<figure><a href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/26344495@N05/50981261653/in/photostream/"></a></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/6372051f9c7e80680e0b289cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1363"/><figcaption>Photo: IVAN RADIC/FLICKR</figcaption>Nepalis with battery-operated vehicles can now install a separate household meter to charge their vehicles as part of a drive by the state-owned utility to boost consumption of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/power-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">surplus hydro-electricity</a> from the country’s new plants.Electric vehicle (EV) owners can also opt for a larger capacity meter if the approved load for domestic use is insufficient, and the regulator is also increasing the load limit for industries, and offering additional meters for tenants on multi-storey apartments.A Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) board of directors meeting last week decided on a slew of measures to increase consumption of electricity. Nepal is now generating 500MW more than domestic demand, and this surplus is expected to grow during the monsoon.However, due to an <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-precious-electricity-going-waste/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">imbalance in distribution</a> the country has to import power from India for certain areas of the country, while it sells electricity to India from other parts.“We must increase the consumption of domestically produced electricity at home to reduce spillover and wastage. That is why we are taking steps to make sure Nepalis have better access to reliable and quality power,” says Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) chief Kulman Ghising.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/637205229c7e80680e0b289djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1061"><figcaption></figcaption></figure>With the increase in popularity of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/fully-charged-and-ready-to-go/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">electric vehicles</a> NEA is encouraging private companies to set up charging stations in parking lots and open spaces with the new electric meter offer. Local governments will work with the NEA to facilitate the necessary paperwork.Despite a pledge to be fully electric in its transportation sector by 2031, Nepal had yet to take a significant step or invest accordingly, even though last year it <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-reduces-tax-on-electric-cars/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">re-introduced a tax rebate</a> for battery-powered vehicles.After complaints that house-owners were overcharging tenants for power consumption, NEA has warned landlords that their mains will be cut if they do so. Further, it is now allowing tenants to set up their own electric meters. Those living in apartment blocks, multi-storey residential buildings and housing colonies will also be allowed to have their own meters.“Occupants of apartments can get electricity directly from the NEA with a separate meter, that way the tariff will be cheaper and the consumption will also increase,” explains Ghising, adding that factories within the same industrial complex will also be allowed separate meters.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111410114/637205269c7e80680e0b289ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3242" height="1773"><figcaption></figcaption></figure>The new regulation has also streamlined the mechanism for consumers to settle their electricity bills. They can pay in installments, through mobile apps and even customers who have been blacklisted because of their dues can arrange to pay it back in up to 12 instalments.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-electricity-demand-soars/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The NEA</a> is also providing power feeds to refrigerated storage for dairy products, cooperatives-run cold storages and drinking water and irrigation projects operated by the government or communities.The new regulation has also increased the load limit for companies from 50kV to 100kV for which the NEA will supply power via its transformers. If the companies pass the mark, they need to buy the transformer themselves.

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Nepal backs EVs to boost hydro-electricity uptake

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221110161144/636d1d119c7e80680e0af391jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4032" height="2268"/>T he Electricity Grid Modernisation Project that was signed between the Asian Development Bank and the Ministry of Finance in November 2020 has received an additional $60 million loan. The project which had a start in February amounts to $156 million and has been allocated to the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA). The project aims to strengthen and modernise Nepal’s transmission capacity and electricity distribution system.

