracts or repulses. The imagery employed by those speaking out against the mass sacrifice -- drunken men hacking away at 20,000 hapless young buffalos, a marshland of blood and gore -- betrays a horror of industrial scale barbarism that is anathema to (western) notions of sanitised, civilised progress. At root, the global protests against Gadimai can be applied to all individual sacrifices in the name of religion that are conducted within the premises of the household, the temple, or the street. ’
Pitted against each other are those who are against mass cruelty to animals not primarily killed for eating, and the people of the borderlands who celebrate that very sacrifice. This year, the voices against the sacrifices have been amplified in social media platforms. &nbsp;&nbsp;
But however strong the voices within Nepal and abroad against Gadimai, faith seems more powerful – that the sacrifices will mollify the gods during trying times. The arguments (and laws) about unnecessary mass killing of innocent animals does not seem to work against a deeply-held belief system.
The ritual killings at Gadimai temple premises are on 8-10 December, and all 16 municipalities in Bara district have declared a three-day holiday. Upendra Prasad Yadav, mayor of Gadimai Municipality heads a coordination committee, and the main priest of the temple Mangal Chaudhary is from the indigenous Tharu community, as is the custom.
Buffalos used to be decapitated in an open ground near the temple, but after animal rights activists started protesting, it is now done inside a barbwire walled enclosure. The goats and chicken are sacrificed in a post-harvest paddy field across the Pasaha River.
Although the Gadimai Festival has earned a dubious reputation, it is also an opportunity for clans from both sides of the India-Nepal border to get together. Even the Muslim community here takes part, and Gadimai is also a celebration of religious harmony.&nbsp;
In recent years, what used to be a small gathering with a few hundred people has become massive and heavily commercialised. The sheer scale of the event overwhelms local authorities, and traders exploit visitors to maximise profits.&nbsp;
It has been more <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/from-nepali-press/Manage-Gadhimai,1804">than ten years since I have been writing</a> about the lack of regulation, and preparedness for potential emergencies at Bariyarpur. There are no veterinarians on site, no plans for post-festival cleanup of the blood and carcasses, and no oversight of the food for both animals and visitors. Sanitation standards are abysmal, and there is the risk of stampede.
The festival is also an occasion to see how society in the Madhes and in Bihar is changing: tractors have replaced bullock cart caravans. The Chamar community from India and Nepal still retrieve the buffalo carcasses, but rather than consume it themselves, the meat and skin are sold.
Since there are so many people who come together at one time, the festival is an opportunity for the Madhes Province government to use it to spread cultural awareness and information about public health issues.&nbsp;
Chandrakishore is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times.

Gadimai Again

The corridor between Simara and Birganj is Nepal’s prominent industrial area. Proximity to the Indian border, and location astride the main highway to Kathmandu also makes it an important trade route. However, these very attributes also bring out many problems, including health risk. Pollution of the waterways by factories is one hazard, the toxic effluents leaching into the soil contaminating groundwater.&nbsp; The other less visible but insidious health hazard on both sides of the border is from <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/impact-of-lead-on-intellectual-development%20,3820" target="_blank">lead poisoning</a>. Neither in India nor in Nepal is there much awareness in government or the public about the long term impact of lead in the environment. &nbsp; The solution to this problem should also be crossborder, but like with every other transboundary issue there is very little discussion between the two governments about it. International Lead Prevention Week (21-26 October) is as good a time as any to look into the issue. <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanplh/article/PIIS2542-5196(23)00166-3/fulltext#:~:text=The%20global%20cost%20of%20lead,income%20losses%20from%20IQ%20loss." target="_blank">Worldwide, lead exposure risk</a> has reduced after leaded gasoline phase-out because it was discovered that lead in the environment caused a reduction of IQ and cardiovascular disease in people. In Nepal, however, research by the group <a href="http://cephed.org.np/" target="_blank">CEPHED (Center for Public Health and Environmental Development)</a> in Kathmandu has shown that lead is still present in paint, lead chromate used in colour dyes specially during Tihar, and in cooking utensils. Nepal is already at the bottom in terms of average intelligence of the population, according to the <a href="https://worldpopulationreview.com/country-rankings/average-iq-by-country" target="_blank">World Population Review.</a>&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241025161024_45dd6cad017d1c1387d238213bb2cbfcadae2e0b17bedb839c44ca47bfd8655f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241025161024_45dd6cad017d1c1387d238213bb2cbfcadae2e0b17bedb839c44ca47bfd8655f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1674" height="1360" loading="lazy" alt="lead poisoning in Nepal"> </figure>  Another <a href="https://a70774f5.streaklinks.com/CK_WIdlTE-cobDnhCwv4l9MA/https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nature.com%2Farticles%2Fs41598-024-59519-0" target="_blank">Rapid Market Survey</a> by the group Pure Earth that analysed hundreds of household items in Nepal found that 14 types of ceramic, aluminium or plastic kitchen ware had levels of lead above safe limits. Recycled aluminium cookware that leach lead is said to be the best-known of the three sources. Here in the Tarai, there is evidence that lead content in the <a href="https://journal.com.ph/lead-loaded-eyeliner-tested-in-malaysia-also-sold-in-the-philippines/" target="_blank">kajal traditional eye-liners </a>used daily by women is high enough to be a health hazard. The frightening thing is that despite the known risk, there have been no studies in the borderlands between India and Nepal about the lead content in the bloodstream of the population, especially of women and children. There are some extrapolated global statistics that suggest one third of urban Nepalis have blood lead levels that are higher than the safe threshold. Even Amarnath Thakur of the Mangalam Diagnostic Centre in Birganj says there are no reliable figures on lead contamination. There was a paper published in the Journal of Pathology of Nepal in 2016 that said the blood lead level among school-going children was ‘alarmingly high’. “There has not been enough definitive research, but the condition is probably not very good, especially among children,” says paediatrician Sailash Thakur, who thinks it is largely because of the proximity of the industrial corridor. In Kathmandu, two out of every three children could grow into adults with <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/impact-of-lead-on-intellectual-development%20,3820" target="_blank">limited mental and intellectual capacity</a> because of high blood lead content. “Imagine what this will do to our country,” said paediatrician Imran Ansari at Patan Hospital told <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/impact-of-lead-on-intellectual-development%20,3820" target="_blank">Nepali Times in 2018</a>. A 2013 survey of school children in Kathmandu Valley calculated that every extra 10 µg/dl concentration of lead in the blood resulted in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/jiom.com.np/index.php/jiomjournal/article/download/744/686" target="_blank">a drop in IQ of 2.35 points</a>.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241025161024_ad9df4419d7a7e9adcc77393dca9aab8680bb514797e66f940efcafbb8acc75a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20241025161024_ad9df4419d7a7e9adcc77393dca9aab8680bb514797e66f940efcafbb8acc75a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1700" height="1118" loading="lazy" alt="lead poisoning in Nepal"> </figure>  Here in Birganj, children and pregnant women are exposed to high lead content, but there is little awareness, no strategy to tackle it, and no action on the part of local, provincial or federal governments. Awareness is especially necessary just before festivals like Diwali, Chhath, or Holi when spices, vermilion and other colour powders are used with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/toxic-tihar" target="_blank">high lead chromate content</a>, as well as heavy metals like cadmium and strontium that are highly toxic. The paint industry uses lead to make the products shinier, to reduce rust and to make paint dry faster. Even though the companies say that they voluntarily no longer use lead, there is little monitoring whether they do or not. One research in the Tarai found groundwater contaminated with lead and arsenic, but municipalities here have never heard of either. It has been ten years since the Ministry of Forests and Environment issued a gazette notice fixing the maximum lead concentration in paint to 90 ppm (parts per million). But that regulation seems to exist only on paper, and the government has abandoned its primary responsibility of safeguarding the health of people. Lead poisoning is not like other types of toxic ingestion, children and adults can be exposed to it through the ambient air and once it enters the bloodstream the lead then affects the brain and other organs over the long term. Children have been found to be especially vulnerable. Lead poisoning can even expose the foetus if the mother is exposed to it, and the damage it does is much more serious than what it would do to an adult. There are many sources of contamination: carelessly disposed lead acid batteries, inverter batteries, e-waste, leaded paint, water coming out of older leader pipes. But the general public is mostly unaware of these risks.&nbsp; Lead poisoning is a hidden danger, and if the federal government does not care, it should be the Madhes Province that does by spreading public awareness, monitoring sources of lead, and providing safe alternatives. &nbsp;Cooperation with local governments across the open porous border in India would also be essential.