Asian Development Bank Loan received

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016114/636d138d9c7e80680e0a992ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="2000"/><figcaption>Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>While almost 10% of the Nepali population continues to live without power, the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) has begun to export surplus electricity to India citing the absence of transmission lines to transport power to load centres.Nepal reached a deal with the Indian Energy Exchange (IEE) on 1 November and from the following day began exporting up to 39MW of surplus electricity to India as part of the first phase of the agreement. However, even while the country sold excess electricity across the border, many parts of the far western districts of Bajhang, Dolpa, Bajura, Jumla and Mugu are not yet connected to the national grid.Three major transmission lines are in various stages of construction: the Butwal-Bhairawa double circuit which was started two years ago, the Biratnagar-Inaruwa 132KV line that began five years ago, and the Inaruwa-Dhalkewar-Hetauda 400KV transmission line which was started a decade ago.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/india-nepal-sign-power-exchange-deal/">India, Nepal sign power exchange deal</a><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016114/636d13909c7e80680e0a992bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1960" height="1204">The market for electricity expands beyond the border, but industries at home, particularly cement and steel, are still unable to operate at full capacity due to the unavailability of required electricity.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/insider-trading-taints-nepal-capital-market/">Sarvottam Cement factory</a> in Sunwal of West Nawalparasi has been forced to reduce working hours and run on generators, as the NEA only supplies 8MW of electricity from the 20MW required for the factory to run at full capacity. Of that, only 6MW of the electricity is actually usable because of circuitry and voltage issues.To make up for the shortage, Sarvottam Cement set up its own diesel-powered plant, but this only adds to the cost. NEA supplies electricity at Rs10 per unit, while a unit of electricity from a diesel-powered plant costs Rs27.“The country and industry both would have prospered had the government prioritised transmission lines and increased electricity consumption within the country," says Surendra Mahaseth, manager of the electricity department at the factory. The government made a policy-level decision last year to extend the national grid, prioritising cement and agro-based industries. But delays in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/generating-electricity-and-cash-for-nepalis/">construction of transmission</a> lines have stymied progress.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016114/636d13939c7e80680e0a992cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1198" height="1227"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>It is not just industries that are worried. Private power producers which have already started construction are worried that their power will have limited distribution because of the lack of adequate transmission lines. Adding to their doom and gloom is the protracted delay in ratifying the US-supported $500 million <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/power-politics-delays-mcc-in-nepal/">Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) project</a> to build a 400kVA transmission line in Central Nepal to distribute power westwards as well as to India through the Butwal corridor.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/missing-links-in-nepals-mcc-debate/">Missing links in Nepal’s MCC debate</a>, Jeevan R Sharma and David Seddon<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-damned-if-we-do-damned-if-we-dont/">MCC: damned if we do, damned if we don’t</a>Meanwhile, the Argakhanchi Cement Industry requires a transformer with a capacity of 20 mega-volt ampere (MVA) for its operation, but is only supplied with one for 10 MVA. Like Sarvottam cement, it has set up its own diesel power plant that produces 2.5MVA current.“We have been asking for as much electricity as we can get, and have been promised that it will be available soon,” says Uddhav Karki, manager of Argakhanchi Cement industry. “We will have to see if that happens.”<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016114/636d13959c7e80680e0a992djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="750" height="352">Meanwhile, NEA has started supplying electricity this week through its 132kV Bardaghat-Sari transmission line to supply 30MW of power to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/going-is-tough-for-chinese-investor-in-nepal/">Hongshi Cement Nepal-China joint venture in Nawalparasi</a>. There is hope that more will follow, but so far Hongshi looks like the exception.The NEA has cited delays in building substations and transmission lines as the reason why it cannot distribute surplus electricity during the monsoon, leading to its wasteful ‘spill’. It has blamed private landowners haggling over compensation for transmission lines over their property and lengthy legal battles for the delays."All planned transmission lines under construction across the country should have been completed within two years, but there is a lot of local opposition,” says NEA spokesperson Suresh Bahadur Bhattarai. “If only these pylons could be laid, we could reach customers and not have to waste a single watt.”However, others blame the scarcity of electricity on policymakers who prefer to export electricity rather than expand and expedite transmission lines and substations to increase access within Nepal.“It is like selling food to a neighbour while your own family goes hungry,” says water resource expert Ratna Sansar Shrestha. “We would have earned much more by increasing electricity consumption in the country and reducing the use of fossil fuels. This is the result of a three-decade-long ‘grand design’ by the Nepal government to earn profit by exporting electricity instead of building infrastructure within the country.”NEA could actually earn more from selling power domestically instead of exporting it. Nepal’s private industries are paying up to Rs11 per unit in electrical bills, while the average price of electricity sold to India is just Rs4.33 per unit.Environmental campaigner <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/breathing-is-hazardous-to-health/">Bhushan Tuladhar</a> agrees that successive governments have failed to increase domestic electricity consumption by either not having the transmission lines to take it to load centres, or pricing it too high. He asks: “Why has the government not taken any steps to operate trolleybuses and electric public transportation despite having included it in multiple five-year plans?”He adds that the government has failed to form an environment protection and climate change management committee even though it made a promise to do so years ago.Adds Tuladhar: “When the government fails to build proper infrastructure and a strategic plan to increase electricity consumption for Nepali industries, transportation and households, it is left with no choice but to export it.”Translated from <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/126589">the original</a> by Shristi Karki.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages/">How they kept Nepal in the dark ages</a>, Ramesh Kumar<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-1st-hydroelectric-plant-is-a-museum-piece/">Nepal’s 1st hydroelectric plant is a museum piece,</a> Ramesh Bhushal

Anita Bhetwal

Nepal’s precious electricity going waste

<img width="640" height="350" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181156/636bea2e9c7e80680e087903jpeg.jpg" alt=""/>A combination of low river flow, high winter power demand and old-fashioned mismanagement have meant that Nepalis are once more suffering from <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-cost-of-light/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">power cuts.</a> Forced to bring out the candles once more, Nepalis have taken to social media to pour their outrage at the government for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kulman-ghisings-tenure-at-nea-in-doubt/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">not renewing the tenure of Kulman Ghising</a>, the head of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) who was credited with ending ‘load shedding’ after he was appointed in 2016.The return to power cuts follows Ghising stepping down in September, and the current political crisis. Energy Minister Barsha Man Pun, who is a Pushpa Kamal Dahal loyalist, was among seven Cabinet ministers who resigned to protest Prime Minister K P Oli’s dissolution of the House on 20 December.Nepalis used to suffer up to 16 hours of power cuts a day during some of the worst periods between 2006-2016. An <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-in-electricity-industry-of-Nepal,3408" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">investigation by this newspaper</a> had shown that it was largely because of NEA officials and the head of the load distribution centre being paid off by industries to provide them dedicated 24-hour electricity feed.  <figure><img width="1050" height="629" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109181156/636bea309c7e80680e087904jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption>Kulman Ghising was credited with ending the loadshedding after being appionted NEA head in 2016.</figcaption></figure>As a result, electricity was rationed for households across the country and the remaining supply could not keep up with demand. Things got worse in winter when Nepal’s run-of-the-river schemes could not generate their optimum power. After Ghising took over the NEA, he <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Power-struggle-Kulman-Ghising,3399" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">cut off the dedicated feeds</a> and redistributed the saved power to the public. He also slapped a bill to the industries for a backlog of payments, and it is thought that these powerful individuals then pressured the Oli government not to renew Ghising for four more years.Ghising was also lucky because his tenure coincided with new private power producers generating hydroelectricity, and an import agreement with India. But he also launched an aggressive campaign to upgrade the grid, reduce system loss and pilferage from 26% to 15% during his tenure, and manage the grid more efficiently.   However, NEA spokesman Madan Timsina said electricity supply has been interrupted because of poorly maintained transmission lines. “This is not load shedding, yes generation capacity cannot keep up with peak demand in the mornings and evenings sometimes, but the situation has not got to a point where we have to ration power,” he told Nepali Times.  However, an official at the NEA load centre told us that on Monday, the demand for electricity reached 1,434MW which is about 500MW more than the dry season generation capacity. Usually, this deficit is being met by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/more-than-half-of-nepals-electricity-imported-from-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">imports of thermal power from India.</a>  Every evening this week, the load centre has been struggling to provide uninterrupted electricity supply but has not always succeeded. The NEA official said: “When there is just no other alternative, we cut off the supply for between 15-20 minutes in each locality just to manage the load. This is not a new thing.” This week, Kathmandu Valley’s peak demand hit 377MW, which is actually 50MW less than last year. The reason is the economic slowdown due to the pandemic. Yet, the NEA is finding it difficult to meet even that lessened demand.    “Our transmission lines, distribution network and transformers and are old and they cannot meet high demand, that is why there are sometimes problems on those lines and we have to cut power,” Timsina added. The peak hours in winter for power demand at between 6-7pm, when people are using electricity for cooking and heating, or plug in television and other appliances. It has not rained since September, and the rivers receded,  lowering the electricity available.  Since Nepal has only one reservoir-based power plant at Kulekhani, there is no backup when supply does not meet peak demand. Although private power producers in Nepal have an installed capacity of 725MW, these weeks they have not been able to generate even half of that. NEA’s own plants like Kulekhani, Kali Gandaki and others are producing 500MW. The NEA has been importing 600MW of electricity from India to meet the shortfall in the evenings this week. The utility expects the situation will to improve only in February after the winter rains arrive, and the snow starts melting with warmer weather.  The irony is that NEA and private hydropower plants can generate up to 1,400MW during the monsoon, which this year has exceeded demand reduced during the pandemic. In fact, this monsoon Nepal <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-power-glut-with-covid-19-shutdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">actually exported some power to India</a> in July-August, and lot of electricity was wasted as ‘spill’ during the night time. The NEA’s head of Customer Service said the reason for power cuts this week was because of a weak distribution system, and not undersupply. He said: “Sometimes there is an overload in some neighbourhoods, and sometimes in others, and the system cannot handle it, leading to breakdowns in supply.” The other reason is the delay in bringing a crucial 132kVA transmission line in the southern edge of the Valley from Thankot to Chapagaon and Bhaktapur because of local opposition. This means it is difficult to keep the system stable – especially through lines feeding parts of Patan and Baneswor.   This contradicts the statement to us by the official at the NEA’s own load centre who has blamed a shortfall in supply. Whatever the truth, the Nepali public seems to have made up its mind that the ‘power mafia’ working in cahoots with the government kicked out Kulman Ghising because he was becoming too popular. And without him the country has gone back to 'the dark ages'.