The silent danger of lead

It was a rainy night in August, 50 years ago, in our ancestral village of Balara near the Indian border. Because of the monsoon, our village was surrounded by flood waters.&nbsp; I vividly remember my grandmother Sharada Devi picking me up, and putting me to sleep on the bed. Waking up the next morning, I learnt that she had been bitten by a snake, and a porter had carried her in a bamboo basket across the Bagmati to a shaman. She died on the way. That bereavement at a young age left a wound that is still fresh. Even after half-a-century, the trauma of snakes has not left me. Many thousands of Nepalis die every year because of lack of timely treatment for snake bites. The Tarai presents an ideal habitat for venomous snakes, and during the monsoon they come out of their flooded hideouts to enter homes and fields. The monsoon is also when there are more farmers out and about for planting, exposing them to the danger. Snake bite has been such a clear and present danger to life in Nepal’s southern borderlands that during the many festivals this season, stories are told of people who have survived snake bites because of their devotion.&nbsp; There are Maithili folk songs that pray for the welfare of snakes, but also plead for divine protection from snake bites at night, so they can wake up alive in the morning.&nbsp; The traditional occupation of the Natuwa people is of snake charmers. They used to travel from village to village blowing on a flute-like instrument, making a captive cobra sway and dance.&nbsp; The Natuwa can be Hindu or Muslim, and are also called upon when a venomous snake is found inside the house. Some earned the reputation for being quacks because of their ineffective and fake treatment of snakebites. Mobarak Miya (below) lives near Simara, and shows a round wooden box in which he used to keep his dancing cobra.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240926110956_e1c94271600b547e21183c3502b51993e37a1aa404b16b3cbff89124d360c149.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20240926110956_e1c94271600b547e21183c3502b51993e37a1aa404b16b3cbff89124d360c149" data-rendition-name="original" width="1204" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="The snake bite emergency"> </figure>  “Nowadays snakes are a protected species and the law does not allow us to keep them, but we had a charmed life as snake charmers,” recalls Miya, who now does day jobs to earn a living. For a hazard that claims thousands of lives every year in Nepal, there are no reliable estimates of fatalities from snake bites. Awareness is lacking about distinguishing between venomous and non-venomous snakes, or what to do if bitten. Snake bites are treatable, but health posts lack adequate anti-venom vials. About 10 people every year are killed by tiger or wildlife attacks, but those get much more media attention than the estimated 40,000 snake bite cases a year in Nepal and the 3,000 fatalities that result from them. &nbsp;&nbsp; As with everything else, it is the marginalised communities which are most exposed to the risk. Tarai Dalits, who spend more time outdoors in the fields and live in flimsy mud and thatch houses, suffer disproportionately.&nbsp; With federalism, rural municipalities should be taking a more proactive approach to supplying antidotes to their health posts and spreading awareness. But this is not happening. Statistics from existing health posts that administer antivenom show that many victims are from across the border in India. This proves that northern Bihar also suffers from the same risk and lacks treatment. The role of local FM radio in spreading awareness has transboundary importance because these stations have a considerable listenership in India.&nbsp; Tarai families are more exposed to the risk because most of Nepal’s venomous species are found in the plains. But in addition, unsafe housing, flooding, paddy plantation and harvest, grazing livestock, open defecation, and sleeping on the floor are added risk factors. Researchers at BPKIHS in Dharan showed in a pilot in four Tarai villages that a Motorcycle Volunteer Program to rush snake bite victims to health posts saved lives. There used to be about 500 snake bites per 100,000 population with a 10% fatality rate in the sites, but after the experiment, only 0.5% of the 315 cases were fatal. &nbsp; Snakes kill and maim the poorest Nepalis, which may be why the state is not so bothered, and there is a direct correlation with unsafe housing, lack of education, and quality health services.&nbsp; The snake bite emergency is as serious as ever. It could be that agriculture, pesticide use, urbanisation, infrastructure has forced snakes out of their habitat. Climate breakdown, heat stress, and floods could be making human-snake contact more probable. &nbsp;&nbsp; Whatever the cause, I lost my grandmother and many Tarai households lose family members every year. Nepal has had multiple governments in the past three decades, and two elections under the federal system that were supposed to provide accountable local governance.&nbsp; But the menace of snake bites remains an emergency. &nbsp; Chandrakishore is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times.