Power cuts are back in Nepal

<figure><img width="1209" height="909" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110915118/636bb4b99c7e80680e07bbbcjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>An indication of the kleptocracy we live in is that an honest government official who performs well is regarded as a messiah. Doctors who do not gouge patients are raised on to pedestals. The public treats a traffic policeman who enforces lane discipline as a saviour. Perhaps only in Nepal can you be a national hero just for doing your job. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-Kulman-Ghising,3409">Kulman Ghising</a> was appointed Managing Director of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) in August 2016 -- a time when the country was suffering up to 18 hours of power cuts daily. Janardan Sharma, the Energy Minister from the Maoist party at the time, picked the right man for the right job at the right time. It was rare enough that an electrical engineer should head an electricity company, because Ghising’s predecessors at the NEA had been road contractors. Remember, Energy Minister Radha Gyawali had pulled Ghising out of the Chilime Hydropower Project in 2012 – because he was doing a good job. He had replaced him with a crony.Within months of being in office, Ghising had <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Power-struggle-Kulman-Ghising,3399">brought load-shedding to an end</a>. He just did what any intelligent engineer would do: he systematically went about cutting system loss and increasing supply. Ghising reduced leakage from 26% to 15% by cracking down on pilferage and upgrading transmission lines, substations and transformers. He cut off 24-hour dedicated feeds through which his predecessors had been providing businesses low tariff electricity in return for kickbacks.And he met the remaining shortfall with increased production from private power producers, as well as imports from India. His contacts in the Indian power bureaucracy from college days in Jamshedpur came in handy.  <figure><img width="1500" height="908" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110915118/636bb4bd9c7e80680e07bbbdjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Nepal’s dark ages of 2006-2016 are a memory now. There used to be public jubilation when NEA announced that power cuts would be reduced from 18 hours to 14 hours a day. The candle industry did brisk business, inverters and solar systems flew off the shelves. Yet, Nepalis were so glad the war was over, they did not have the heart to complain. We expected so little from government that we took load-shedding as a given. It was only later that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">investigative reports in this paper</a> and elsewhere revealed the level of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kulman-ghisings-tenure-at-nea-in-doubt/">malfeasance and mismanagement</a> that had kept Nepalis in the dark ages. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-in-electricity-industry-of-Nepal,3408">Documents show</a> that through the tenures of managing directors Mukesh Kafle, Arjun Karki and Rameswor Yadav, NEA sold electricity in the black market to major industries, some of which are well known brands and heavy advertisers in the media.The modus operandi was that selected customers got uninterrupted power supply through dedicated feeds by diverting electricity from household consumers. The NEA told the media there was a demand-supply gap, and blamed the war for delayed power projects.https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6nXzxlnieqEWhen Ghising took over at NEA, he cut the dedicated feeds, slapped a tariff increase on industries, and also handed them bills for past arrears. NEA’s losses was Rs9 billion when <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-cost-of-light/">Ghising was appointed in 2016</a> but its by the time he left this week, its profit has soared to Rs11.1 billion. Reduced domestic demand and production from new private power plants meant that imports from India dropped from a peak of 35% of total demand to 22% this year.  The captains of industry, former NEA bosses and their political patrons who are behind the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/kulman-ghising-to-stay-on/">current campaign not to renew</a> Ghising’s four-year term which expired on 14 September are the ones who benefited from the rotten system that bled NEA dry and kept Nepalis in darkness for a decade.As we reported last month, the Energy Ministry had forwarded its endorsement of Ghising’s extension to the Cabinet, but it was not added to the agenda of Monday’s meeting. Prime Minister K P Oli is said to be against Ghising’s renewal, mainly because he feels the government did not get any credit for ending powercuts, and because “Kulman became a hero”. This envy of Ghising’s performance and popularity permeates through the political class.NCP Chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal is said to support Ghising’s renewal because it would hurt the party’s image in the public eye. Oli’s allies, including his new economic adviser Yubaraj Khatiwada and press secretary, have made disparaging remarks about Ghising, and there has also been a social media campaign to smear him. Some senior NCP members also appear to be wary of Ghising’s popularity in case he decides to enter politics. That, actually, may not be such a bad idea. The performance of anyone who succeeds Ghising at NEA will be under close public scrutiny anwyay, and the can-do style of this “Cool Man” may have much more impact as a politician.Kulman Ghising should not be MD, but MP. Perhaps, even an Energy Minister someday.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110915118/636bb4c09c7e80680e07bbbejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="764" height="1264">