The snake bite emergency

As the well-known adage goes: you can choose your friends but not your neighbours. There is no alternative to learning to live together. Relations between neighbours in a housing estate or nation states is (or should be) dependent on long term bilateral interest, not instantaneous calculations. Nowhere is relations between nations become more of an everyday issue than in the borderlands. And how multidimensional relations between countries are managed and nurtured should be the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/learning-rubbish-memorising-gibberish">message in school textbooks</a>. Afterall, the foundations of knowledge and values are laid in school and in the books used to teach them. In most countries the content of textbooks is determined by the state, in fact it is an official document reflecting a country’s position on various facets of citizenship. Textbooks determine a person’s views on a cross border state.&nbsp; I have recently been leafing through the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/delay-dilute-deny"> Social Studies textbooks</a> for Grades 9 (pictured, below) and 10 published by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology’s Curriculum Development Board at Sano Thimi. Imagine my astonishment when in the Grade 9 chapter on ‘Nation and Nationalism’ was this sentence in the section titled Border Security (translated from Nepali): ‘An open border opens up the possibility of increased human trafficking and drug smuggling. In fact, an open border can poison relations between people and even lead to war.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240717080732_a0492a1be8aaa76b0a90985f0c8ebf85874f53fd9e328d09aef9b614aa29cb84.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20240717080732_a0492a1be8aaa76b0a90985f0c8ebf85874f53fd9e328d09aef9b614aa29cb84" data-rendition-name="original" width="1074" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Nepali textbook social studies NT"> <figcaption>Social Studies textbook for grade 9.</figcaption> </figure>  Similarly, a section titled ‘Nepal’s Friends and Agencies’ talks about Nepal being a landlocked country situated between India and China, &nbsp;without indicating that these two neighbours of Nepal are global economic heavyweights. Whatever the text book may say about the dangers of an open border, all <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/barbwire-borders">national frontiers should be as open as the one between India and Nepal</a>. Nepal has had a similar open border with Tibet for centuries.&nbsp; Officially, a country’s relation with its neighbour is marked by when diplomatic relations were established. But there is no such date with which we can pinpoint how long Nepal’s relations with India and Tibet (now an autonomous region of China) has existed. Nepal’s school textbooks fail to impart on students the importance of the country’s relations with these two vast and powerful neighbours. Instead of establishing a narrative that an open border is the ultimate symbol of strong and close ties between countries, Nepali textbooks give it an unhelpful negative connotation. By contract, Nepal’s trans-Himalayan border with China is limited and controlled. Citizens of both countries need passports and visas to enter the other. From time to time, some Tibetans do enter Nepal bypassing official checkpoints.&nbsp; The Nepal-India border on the other hand is open because of mutual agreement, friendship, good neighbourliness, religious and cultural diversity, social cohesion, family relations, and common geographical features on both sides.&nbsp; These economic, cultural, political and historical aspects of the open border should have been incorporated into Nepal’s text books. On the other hand, the books should also have explained the reason why the Nepal-China border has not been open since the annexation of Tibet 65 years ago. The content of the Social Studies text book reflects state neglect. A border is not the result of the wishes of a country on one side, it is the common meeting point of nations. Because the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/lessons-not-learnt-homework-not-done">examination system </a>requires students to memorise and regurgitate content of textbooks, a teacher cannot deviate from what it says even if it is incorrect. A secondary school teacher regards the textbook as the curriculum. A text book’s content therefore does not just impact the point of view of students, but also teachers. More than disinformation on social media, it is the half-truths and false notions in text books that are more dangerous. In fact, textbooks read like the declaration of the political party in power. This is a result of the curriculum drafters not being inclusive and representative of Nepal’s diversity.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-exceptional-buhari">The Exceptional Buhari</a>, Sudeshna Thapa This can bring about a tectonic shift in the thought process of young Nepalis, evoke a sense of animosity towards neighbours and ‘others’. In a country where political polarisation, ideological divide is already wide, such assertiveness by the dominant community can be sensitive.&nbsp; Textbooks cannot be propaganda, they cannot be a vehicle to establish a political narrative. They should heal and unite. Students need to learn and understand <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-love-triangle-with-china-and-india-impacts-investment">Nepal’s fragile geopolitical circumstance</a>, and not be exhorted to rock the boat. There is a common socio-cultural milieu that is transboundary because of our shared history and politics. Nepal’s youth need to have a moderate and balanced view of the history, geography and cultural links of the borderlands so they can contribute to cooperation and coexistence.&nbsp; Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based media commentator and writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times. @kishore_chandra

Textbook case of bad textbooks

The marathon Indian election race and its nail-biting finish was watched with great interest in Nepal, and nowhere more so than here in the borderlands of the Tarai. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/modi-fever-in-motihari">Next door in the Indian states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh</a>, the BJP faced a dramatic upset — even in Ayodhya, where Narendra Modi had inaugurated a Hindu temple complex built on the ruins of a mosque earlier this year.&nbsp; Kathmandu-based India ‘experts’ spread many conspiracy theories ahead of the elections mainly about how <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/southerly-winds">Modi’s Hindutva political ideology</a> would spread to the Tarai. They were unable to distinguish between political Hindutva and faith-based Hindu activities. Even though the BJP is expected to form the next government, it is behaving as if it lost the election because it set the bar too high for itself. Despite all the parties uniting in the I.N.D.I.A. alliance led by Rahul Gandhi of the Congress party, it still got less votes than the BJP. Yet the alliance is celebrating a victory.&nbsp; The main message of the Indian election result that should have relevance for Nepal is that voters in the world’s largest democracy refused to whole-heartedly support the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion">BJP’s divisive religious extremism</a>, and have given a nod to inclusion, tolerance and equality.&nbsp; Populism, the cult of personality, faux-nationalism, the muzzling of media and civil society, as well as religious and socio-cultural polarisation will ultimately be rejected at the grassroots. It was India’s Dalits, indigenous people, and the marginalised who punctured the BJP’s saffron balloon.&nbsp; But the Indian electorate also put the BJP back in power to reward Modi for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/india-s-election-and-its-economic-future">the visible progress in infrastructure</a>, and making many Indians feel good about themselves. The BJP party is facing internal tension as it analyses why the party did not do as well as expected. The ill-concealed rivalry between the RSS and the BJP, the alienation of India’s sizeable Muslim and Dalit population strengthened the hand of the Congress. It is said that the road to power in New Delhi is via Uttar Pradesh, because of the state’s sheer population size. The BJP Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Yogi Adityanath, who is also the high priest of the Gorakhnath Temple with strong ties to the Nepal monarchy, is expected to now have less clout in New Delhi.&nbsp; This means the political forces in Nepal who were <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">trying to roll back secularism and restore the monarchy with moral support from the South</a>, will also face a setback. The border states of Bihar and Uttar Pradesh both largely rejected the politics of religious extremism.&nbsp; The election has also boosted Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar of the Janata Dal, who has been supportive of Nepal’s democratic path. The fact that he and the Congress are now stronger in Delhi will reassure Nepal’s democratic forces, however, the leaders in Kathmandu will have to face the fact that their future political careers depend more on domestic performance rather than who rules in Delhi. The other two Indian states bordering Nepal are Sikkim and Uttaranchal. Prem Tamang of the Sikkim Krantikari Morcha won a landslide, while in Uttaranchal the BJP won with its strident call to make the state an exclusive Hindu Holy Land. One often overlooked fact is that India’s relations with Nepal are determined more by bureaucracy in the south Block of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs than politicians. But India’s fraught relationships with several regional nations and growing competition over regional influence with China means that Nepal is very much on Modi’s radar.&nbsp; The BJP was in power when Nepal suffered a five-month blockade, and it could be that an insecure Modi in 2024 will try to assert dominance again to signal detractors back home that he is still in charge.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024060702064_5cce435fbad4f3dc0e9cd84ad3664071d9bd007e58c1b0c83927cde9400cb39f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2024060702064_5cce435fbad4f3dc0e9cd84ad3664071d9bd007e58c1b0c83927cde9400cb39f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2480" height="1491" loading="lazy" alt="Indian election results NT"> <figcaption>GLORY TO THE PARTY: The mood at the Friends of BJP party at the Radisson Hotel in Kathmandu on 4 June was subdued since the expected landslide victory of Narendra Modi's BJP did not materialise. Guests included Nepali politicians, Indian expats, and the media. Photo: BIKAS RAUNIYAR(c)BR</figcaption> </figure>  One pollster broke down in tears on tv as the final results were coming in on Tuesday. The NDA that includes the BJP won 293 seats in the federal parliament, while I.N.D.I.A. led by the Indian National Congress won 234 seats. A party or coalition needs to win at least 272 out of 543 seats to form a majority.&nbsp; To say India's election results were unpredictable would be an understatement. Exit polls had predicted a massive <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/new-year-same-difference">win for the BJP and Modi</a>.&nbsp; The BJP by itself won 240 seats falling wildly short of its election promise of 400. Unlike in 2014, and 2016, the BJP will need to depend on its allies to form a government. Modi’s key allies in the NDA coalition, Janata Dal United’s Nitish Kumar and the Telugu Desam Party’s Chandrababu Naidu who are said to have aspirations of their own to become Prime Minister, are now kingmakers. &nbsp; During his last two terms, that very majority gave PM Modi the power to control his Cabinet at whim, but he no longer has that luxury. The BJP’s underwhelming performance was due to a growing void between the BJP and its Hindu ideological guru the RSS, animosity between Modi and influential BJP leaders like Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath, and the Indian general public’s heightening discontent towards Modi and the BJP’s Hindutva politics. In Uttar Pradesh, where the BJP had won 62 out of 80 seats in 2019, this time it won only 33 and the Samajwadi Party of I.N.D.I.A. alliance won 37 out of 80 seats. Modi’s decade-long rule over India has been characterised by his monopolistic control over the political mechanism and state institutions, a media sector full of lapdogs, a silenced civil society and persecuted opposition, as well as increasing socio-cultural polarisation.&nbsp; Over the years, Modi’s former f<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/the-south-wind-blows">ringe Hindutva ideology spread like wildfire</a> to the mainstream, and the struggles faced by Dalits, Muslims, and other minorities were swept under the rug. But democratic and political movements across the world have shown us that the relentless targeting of marginalised communities eventually leads to resistance against the injustices brought upon them by the dominant groups. The results of the election are a reflection of the growing intolerance to the suffering of everyday Indian citizens and have served as a safety valve of India’s democracy. Modi is infamous for his long memory. He systematically silenced critics and dissenters and developed a God complex. Meanwhile, Rahul Gandhi and his INC won 99 seats, and seems to have keyed into the pulse of India, forgoing the politics of polarisation to focus on pressing issues including a massive unemployment problem, inflation, social security, and farmers’ rights. The INC did not win overall, but its election strategy gained traction.&nbsp; Overall, Modi seems more relieved about I.N.D.I.A.’s failure to collectively win as many parliament seats as the BJP did on its own than about being prime minister for the third time.&nbsp; Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based media commentator and writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times. @kishore_chandra