Transformer Man

<figure><img width="584" height="391" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141116/636ba8669c7e80680e0737dcjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>The Managing Director of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) Kulman Ghising, who is largely credited with ending Nepal’s ruinous daily power cuts that lasted more than a decade, is likely to get his four-year term extended.Ghising was due to step down on 14 September, but after widespread public outrage on social and mainstream media, the Energy Ministry has prepared an endorsement for another four-year term.Sources said Energy Minister Barsha Man Pun has proposed that Ghising be allowed to continue to Prime Minister Oli as well as brought it up with NCP co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. “The prime minister is ready to extend Kulman Ghising’s term,” a source at the Energy Ministry said on Sunday. “But the has said Ghising will henceforth have to behave like he is a part of the government, and not an independent entity.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/kulman-ghisings-tenure-at-nea-in-doubt/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Kulman Ghising's tenure in doubt</a>, Ramesh KumarIf true, the remark appears to reflect the prime minister’s unease with Ghising’s popularity for having ended the crippling 12-18 hour power cuts for which his predecessors at the NEA are held responsible.  <figure><img width="1500" height="908" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141116/636ba8689c7e80680e0737ddjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img width="1500" height="930" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141116/636ba86b9c7e80680e0737dejpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Earlier this week Finance Minister Yubaraj Khatiwada had publicly warned Ghising: “He was not appointed by social media, he was appointed by the government, and the decision on extending his tenure is the responsibility of the government.”Ghising himself had issued a statement this week after rumours spread that his term had been extended. He said he did not deserve all the credit for ending power cuts, and it was a team effort of the government.Pushpa Kamal Dahal reportedly told Pun that it would not reflect well on the government if Ghising was replaced when he is so popular in the public eye.The Energy Ministry sources said a formal letter about Ghsiing extension was ready and would be forwarded to the Cabinet for approval. <figure><img width="1500" height="1056" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109141116/636ba86e9c7e80680e0737dfjpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-Kulman-Ghising,3409" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-Kulman-Ghising,3409&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1598882705470000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGY4avowF3s188UAACqQqpWBgIJxw">Ghising is an electrical engineer</a> who systematically reduced pilferage, and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-in-electricity-industry-of-Nepal,3408" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-in-electricity-industry-of-Nepal,3408&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1598882705470000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHAU2CzfGU9I4EEzV9HIV8F-I7btA">cut off 24-hour dedicated feeds</a> through which his predecessors had been providing businesses low tariff electricity in return for kickbacks. At the height of the power cuts in the winter of 2016 after the earthquake, Nepalis were getting only six hours of electricity a day. Collusion between NEA officials and industrialists allowed half the 750MW electricity generated to be diverted to businesses.   After he took over, Ghising expedited hydropower projects, removed delays in the construction of transmission lines, and imported power from India to meet winter shortfall. NEA was also able to reduce pilferage from 25% to 15%, saving the utility Rs7 billion a year. Imports from India have declined steadily from 35% of total supply for the past five years to 22% this year (see charts, above).  From 2012 to 2016, when Nepalis faced the longest periods of load-shedding, the NEA cumulatively lost Rs25 billion. The greatest annual loss of nearly Rs9 billion was in fiscal year 2015-2016. After Ghising took over, NEA’s profits soared to Rs1.5 billion, and is now set to cross Rs11 billion this fiscal year.