Demodification of India

It is fitting that Kathmandu Valley’s living heritage is getting so much international exposure, and the restitution of its stolen artefacts has become a part of Nepal’s national agenda. Nowhere else in Nepal is there so much cultural heritage crammed into such a small space. Yet, there are some equally important archaeological and heritage areas in the Tarai and the trans-Himalayan regions of Mustang and Dolpo. Kathmandu Valley’s kingdoms had strong cultural and historical ties with the Mithila Kingdom to the south. It was that <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nation-bhaktapur,597">Malla-Mithila alliance</a> that helped Kathmandu Valley avoid even worse destruction from the Tughlaq ruler of Delhi who razed the Milithla capital of Simraungad in 1326 established by the Karnatak king Nanya Deva three centuries previously.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240604140624_7645bc82d9d4449fb329b4465ab96c4e17d6e832b864b1a58fdba2c08046633c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240604140624_7645bc82d9d4449fb329b4465ab96c4e17d6e832b864b1a58fdba2c08046633c" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Tarai heritage NT"> <figcaption>One of the few relics left in Simraungadh of an empire that stretched across present day North India and Nepal. </figcaption> </figure>  Simraungad today is located in Bara district on the borderland between India and Nepal. The art and culture of Simraungad was enriched by Kathmandu and Tibet to the north and the Buddhist holy sites to the south. As the Moghuls arrived at the gates, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nation-bhaktapur,597">King Harisingh Deva fled north</a> to Kathmandu Valley along with his most precious possessions. But much of his palace, its elaborate sculptures and artefacts lie scattered about and buried underground. Today the region is an open museum. Simraungad itself stretches across a dozen ancient villages, ruins of which lie half-buried in the plains. These relics are more than 1,000 years old, and if it was to be excavated by Nepal’s Archaeology Department could have been as important as Nalanda in India as a centre of learning. But at the rate of its destruction, it will soon only remain in history books. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240604140624_b830d553c941d98d3500cdb82828650f204afb07797a51461a83438853a7a47f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20240604140624_b830d553c941d98d3500cdb82828650f204afb07797a51461a83438853a7a47f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1048" height="948" loading="lazy" alt="Tarai heritage NT"> </figure>  Instead of protecting what is there, the Madhes Province government has declared Simraungad a ‘Fish Zone’ and helped locals construct ponds. Every dig unearths millenium-old statues, terracotta utensils, and other priceless artefacts all hints at aspects of the history and culture of this lost kingdom. Aside from the ponds, there are concrete buildings going up, their foundations cutting through what should be an archaeological site destroying heritage that had a direct bearing on the later enrichment of the Kathmandu Valley civilisation. While all the attention is on the stolen artefacts of the capital valley, Simraungad is suffering a second plunder of what remains of its heritage, this time by thieves and traffickers. The attention now needs to focus on protecting the hidden past of historic sites like <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nation-bhaktapur,597">Simraungad</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/buddha-s-birthday-in-his-birthplace">Kapilvastu</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/unholy-developments-at-holy-sites">Ramgram</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/where-siddhartha-gautam-walked">Tilaurakot</a>, <a href="https://medium.com/@iflytonepal/kakrebihar-is-a-shikhara-hindu-and-buddhist-temple-in-birendranagar-surkhet-karnali-province-46af9dfe0822#:~:text=Jan%205,%202024-,Kakrebihar%20is%20a%20Shikhara%20Hindu%20and%20Buddhist%20temple%20in%20Birendranagar,over%20180%20hectares%20of%20land.">Kakrevihar in Surkhet</a> and other places we may not even have heard about.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240604140624_9c3b83a1d6b3e8825dad9ba7e533e60e8fd22ccb757b1db68329fd5e323281a3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20240604140624_9c3b83a1d6b3e8825dad9ba7e533e60e8fd22ccb757b1db68329fd5e323281a3" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1050" loading="lazy" alt="Tarai heritage"> </figure>  A silver lining could be that local governments may be more interested in preserving their identities than Kathmandu, and we can see some evidence of that.&nbsp; In Rautahat recently the Maulapur Municipality excavated the Pataura site to unearth a thousand- year -old Mahadev temple. Archaeologists restored it, and locals now worship at the ancient shrine. Stolen religious items have been returned to Kathmandu where they are once more consecrated and venerated, but this is possibly the first time an entire temple has been unearthed from 5 metres below to be revered once more. It is not just temples, there are ponds, rivers, forest groves cobblestone streets that have cultural importance that are also being preserved and restored. Just in Madhes, there are campaigns to revive the historically important Kamala, Jalad, Dudhmati, Lakhandeyi rivers. But sometimes, although local officials have the right intentions, there are wrong outcomes. The Janaki Devi Temple in Janakpur, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-sita-ram-corridor">the birthplace of Sita</a>, is a case in point. In a misguided effort to beautify the historical monument, thousands of holes have been drilled into its stucco facade to fix multicoloured LED lights just as efforts are afoot to include the temple in the UNESCO World Heritage List.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240604140624_fef3874f29b3c7ad81c8b3079a86131defea826baf94ed1f0ff155dafec18b5c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20240604140624_fef3874f29b3c7ad81c8b3079a86131defea826baf94ed1f0ff155dafec18b5c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="721" loading="lazy" alt="Tarai heritage"> </figure>  Making a temple look like a casino cannot preserve a living faith, nor will it help get the site into the UNESCO listing. As they say, if you want to know about a country, read its history but you want to truly understand it, visit its heritage sites.&nbsp; There is a need to work across the border with archaeologists in India, since Simraungad Kingdom predates the two nation states and a large part of it lies in what is now northern Bihar. Since archaeology does not respect modern political boundaries, relying on governments is not enough. Cultural preservation does not just need money, it needs willpower which is now being shown by local communities. Nepal’s soft power is its heritage, what unites the plains and the mountains is our shared history as exemplified by Simraungad-Kathmandu Valley and the mingling of Mithila and Malla histories. Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based media commentator and writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times. @kishore_chandra

Nepal’s soft power is its heritage

The natural world does not respect manmade boundaries. We demarcate rivers as the frontiers between nation states, but they change their course in open defiance of cartographers and politicians. Air pollution also <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/one-atmosphere">travels across national boundaries</a> with impunity. Industrial and vehicular emissions from the Gangetic plains are carried by prevailing winds to Nepal and the Himalaya. In November, north India and the Nepal Tarai is shrouded in a thick blanket of smoke from crop-residue burning on both sides of Punjab and other Indian states. These past weeks, the sky over Nepal has been thick with haze from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/nepal-is-going-up-in-smoke">wildfires fanned by winds</a>, burning out of control on mountain slopes and along the East-West Highway. But travelling along that highway this week, we saw another source of smoke, acres upon acres of wheat stalks set on fire after harvest in the fields. Those fires we photographed in Simraungad on Monday correspond to red dots at that exact spot in the NASA infrared satellite image taken from space that very morning. There is another very large patch of red in Uttar Pradesh across the border in India.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240417090412_82b61db932d186206e9eacd57bdb277a22a9182e41e0b5b54bbffc6e0790751c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20240417090412_82b61db932d186206e9eacd57bdb277a22a9182e41e0b5b54bbffc6e0790751c" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="902" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfires in Nepal"> <figcaption>FLAME THROWERS: Groundview of stubble burning in Simraungad near Birganj on Tuesday. Photo: CHANDRA KISHORE</figcaption> </figure>  Nepal is vulnerable to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/unthinkable-in-the-current-climate">climate breakdown</a>, and a part of the reason for the wildfires is the long winter drought and deficient rainfall this month that failed to moisten the soil enough. No major rainfall is forecast for the coming week, and the temperature in the Tarai is reaching the upper 30s Celsius. With an average per capita carbon footprint of 0.03 tons per year, whatever energy Nepalis use will not reduce the global impact of the climate crisis. However, there are some things governments on both sides of the border can act on — <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/epicentre-of-pollution">air pollution</a>. It poisons the air we breathe and affects everyone: rich and poor, with the elderly and young most at risk. In the past three weeks, the AQI that measures the concentration of hazardous suspended particles in the air in the Nepal Tarai has remained above 200 µg/m3. The WHO’s threshold for air safe to breathe is 10 micrograms per cubic metre. All across the fertile Tarai plains of Nepal, farmers have just finished harvesting the winter wheat crop. Many farms are now mechanised with threshers, but while reducing the drudgery for farmers these machines have created another problem. The stalks of the wheat that emerge from the threshers remain in the fields. Because most young men have migrated, farmers find it easier to just burn the stubble. This is a widespread practice in northern India, and now <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-transboundary-haze-affects-nepal">stubble burning</a> has become common on the Nepal side as well.&nbsp; Instead of feeding the straw to livestock or burning it to cook, farmers set fire to their fields because the population of livestock has also decreased with the rise in migration.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240417090416_c81606760ddf50dcc7c3d176bbee986319d0910acda1c93de310e70e740550d1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20240417090416_c81606760ddf50dcc7c3d176bbee986319d0910acda1c93de310e70e740550d1" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1047" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfires in Nepal"> <figcaption>A NASA FIRMS infrared satellite image of Nepal and adjoining parts of India on 16 April. Each red dot is a wildfire, or farms burning stubble after wheat harvest.</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240417090416_719866206a264a7a6e9600e470d13d2912b35b6d02c7656e61535fbed7283ba8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20240417090416_719866206a264a7a6e9600e470d13d2912b35b6d02c7656e61535fbed7283ba8" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1163" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfires in Nepal"> <figcaption>The whole of Nepal was covered in thick smoke on 16 April up to an elevation of 2,500m.</figcaption> </figure>  Another reason Nepal’s farmers started burning the stubble is because of stricter border controls which has made it difficult for Indian traders to come over to buy straw from Nepali farmers, who now have no other option but to burn what is left in the fields hoping the ash fertilises the soil for the paddy season. “We are no longer burning straw and dung for domestic fuel, we have fewer livestock, so we do not really need the straw and that is why the farmers are burning them in the fields,” explains Rameswar Mehta of Simraungad Municpality.&nbsp; Contrary to some who think the ash is a fertiliser, farmers say the fires actually blacken and destroy the soil by killing nutrients and beneficial microorganisms, reducing harvests. A Facebook post this week shows a wheatfield ready of harvest on fire after sparks from nearby stubble burning ignited the field. It is obvious that unless farmers see alternative uses for their crop residue, like in industrial-scale composting or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/more-bullshit">biogas generation</a>, they will keep burning stubble.&nbsp; Manual harvesting used to leave only a few inches of stubble off the ground which the cattle fed on, now with the threshers there is just stubble lying around, which is too much trouble to pick.&nbsp; Madhes Province government has no record of the area of wheat fields that are being put to the torch. It must come up with a strategy to make farmers aware of the impact from crop residue burning on public health through pollution and the fall in productivity due to decline in fertility of the soil. There needs to be more intense public debate about the harmful effects of stubble burning and its trans-boundary impact. Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times.