Kulman Ghising to stay on

<figure><img width="1050" height="629" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110914114/636ba5f19c7e80680e0736f4jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Kulman Ghising, the man widely credited with ending daily 14 hours of power cuts is due to step down next month after four years as head of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA). His term can be extended by another four years, but powerful businesses whom Ghising targeted as well as their political patrons want him replaced.<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-Kulman-Ghising,3409">Ghising is a no-nonsense electrical engineer</a> who knew exactly why Nepali consumers were suffering crippling power cuts, and went about systematically reducing pilferage, and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-in-electricity-industry-of-Nepal,3408">cutting off 24-hour dedicated feeds</a> through which his predecessors had been providing businesses low tariff electricity in return for kickbacks.He expedited hydropower projects that had been languishing, confronted locals who had obstructed the construction of transmission lines, imported power from India to meet winter shortfall and exported electricity during the monsoon surplus. Most Nepalis did not care how he did it, but regard him as a saviour who took them from <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/Power-struggle-Kulman-Ghising,3399">darkness to light. </a>But as his four-year-term comes to an end, there are those who are envious of the enormous public respect he has earned, as well as others who benefited for years from NEA’s favours and want him out. Through all the smear campaigns against him, Ghising has held fast to his conviction that Nepal’s path to prosperity lies in generating enough power so Nepal’s 30 million people can <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/look-whats-cooking-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">switch to electrical appliances</a>, manufacturing and transport, and reduce the growing dependence on petroleum imports. The statistics say it all. From 2012 to 2016, when Nepalis faced the longest periods of load-shedding, the NEA cumulatively lost Rs25 billion. The greatest annual loss of nearly Rs9 billion was in fiscal year 2015-2016. (See graph) <img width="1500" height="908" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110914114/636ba5f39c7e80680e0736f5jpeg.jpg" alt="">Ghising was appointed to lead NEA by Energy Minister Janardan Sharma in August 2016 during the prime ministership of Pushpa Kamal Dahal, amidst much resistance from officials who had profited from black marketing electricity.But Ghising’s appointment was <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-cost-of-light/">a turning point for the NEA</a> and for the country. Within a year of taking over, NEA’s profits soared to Rs1.5billion, and is set to cross Rs11billion this fiscal year. Even more than lifting the Authority out of the red, it is the assurance of uninterrupted power that has spurred growth and employment in Nepal.Kulman Ghising has often been called ‘Cool Man’ by his admirers for his can-do attitude and his obsession with problem-fixing – attributes rare among Nepal’s politicians and technocrats. He was educated almost entirely in Nepal, and got his engineering degree from Jamshedpur in India. He has served 22 years in NEA, rising up the ranks to promote rural electrification, manage large projects like Chilime, and deal with Nepal’s private power producers.Starting out, Ghising did not have a magic wand. With experience of the inner workings of the NEA and of handling projects in Nepal, he knew what the problems were. And he did what any manager would do: address the losses on the supply side to ensure that it kept up with demand and growth.That is why his first order of business was to <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/How-%20to-%20avoid-power-cuts-this-winter-solar-energy-LED,3769">cut the dedicated lines providing uninterrupted electricity to industrial barons</a>. He increased their tariffs and prioritised supply to household consumers.  Ghising knew that Nepal’s electricity grid had some of the highest rates of pilferage and system loss, even among developing countries. Leakage alone was 26%, and NEA started a campaign against consumers stealing electricity from transmission lines with ‘hooks’. By this year, pilferage has been slashed to 15%, saving NEA Rs7 billion.The next step was to reduce system loss which occurs when the distance between the point of generation to consumption is too long. So, NEA set about upgrading transmission lines, substations and transformers. <img width="1500" height="1056" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110914114/636ba5f69c7e80680e0736f6jpeg.jpg" alt="">Despite all these moves, there was still a shortfall in electricity and Ghising filled this gap with imports from India through the Dhalkebar-Muzaffarpur transmission line. But as NEA’s own hydropower plants and private producers started coming online, imports have declined steadily from 35% of total supply for the past five years to 22% this year. This year’s power import from India also dropped because of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-power-glut-with-covid-19-shutdown/">COVID-19 lockdown</a>, which reduced domestic demand for electricity, and increased production from Nepal’s own run-of-the-river power plants due to a vigorous monsoon. With the completion of the 453MW Upper Tama Kosi this year, import from India is expected to drop further, even though there will have to be some power import to meet winter demand spike. Nepal’s monsoon surplus is expected to grow further in the coming years which is why Ghising has been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-power-glut-with-covid-19-shutdown/">publicly appealing to Nepalis</a> to switch to induction stoves for cooking, and was opposed to the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/an-electric-shock-to-nepals-energy-future/">hefty new tax on electric vehicles</a> announced by Finance Minister Yubaraj Khatiwada in this year’s budget.NEA’s revenue has also gone up because of a hike in tariff, despite which demand has also gone up. NEA’s customers have increased by 1.3 million in the past four years, and there has been an annual increase of 20% in electricity demand in that period.  Aside from all these measures, Ghising’s main achievement in the past four years has been his ability to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages/">dismantle the political-business nexus</a> that created an artificial shortage in electricity that allowed a black market to flourish. NEA’s previous heads, dispatchers, and their political patrons all benefited from this scam.At one point in the winter of 2016 when Nepal was reeling from the aftermath of the earthquake and the Indian Blockade, Nepalis were getting only six hours of electricity a day. Collusion between NEA officials and industrialists was allowing 315MW of cheap electricity to be diverted to businesses at a time when Nepal was only producing 750MW. Ghising is an outstanding manager with the simultaneous ability to be both a good cop and bad cop. He used his connections with high ranking NCP officials to deflect pressure from those who tried to discredit him. And he could go to the grassroots to convince locals to let transmission lines and substations in Lalitpur, Kabeli corridor, Kulekhani, or Ramechhap that had been delayed for decades due to opposition. Last year, Ghising went to Rasuwa to personally threaten local contractors who were delaying the construction of a substation critical to evacuating electricity generated by power plants on the Trisuli River. A video of him berating the contactors went viral on social media, further raising his public esteem. <img width="1500" height="930" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022110914114/636ba5fa9c7e80680e0736f7jpeg.jpg" alt="">It is not that Ghising does not have critics. Some have said he got all the credit for ending power cuts, when it was the fortuitous completion of the crossborder transmission line that allowed him to end load-shedding with imported power. Some say the NEA’s profits are more due to tariff increases than a reduction in leakage. Private power producers also blame him for claiming credit for raising revenue by overcharging them.  Ghising has not been able to move forward on the need to unbundle the NEA’s generation, transmission and distribution so as to make the agency even more efficient. However, some say the NEA should not be fragmented because it would make an agency that Ghising has got back on its feet weaker again. Most of the criticism is fuelled by powerful lobbies against Ghising for sending them overdue electricity bills worth billions. Some industrialists have claimed they never had a dedicated feed, and have been sent a bill. A committee has been formed to look into this, but there has been no conclusion. Prime Minister K P Oli is said to be personally not in favour of Ghising’s extension. Insiders say he has promised the job to Sushil Gyewali, currently the CEO of the National Reconstruction Authority that coordinated earthquake relief. Oli could also be seeing Ghising as someone close to the ‘Maoist’ Dahal faction of the NCP. If Ghising is removed, Oli will face public criticism for pandering to cronies and pushing the country once more into the dark ages. It will add to a long list of this government’s questionable political appointments, real estate scams, and alleged corruption in the import of medical equipment to fight the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/covid-19-spreads-closer-to-nepals-ruling-circle/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">COVID-19 pandemic</a>.

Kulman Ghising’s tenure at NEA in doubt

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221109101156/636b7a0d9c7e80680e06473ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="750" height="352"/>Nepal’s demand for electricity has decreased dramatically since the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-locked-down-now-what/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">country went into lockdown</a> on 24 March in response to the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/this-is-a-test/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">COVID-19 pandemic</a>.The Nepal Electricity Authority said that power consumption has fallen significantly following the shutdown of factories, hotels, and businesses. NEA has therefore stopped <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/more-than-half-of-nepals-electricity-imported-from-india/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">electricity imports from India</a>.The peak demand for electricity, which averaged 1,200 megawatts before the lockdown, had dropped to 945 megawatts on Tuesday evening. The demand further slipped to 446 megawatts on Wednesday morning, climbing back up to 628 megawatts on Wednesday afternoon.Kathmandu Valley, where electricity consumption is the highest, saw peak demand decrease to 290 megawatts on Tuesday evening from a normal average of 350 megawatts. On Wednesday afternoon, the peak demand stood at 182 megawatts.The amount of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-cost-of-light/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">electricity imported from India</a> has also decreased due to the fall in the demand, even though  Kulekhani has ceased operation.NEA managing director Kulman Ghising said only 150 megawatts of electricity has been supplied through the cross-border Dhalkebar-Muzaffarpur transmission line during peak hours since the lockdown began, with supply set to further drop to 50 MW from Thursday evening.Ghising attributed the dramatic decrease in electricity consumption to the closure of most factories, schools and offices. He added that some of NEA’s power stations will have to be shut down due to reduced consumption at night.“The load has decreased due to factories, businesses, as well as ongoing development projects ceasing operation”, said Ghising, “It is also that time of year between winter and summer peaks.”Ghising also urged the public staying in their homes to use <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/look-whats-cooking-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">induction stoves to cook</a>  saying that there is sufficient electricity to allow for the unhindered use of kitchen appliances.Acknowledging the possibility of temporary power cut-offs due to weather and technical issues, Ghising reassured the public that NEA staff would be on hand at all hours during the lockdown to handle repairs and get the electricity up and running in no time.

Nepal power glut with COVID-19 shutdown

<figure><img width="1400" height="933" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/636933619c7e80680e03df95jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>Next week as Nepalis celebrate Tihar, the festival of lights, few will remember that it will mark the second anniversary of the end of paralysing power cuts.Sometimes lasting up to 18 hours a day, the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">load-shedding</a> increased the people’s hardship and crippled the economy. The man credited for ending power cuts, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-Kulman-Ghising,3409" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kulman Ghising</a> of the Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA) said this week: “Light up your houses this Tihar, there is enough electricity.”The NEA estimates that demand next week will peak at 1,270 MW, but Ghising says there is enough supply from domestic generation and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nepal-india-thermal-power,3570" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indian imports</a> to meet it. Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/climate-climax/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Climate climax</a>, Editorial <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/from-a-fossil-past-to-an-electric-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">From a fossil past to an electric future</a>, Om Astha Rai <img width="327" height="327" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/636933649c7e80680e03df96jpeg.jpg" alt="">The reason for Ghising’s confidence is that 30MW has been added this year, his efforts to manage supply and cut leakage have increased capacity, and the Kulekhani reservoir is full. Even all this would not have ensured enough power – the real reason there will not be a dark Tihar is because of electricity imports from India.This year, Nepal’s electricity demand reached 1,281MW, but domestic generation never exceeded 525MW. The shortfall was made up by importing up to 505MW of electricity from coal-fired thermal plants in Bihar. Even with that, industries and some districts still suffered power cuts. The end to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/corruption-in-electricity-industry-of-Nepal,3408" target="_blank" rel="noopener">load-shedding</a> has come at great environmental and economic cost. The average per capita carbon footprint of Nepalis is still low, but it has doubled because of fossil energy bought from India. The electricity import bill this year added Rs20 billion to the Rs150 billion Nepal was already spending to buy petroleum products from India.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/decarbonise-now/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Decarbonise now</a>, Ajaya Dixit<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/electri-city-cars/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Electri-City Cars</a>, Sikuma RaiThe government defends the power import, arguing that it is only a stop-gap measure and transmission lines built to import electricity from India can later be used to export Nepal’s surplus power to the Indian market.Former Minister of Water Resources Dipak Gyawali says that is not likely to happen because Nepal’s electricity demand is growing 100MW per year, and there is a lot of suppressed demand that not even big projects like Tama Kosi (440MW) can cover.Instead of building cross-border transmission lines, Gyawali urges the NEA to focus on connecting small hydro projects to the national grid to meet future domestic growth in consumption for cooking and transportation.Sadly, even while importing electricity generated from dirty coal from India, NEA cannot buy clean hydropower from private plants like the 6MW Khani Khola because they do not have transmission lines connecting them to the grid.Says one hydropower investor: “This is the irony of it all: we want to sell our electricity to NEA, but it is buying power from India.”