Going up in smoke

Recent outrage in Sikkim over an Indian Army expedition climbing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-kangchenjunga">Kangchenjunga</a>, the world’s third-highest peak, has spiked attention to the need to balance mountaineering jobs with indigenous reverence for sacred landmarks. Kangchenjunga (8,586m) is not a peak as much as it is a mountain range with 16 peaks above 7,000m on the border between India and Nepal -- the word itself means ‘five treasures of the snows’ in Tibetan. Some of the highest prominences like Kangchenjunga West and Kangbachen are in Nepal, while the Main, Central and South Peaks are on the border. Climbing the peak from the Indian side has been banned since 2001 because the indigenous Lepcha community there regard the mountain as the abode of Dzoe-nga, the patron deity of Sikkim, which was an independent Himalayan Kingdom until it was annexed by India in 1975.&nbsp; Buddhists in Sikkim say their saint, Padmasambhava, recognised the mountain as a protective spirit. The state has declared the base of the mountain Kangchenjunga National Park, which covers an area one-third of Sikkim. ‘The act of scaling this sacred peak is not only a matter of serious concern but also a violation of both the prevailing legal provisions and the deeply held religious beliefs of the people of Sikkim,’ read a letter from Chief Minister Prem Singh Tamang (Golay) to Amit Shah, India’s Minister of Home Affairs and Cooperation.&nbsp; Tamang continued: ‘We further request Your Honour to take up the issue with the Government of Nepal to ensure that no future expeditions are permitted on the sacred mountain, in deference to the deeply held beliefs and cultural values of the people of Sikkim.’ Kangchenjunga was climbed for the first time exactly 70 years ago by a British team who told King Tashi Namgyal, the Choegyal of Sikkim, that they would not set foot on the summit. Since then, there have been about 532 successful climbs of the peaks and 52 have died while trying.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628060616_5c268e08cf49f36b79ef9b31933fc2d9bf9a6f65414e7ca06dd028bf04e7ccc1.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250628060616_5c268e08cf49f36b79ef9b31933fc2d9bf9a6f65414e7ca06dd028bf04e7ccc1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1782" height="1178" loading="lazy" alt="Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb NT"> <figcaption>Indigenous communities in Sikkim held purification ceremonies following the Indian expedition to Kangchenjunga. Photo: THE VOICE OF SIKKIM / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/peak-climbing-season-2025-s4abrxny">This spring climbing season</a> alone, there were 70 climbing permits for foreigners issued for Kangchenjunga by the Nepal government, and made it to the top while one French climber died.&nbsp; One of the expeditions this year was an Indian Army team led by Col Ranveer Jamwal, who has summited the highest peaks on all seven continents, and Mt Everest thrice. Jamwal’s team was on the final leg of a ‘<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/nimas-summits-mt-kangchenjunga-concludes-historic-har-shikhar-tiranga-mission-successfully/articleshow/121341315.cms?from=mdr">Har Shikhar Tiranga</a>’ (The Tricolour on Every Peak) mission to plant the Indian flag at the highest points of each of India’s 28 states. Kanchenjunga was the last peak they had left, and the hardest, but the expedition put five climbers on the summit. What seems to have incensed the Sikkimese is that while it has banned climbing the mountain from its side, it was an Indian military expedition that went to Nepal to climb the mountain. After news broke of the climb in May, the Sikkim Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association asked people to observe purification ceremonies in temples across the state. Mayalmit Lepcha of the association acknowledged that the Sikkim government was also partly at fault: “I don’t think such an expedition could have gone forward without the state government being informed, so it could have done something to intervene. It shows weakness. What’s done is done, all we can do is carry out these sanctification ceremonies.”&nbsp; In 2000, one year before Sikkim’s ban, the state allowed an Austrian team to attempt Kanchenjunga’s northeast face for a fee of $20,000, on agreement that they would stop 10m before the summit. Despite this, there was outrage over the expedition on the grounds that it violated Indian laws regarding the defiling of religious sites and Sikkim’s rights to maintain its culture after merging with India. The Indian Army expedition was also seen to have circumvented Sikkim’s law and violated religious sensibilities by going through Nepal. While the team may have thought they were respecting Sikkim’s beliefs by finding a way to complete the mission, the people of Sikkim saw it as defilement.&nbsp; The somber mood of the Sikkim people at the ritual contrasts sharply with Jamwal’s sense of accomplishment. “Without a doubt, the most difficult summit of my life,” he told reporters after the climb. “It tested every ounce of our will.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628060616_ccfe079c78dab788d19fe2080ee8a5d5dcb11de4157316f6d94e5964da097157.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250628060616_ccfe079c78dab788d19fe2080ee8a5d5dcb11de4157316f6d94e5964da097157" data-rendition-name="original" width="787" height="377" loading="lazy" alt="Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb NT"> <figcaption>Prayer flags along the Sikkim-Kangchenjunga trekking route. Photo: TREKKINGININDIA.COM</figcaption> </figure>  The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">controversial Nepali-British mountaineer Nirmal Purja</a> was also on Kangchenjunga this spring the mountain, on a mission to summit all 14 8,000m peaks for a third time. He echoed Jamwal about the tough conditions: “The conditions above camp were extremely tough, with deep snow and challenging terrain—more crevasses than usual.” Nepal’s government has not said anything publicly, but it is unlikely that it will ban climbing on Kangchenjunga, since it is becoming popular with expeditions because of its technical challenges, and overcrowding on Mt Everest. Nepal does have bans in place for some of its mountains out of respect for local beliefs. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/to-open-machapuchre-for-mountaineering-or-not">Mt Machapuchre</a> (6,990m) the imposing pyramid that looms over Pokhara, for example, is seen as an icon of purity by the Gurung people and a symbol of Vishnu by the Hindu communities who live at its base. A strict climbing ban has been in place since 1957, when a British expedition led by Col Jimmy Roberts stopped 45m short of the summit – either because the last bit was too difficult or out of deference to local sentiments.&nbsp; Khumbila that stands above Namche Bazar is only 5,761m high, but like Kanchenjunga is considered the protector deity of the Sherpa people. Gauri Shankar on the Nepal-China border, called Chomo Tseringma by the local community, was off-limits between 1965 and 1979 due to its association with Lord Shiva and Gauri, his consort. Although expeditions are now allowed, there are not too many takers. In Tibet, climbing Mount Kailash is prohibited by the Chinese government because it revered by the Hindus, Buddhists and followers of the Bon faith. Even Mt Everest is regarded as sacred, and its Sherpa name is Chomolungma, Goddess Mother of the Earth.&nbsp; Economically, climbs on Kanchenjunga bring in decent revenue. This climbing season, the 41 permits, at $1,800 each, brought in $73,800. This is somewhat comparable to Makalu, Lhotse, and Annapurna I, but these numbers are dwarfed by the $4 million in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-everest-industry">Everest permits</a>. Revenue from Kanchenjunga climbing permits is something Nepal could potentially forgo if necessary, but the expeditions also provide jobs to hundreds of high altitude guides, porters, base camp support staff and other logistical costs.&nbsp; As the third highest mountain in the world and the tallest in India, there will always be significant motivation to climb it from the Nepal side, especially as climbers are drawn by the technical climbing at high altitude.

Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb?