The cost of light

<figure><img width="1400" height="1190" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/6369335b9c7e80680e03df92jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Catroon: DIWAKAR CHETTRI</figcaption></figure>Forget the horror movies, no more science fiction, stop watching post-apocalyptic Hollywood. We have the real thing coming to a planet near you.If things were not scary enough, the latest report from the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) released in Incheon earlier this month paints a terrifying picture of a dying Earth.This year saw record heat waves and droughts across Europe, Australia, Japan and the United States. Every new hurricane and typhoon breaks world records for wind speed. The hottest years since records started being kept were in the last 10 years, but 2018 was just a trailer of what is to come.If the current pace of warming continues, millions will start dying in heat waves across northern India and sub-Saharan Africa by the middle of the century. Droughts, flash floods and storms will be even more intense and frequent, there will be water shortages leading to starvation and famine. Coral reefs will all die, affecting fish populations. Sea level rise will submerge coastal cities, a fourth of Bangladesh’s land area will go underwater, the Maldives will disappear. Nepal’s mountains and glaciers will lose much of their permanent ice.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-cost-of-light/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The cost of light</a>, Om Astha Rai <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=15778&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Electri-city Cars</a>, Sikuma Rai <img width="327" height="327" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/6369335e9c7e80680e03df93jpeg.jpg" alt="">And that is probably the best-case scenario if warming cannot be capped at 1.5o by 2040. In reality, it will probably exceed 2o. By the end of the century, we are looking at average global temperatures at 4o warmer – this means we should replace the term climate change with ‘climate collapse’.Many of us who have been writing about the climate for the past decades have been called ‘alarmists’ or ‘fear mongers’, but this time it is the scientists who are panicking. The reason is that at a time when action on emission reduction is urgent, populist climate deniers are being elected in democracies across the world. It is getting so scary, citizens and politicians are burying their heads in the sand.These alarming changes have happened with just an average 1o warming since the industrial age. The IPCC report makes clear that in the next decades, whether the warming is 1.5o or 2o will make a world of a difference – 1.5o means heat waves will be less severe meaning millions will not die, the polar ice caps will not melt as fast, fewer plants and animals will become extinct, sea level will not rise by as much, fewer coral reefs will bleach. However, the report warns that governments only have 12 more years to implement measures so that global warming will be less than 1.5o.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=15756&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">From a fossil past to an electric future</a>, Om Astha Rai<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/?p=15845&amp;preview=true" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Decarbonise now</a>, Ajay DixitNow that we know how bad things are, what are we going to do about it in Nepal? For years we have argued that since we did not create the problem, and what we do is not going to save the planet, we should just try to adapt. But, as a new report State of Climate Action in Nepal shows, Nepal also needs to take mitigation action – not so much to slow global warming, but to save the country’s economy from collapse.Despite international treaties Nepal has signed, and successive governments paying lip service to a renewable economy, the country’s fossil energy imports are soaring, including through electricity imports from thermal plants in India. Solar and biogas programs have languished, and there has been nearly no tangible progress on electric public transport.‘Nepal’s move towards a sustainably renewable future is sluggish, and indeed often regressively heading towards more fossil fuel addiction,’ the report concludes.The most glaring lapse is in sustainable harnessing of Nepal’s hydropower. Chronic governance failure and sheer stupidity of our rulers have resulted in Nepal now importing half its electricity from Indian coal-fired plants, doubling our carbon footprint. New hydropower plants are expected to add 2,000MW in the next two years, but these will barely meet suppressed demands and since they are all run-of-river schemes, the winter power shortage will continue.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/climate-for-change/the-great-himalayan-thaw/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">The great Himalayan Thaw</a>, Ajay Dixit<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/interview/interview-with-david-molden-icimod,3074" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepalis paying price for climate change</a>The number of vehicles is nearing 3 million, with public transport vehicles making up less than 3% of the total, and the number of electric vehicles is negligible. There is weak political will to promote more efficient and reliable public transport because of the lobbying power of bus syndicates. Although taxes for electric vehicles have been slashed (see page 8-9), there is no sign of a proactive strategy to wean transportation from fossil fuels.All this is impacting public health due to a proliferation of two-wheelers and lack of emission controls. The poor condition of roads and highways has decreased the efficiency of vehicular transport, but has increased pollution levels.Much more worrying is that Nepal’s annual spending on petroleum products has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/from-a-fossil-past-to-an-electric-future/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">more than doubled in the last two years</a>, increasing our trade imbalance with India. Flawed energy policy is not just ruining the environment and bankrupting the country, it is also increasing Nepal’s political vulnerability to the outside world.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/reservoirs-of-suspicion/hydropower-geopolitics%20,3991" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Reservoirs of suspicion</a>, Om Astha Rai<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/storing-water-reservoir-Nepal,1042" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Storing water</a>, Bishal Thapa <h2> 10 years ago this week</h2> In the #423 issue of Nepali Times  of 31 October-6 November 2008, the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15330#.W9vq2dUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Editorial</a> dealt with the elected Maoist government getting back to business after the holidays on the mattter of integration of thier milita with the national Army. Excerpt: 'Government formation, the prime minister's foreign trips, then there was Dasain-Tihar. Finally, there are no more excuses for the government to start governing. But there is one more potential distraction: army integration. The January deadline for UNMIN's mandate is beginning to focus everyone's minds on dismantling cantonments and containers. Those bankrolling the UN are not in the mood for another extension.Given the extreme posturing and grandstanding by doctrinaire Maoists led by Defence Minister Ram Bahadur Thapa and the centre-right supporters of status quoists in the Nepal Army, integration won't be easy. Thapa's rash public pronouncements, and the kangresis whipping up a storm over rumours they heard that Nanda Kishore Pun was being proposed as army chief has needlessly polarised the debate.'  <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/423" data-elementor-open-lightbox=""> <img width="640" height="1014" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221107171132/6369335e9c7e80680e03df94jpeg.jpg" alt=""></a>

Climate Climax

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

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