The debate about who is less accountable to the public: politicians or bureaucrats is as old as Nepal’s democracy itself.
Some blame politicians for being beholden to the businessmen who finance their electoral campaigns, and are forced to return the favour with contracts and kickbacks when in power.&nbsp;
Others say it is civil servants who are neither civil nor servants, and know the inner workings of the system to exploit loopholes – they then teach ministers, MPs, mayors, or ward chairs which juicy projects can be squeezed. And everyone gets their share.
In reality, it is probably not a case of either, or. Both have their hands deep in the honey pot. Corruption is now such a given that yet another exposé in the mainstream press, like the latest visit-visa scam, does not raise eyebrows anymore.
We may have to edit Lord Acton’s famous quote to say that in Nepal we do not even need absolute power to corrupt absolutely. The ruling cartel has divvied up the spoils, so that no one ever faces charges. The three parties all know about the skeletons rattling in each other’s closets, and they cancel each other out.
Politicians and bureaucrats get all the blame for taking bribes, but what of the givers of bribes? In this crony capitalism, businesses invariably need political patrons in an elaborate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption" target="_blank">national network of give-and-take</a>.
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption" target="_blank">Politicians and businesses work hand-in-glove</a> so that conflict of interest in contracts, insider trading, cartelling, and non-performing assets of banks become the norm. Our survey after the 2017 local election showed that out of the 753 newly-elected local government chairs, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/elected-contractors" target="_blank">nearly 300 were contractors</a> involved in sand-mining, quarrying, or transportation syndicates.
Nepal’s tycoons have discovered that instead of donating to election war chests of politicians, it is a much surer return on investment to spend the money to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-business-of-politics-in-nepal" target="_blank">become legislators and politicians themselves</a>.
In democracies, there are checks and balances to control corruption when it becomes endemic. The Nepal Police and Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) are supposed to do the detective work without political interference. The courts are required to be independent in dispensing justice and punishing crooks.
But the less said about the judiciary the better. A writ petition in the Supreme Court last week accused our sister magazine <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/" target="_blank">HimalKhabar</a> of contempt of court for two stories: one about how high courts have been overturning a majority of verdicts of district courts in cases of rape, and another about the Biratnagar High Court clearing a self-proclaimed holy man, Krishna Bahadur Giri, of rape despite police presenting physical evidence.
The doctrine of the separation of powers stipulates that it is when the other three pillars in a democracy are compromised that the role of the free press becomes even more vital. The world over, as soon as populist autocrats are elected to the executive, their first order of business is to co-opt the legislature and the judiciary. Then they buy off, intimidate, or neutralise the media with Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP).
Nepal’s officialdom seems to be taking midnight Zoom lessons from other despots on how to gag the media. Last month, popular talk show host Dil Bhushan Pathak was served an arrest warrant by the Kathmandu District Court for <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-CntsnTrtG8" target="_blank">a YouTube explainer</a> about the alleged involvement of the son of Foreign Minister Arzu Deuba Rana in a reported purchase of Kathmandu’s Hilton Hotel.
The Lalitpur District Court ruled that Pathak could not be arrested without fair trial, but this week the Kathmandu District Court filed another case against the journalist based on a complaint by the Cyber Bureau, and put him on a fugitive list.&nbsp;
Without going into the veracity of Pathak’s explainer, it is deeply problematic that the Electronic Transaction Act has been invoked – proof that politicians are getting the courts and investigating agencies to make an example of a high profile journalist.&nbsp;
The intention is to silence media investigations into the fake refugee scandal in which the main partner in the ruling coalition is implicated, and in which one of its former home ministers was jailed last year.
The Kathmandu High Court has been mysteriously active in targeting journalists these days. <a href="https://bizmandu.com/" target="_blank">Bizmandu</a> and <a href="https://nepalkhabar.com/" target="_blank">Nepalkhabar</a> were served a notice last month <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-freedom-after-expression-y4inku06" target="_blank">to withdraw a story they did</a> on the Chair of the <a href="https://www.sebon.gov.np/" target="_blank">Security and Exchange Board of Nepal (SEBON</a>) Santosh Narayan Shrestha allegedly demanding kickbacks from hydropower investors.&nbsp;
Incredibly, the court even asked the two portals not to report on the subject anymore – a ruling so absurd that the Patan High Court overturned it a week later.&nbsp;
The allegations against Shrestha were made in a public meeting of the <a href="https://www.ippan.org.np/members/3060/bungal-hydro-ltd" target="_blank">Independent Power Producers Association of Nepal (IPPAN)</a>, and MPs demanded a <a href="https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/parliament-demands-probe-into-sebon-chairman-over-alleged-commission-demand-40-32.html" target="_blank">Parliament inquiry</a> into the regulator. <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/144523/santosh-narayan-shrestha" target="_blank">HimalKhabar</a> reported this week that while Shrestha was reportedly demanding commissions from private investors for IPOs, he cleared primary share sales in Bajhang’s 10.75MW <a href="https://www.ippan.org.np/members/3060/bungal-hydro-ltd" target="_blank">Bungal Hydro</a> in which his family members have investments, company records show.
And then just on Monday, bureaucrats hoodwinked MPs by deleting references in a bill requiring a two-year ‘cooling off’ period under which retiring civil servants could be barred from holding constitutional positions for two years.
The contest for who is more corrupt: bureauacrats, politicians, or the private sector is on.
Kunda Dixit

SLAPPing Democracy

The monsoon this year arrived on time, and brought life-giving rain — irrigating paddy terraces, recharging groundwater, reviving springs, and increasing electricity generation.
But Nepal has to deal with either too much water or too little. On a clear April day before the monsoon, the hills of Sindhuli district were parched, and there were wildfires burning out of control. There had been no rain for the past six months.
And that has been the perennial crisis for Nepal’s farmers: that 85% of the rainfall occurs during just four months of the monsoon with little rain for the other eight months.&nbsp;
The water crisis is related to the powerful changes sweeping the mid-hill region of Nepal. With better roads, higher incomes and more exposure, many residents now aspire to have the kind of water supply seen in urban homes. They want hot or cold water at the turn of a tap, showers and flush tank toilets.&nbsp;
To meet this rising demand, many local and provincial governments are investing in large water supply projects often by lifting water from rivers hundreds of metres down the mountain. But these new systems may not be sustainable in the long run.
Many villages in Sindhuli are switching from local springs to piped systems, and even in rural homes, overhead tanks are becoming common.
But this new convenience comes with big challenges. Lifting water from rivers far below requires long pipes, electric pumps, and constant maintenance. These systems are costly, and the streams themselves often shrink to a trickle in the dry months. Big water-lifting schemes look impressive, but there is doubt if they can meet growing water demand.
A much more sustainable solution would be what some communities are doing: restoring old ponds or build new recharge systems. But those villages are exceptions, in most places traditional ponds and wallows are being filled up to be turned into sports fields, or make way for buildings.
Where there are new ponds, they are sometimes in the wrong places or without proper design. Roads and drains are not engineered properly and have increased landslides and erosion. Water management in hilly areas is not just about building things, it is about building in the right way, in the right place.
Traditional water systems were based on nature. They were not perfect, but they used the land wisely. Ponds used to hold rainwater and slowly refill springs which supported families, farms, and forests.&nbsp;
Not everything worked well in the past, but we can learn from traditional water management practices. Across Nepal, some rural municipalities have launched campaigns to store monsoon runoff — either in tanks, ponds or by recharging the aquifers.
But not all efforts have been successful. Some ponds are built without any hydrological study. Some are rushed to meet deadlines rather than real needs.&nbsp;
Now, the Muhan initiative hopes to revive springs to make households more resilient and help farmings. With the financial support of the Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research, research is being done to understand how springs work and how they are affected by changes in rainfall, land use, and development.&nbsp;
Instead of just building pipes and tanks, the project maps the entire springshed so we can understand the root cause of water shortage. In Sindhuli, the problem is not the amount of rain, but the loss of natural systems that store it and the social systems that manage water.&nbsp;
Nepal’s towns and villages now face a major challenge: how to manage water all year round as demand rises with people’s living standards. Depending only on river-lift systems is not a sustainable solution.&nbsp;
We need a mix of approaches that help store water from the rainy season to make it available for the rest of the year, whether by directly harvesting rainwater, restoring ponds, managing springsheds, or smart management of demand.
Rural Nepal is also seeing dramatic depopulation. Much of the outmigration can be stemmed if there is easier water supply for agriculture and household use. Across the mid hills, villages are emptying because springs are going dry. Government policy needs to catch up with the reality on the ground, and support solutions that work for people and nature. Every water supply plan should include recharge structures. Every road or building project should consider water flow and erosion. Local governments need more than budgets: they need training, tools, and data.
Ngamindra Dahal is with the Nepal Water Conservation Foundation, Kathmandu. Hemant Ojha collaborated in this piece and is associated with the Australian National University.

Water for Life

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/the-last-of-the-kusunda">The Kusunda</a> are among the last remaining hunter-gatherer communities left in Nepal, and it has only one fluent speaker left of a language that is not related to any other language group in South Asia.&nbsp; The Kusunda call themselves the King of the Forests ((गेम्येहाक़ in Kusunda,वन राजा in Nepali) and used to have a nomadic lifestyle till recently. But decades of exclusion from mainstream society and modernity have forced the Kusunda to assimilate. &nbsp; Today, most Kusunda live across Nepal’s mid-hills and western plains, choosing to identify themselves as Thakuri and adopting names like Sen, Shahi, and Khan to avoid ostracisation. Over time, inter-ethnic marriages between the Kusunda and other communities became increasingly common.&nbsp; However, the assimilation with other communities also meant that almost no one from the Kusunda community can speak their mother tongue – considered by linguists to be a ‘language isolate’ not related to any other language group in the world, and lacking set rules of grammar that are foundational to other languages. There are no words for ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ in Kusunda, nor are there words to signify direction. There are 23 languages with less than 1,000 speakers listed in Nepal's 2021 census, with Kusunda being the language with the least number of speakers. The number of people who identified as Kusunda has decreased with each subsequent census. Only 253 individuals identified themselves as Kusunda in the last National Census of 2021, down from 273 in 2011.&nbsp; <div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://creators.spotify.com/pod/show/raithane-bhakha/embed/episodes/Kusundas---the-last-of-the-forest-kings-e23ge6p/a-a9peei1" height="102px" width="400px" frameborder="0" scrolling="no"></iframe></div> The government’s decision to provide a social security stipend to the community for the past few years has prompted many from the Kusunda community to reclaim their identity and in the process, explore their culture and language. Kamala Sen Kusunda, who lives in Dang, is the only fluent native Kusunda speaker alive, although there are now other Kusunda and non-Kusunda people learning how to speak the language. By the time Kamala Sen Kusunda was born in 1975, her family had settled in a village in Rolpa. Although she did not experience the nomadic life of her forebears, she still roamed the forests freely as a child and many of the values and socio-cultural practices of her community were instilled in her and her siblings.&nbsp; This meant that Kamala grew up speaking Kusunda with her family. But by then, the Kusunda had increasingly begun to interact with people beyond their community, and inter-ethnic marriages had become a norm.&nbsp; Kamala herself married at 18 to a 52-year-old man from the Chhetri community. She would go on to have four children, but they were brought up with her husband’s culture and community rather than her own, and teaching them her mother tongue seemed impractical.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628030648_afaa298bf8ea3b7086e2ed086b11eab463ef2b20a82a4aad74df3dd2e922a4c3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250628030648_afaa298bf8ea3b7086e2ed086b11eab463ef2b20a82a4aad74df3dd2e922a4c3" data-rendition-name="original" width="855" height="641" loading="lazy" alt="Kusunda NT"> <figcaption>Gyani Maiya Kusunda with Kusunda youth in 2015.</figcaption> </figure>  “If I had spoken my language to them when they were children, they would have learned,” she tells us ruefully. “But they were growing up in a different community, so I never pushed, and they never expressed interest.” At the time, she had other things to worry about, such as earning a livelihood and sustaining her family. To find work, Kamala and her family moved to Shimla in India, where she worked at an apple orchard for six years.&nbsp; Over the next years, Kamala and her family moved back and forth between India and Nepal for work, and Kamala was not actively conversing in the language of her people or being able to connect with members of her community now scattered across Nepal.&nbsp; Had she not forgotten her language after all those years? “How could I forget the language of my ancestors?” she replies. “Not speaking it did not mean that it ceased to be a part of me.”&nbsp; Kamala had been working at a brick kiln in Thimi seven years ago when the National Language Commission tracked her down, offered her a paid position as a Kusunda language consultant and source person for basic language training in Dang.&nbsp; It was there that Kamala met her cousin Gyani Maiya Sen Kusunda, the only other person able to speak Kusunda fluently, who had been working with the Commission to conserve Kusunda language and culture. It was also where Kamala met language researcher and lexicographer Uday Raj Ale. Ale had been in the middle of his research into the Tharu language and community 15 years ago when he met Gyani Maiya Kusunda’s son, who told him that his mother was one of the few people who spoke Kusunda, but that no one had shown an interest in studying and preserving the language and culture. Ale met Gyani Maiya, spending time with her learning and researching Kusunda. By 2017, Ale had collected enough words to put together a Kusunda dictionary. The Kusunda vocabulary currently comprises 2,000 words. His research into the Kusunda language and culture has taken him to every known Kusunda household in Nepal. Although the census puts the number of Kusunda at 253, Ale reckons there are only 158.&nbsp; “Kusunda language is endangered due to its lack of use in everyday life, literature, and religious and socio-cultural practices, as well as the prevalence of inter-ethnic marriages,” explains Ale. In 2019 the Language Commission began its language transfer programs for youth from indigenous communities. Since then, the Commission has completed multiple phases of Kusunda language classes in Dang facilitated by Uday Raj Ale. The classes have 20 students, not just from the Kusunda community, but also interested non-native students.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250626120632_c6c378bc00af450f2b7f0cf17af1c3b2b6f7b7226927c458c3e01ec389869d33.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250626120632_c6c378bc00af450f2b7f0cf17af1c3b2b6f7b7226927c458c3e01ec389869d33" data-rendition-name="original" width="1485" height="1535" loading="lazy" alt="Kusunda NT"> <figcaption>Students learning Kusunda with instructor Uday Raj Ale (second row, left)</figcaption> </figure>  Khamba Rokaya, who worked as a caretaker for young Kusunda children in Dang, became interested in learning the language as she sat in with the children during their lessons, and for the last few years has been among the few non-native Kusunda language learners in Dang. “I am not from the Kusunda community, but now that I have learned the language, I hope to do my part to carry on the work and share my knowledge with as many people as possible,” she says. “One way to ensure that we preserve this language is to extend its speaker base, both within the Kusunda and non-native communities.” Ale and Kamala have continued to work together since Gyani Maya’s passing in 2020, expanding the Kusunda vocabulary and creating appropriate curricula to fit the needs of the students as their knowledge of Kusunda expands.&nbsp; But without any documentation of Kusunda history, the community’s traditions, stories, values and language were at risk of being lost to time. “The loss of an ethnicity, language or culture in a country is akin to losing a vital organ, and a unique perspective of looking at the world,” says Ale. Which is why Archive Nepal in collaboration with the British Council’s Cultural Protection Fund and the UK’s Department of Culture, Media, and Sport in February launched a book of creative writings in the Kusunda language titled पिन्डा (meaning ‘The First’ in Kusunda): A Compilation of Kusunda Literature. The book is a collection of informative essays about the Kusunda language and culture, short stories that explore themes from nomadic life to universal Nepali experiences of poverty and migration, letters to loved ones, as well as conversational pieces by five Kusunda students ranging from ages 16 to 30. The works in the Kusunda language are also translated into Nepali and English.&nbsp; “Language is an important part of ethnic identity, and our indigenous languages cannot evolve or be conserved unless they are spoken or taught,” said Ale during the launch of the book earlier this year. “But most importantly, language exists as long as there exists literature in that language.” Kamala was in Kathmandu for the launch of the book, and smiled proudly as she looked at the young writers who had contributed to the collection. She said: “I’m glad the young people have chosen to learn and preserve Kusunda. Otherwise, our language would have died with me.” &nbsp;