Many had never heard of <a href="https://www.haminepal.org/">Hami Nepal</a>, the organisation that is part of the GenZ movement that did not just topple the government this week, but <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/what-next-nepal">pushed Nepal’s political system into new, uncharted territory</a>. It was part of an organic coming together of various youth groups fed up with Nepal’s corruption, mismanagement and lack of accountability. Hami Nepal and its GenZ comrades are now part of the negotiations with the Army to form an interim government. Hami Nepal is a non-profit dedicated to supporting communities and individuals in need, guided by its motto ‘For the People, By the People’. Its core mission is to assist individuals and communities in need, particularly during emergencies and crises, with a focus on directly connecting donors with recipients, and delivering aid efficiently and transparently. It was set up after the 2015 earthquake, but was formally registered and gained recognition in 2020 during the Covid-19 pandemic. Hami Nepal is led by 36-year-old civic activist Sudan Gurung, and mentored by renowned ophthalmologist Sanduk Ruit. Gurung started the organisation after he lost his own son in the 2015 earthquake, and now has over hundreds of thousands of members, growing by the hour.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250911090920_34e57abe26d5b243a6c2d0c01215d2e7b55c7b36a3c13b9f82d421b9588482b9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250911090920_34e57abe26d5b243a6c2d0c01215d2e7b55c7b36a3c13b9f82d421b9588482b9" data-rendition-name="original" width="707" height="647" loading="lazy" alt="Who, or what, is Hami Nepal?"> </figure>  Leading up to the events this week, it played a central role in guiding the demonstrations, using its Instagram and Discord platforms to circulate protest information and share guidelines. Other GenZ groups used their own WhatsApp groups and other fora.&nbsp; Among the 20 or so volunteers is Ronesh Pradhan, who spoke to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">Nepali Times on 8 September </a>morning during the GenZ rally, before the violence escalated.&nbsp; “The voices of young people matter. We can’t keep being ruled by the same old men,” Pradhan said. “Our generation is the future and if there are older leaders in government, they need to be competent and accountable. We are ready to lead this country forward.” Hami Nepal’s earliest visible campaigns include donating more than 400 blankets to Bir Hospital’s Covid unit in 2022, creating a plasma and oxygen bank during the pandemic, and distributing school jackets to children in rural districts. More recently, it mounted a relief effort in response to the 2023 Jajarkot earthquake, reaching over 13,000 families with shelter, food, and medical support. The organisation was also associated with the two-month ‘Save Ghopa’ campaign, demanding effective and smooth administration of the BPKIHS (B P Koirala Institute of Health Sciences) in Dharan. The organisation was also actively engaged in providing rescue and relief during the Kagbeni and Sindhupalchok floods this year. It even sent aid to Turkey after its 2023 earthquake. After the Kavre floods last year, Hami Nepal donated solar lights. Funding for Hami Nepal comes directly from public donations, with a policy of channeling 100% of received funds for aid distribution. Volunteers self-finance administrative costs, and the group publishes detailed expenditure figures, regularly sharing updates and transparency reports through their social media and website which it launched at its Annual General Meeting in Bhaktapur last year.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250911090920_cd40c472bd7e06cc038a2d77a431cba777b6f53e4374a0216c9af2c4feb56c88.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250911090920_cd40c472bd7e06cc038a2d77a431cba777b6f53e4374a0216c9af2c4feb56c88" data-rendition-name="original" width="1080" height="719" loading="lazy" alt="Who, or what, is Hami Nepal?"> </figure>  Following the death of Nepali student Prakriti Lamsal at KIIT University in India earlier this year, Hami Nepal advocated for justice using its Instagram account, raising concern about the safety of Nepali students. Its advocacy platform started with rescue and relief, and Hami Nepal managed to develop a track record for efficient campaigns and transparency in Nepal’s humanitarian landscape. But its work pushed the group to realise that there was a deeper malaise in Nepali society. Its #youthsagainstcorruption campaign on social media platforms gained rapid momentum, and that led to the rally on 8 September. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">Nepal’s 8 September massacre</a>, Shristi Karki The international #Nepobaby trend on TikTok propelled the rally even more, and young Nepalis used it to expose the scions of powerful politicians and politically-connected influencers who were exhibiting their flashy lifestyles on social media while citizens struggled with joblessness, corruption and poor service delivery. Public anger reached a tipping point when the UML-NC coalition led by Prime Minister K P Oli announced a sweeping ban on major social media platforms citing tax revenue, cyber security, and lack of content moderation. Netizens, civil society and media, however, saw it as the latest authoritarian attempt by the government to clamp down on free speech, increase surveillance of citizens and constrict Nepal’s open society. Susmita Khadka, 22, told us at the rally: “Politics is everywhere. Gen Z has the most platforms, and we want a revolution.” Leading up to 8 September, the GenZ movement disseminated information and reassured participants with volunteers readily available for help, medical support, and assistance. It put up a protest support helpline so that students needing assistance could get help. As the protests intensified, leaving at least 20 dead outside Parliament, and forcing Prime Minister K P Oli to resign, Hami Nepal shifted into a mediator role, engaging in talks with officials and seeking GenZ’s views on future leadership.&nbsp; Influencers like TikToker Nimesh Shrestha publicly backed the group, amplifying their voice in ongoing negotiations with the Nepal Army alongside other GenZ representatives. However, as the protests escalated on 9 September, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/kathmandu-burns-despite-pm-resignation">resulting in massive arson and vandalism of public and private property</a>, many GenZ activists disavowed association with the attackers, saying their movement had been infiltrated. The group backtracked, with Gurung saying he was not the leader of the protests.&nbsp; Meanwhile, others accused Hami Nepal for singlehandedly speaking with the Army chief, and said that they did not represent GenZ’s collective voice. Most GenZ supporters backed <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Legalese/justice-in-chief,804">Former Chief Justice Sushila Karki</a> as their candidate for interim prime minister in an online group. Not everyone in the GenZ movement agrees with that choice, with support for Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, even though he has endorsed Karki’s appointment. Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang rushed to Kathmandu on Wednesday to push his own candidacy. Hami Nepal has supported Balen Shah to lead the country for the next five years, not just during the interim period, and have called on the public to share their posts supporting Shah to amplify the message. With the old guard gone, there is a power vacuum with multiple actors with competing interests to fill it. GenZ’s youth-led activism has brought new energy for political reform, but its real test begins now — whether it can unite Hami Nepal and other sections to negotiate with the Nepal Army.&nbsp;

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Here & Now

Who, or what, is Hami Nepal?

Last month Nepal was officially released on Google Street View, making it possible to virtually explore the streets of more than 60 cities and scenic highways, hopefully boosting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/greening-nepal-s-tourism">business and tourism</a>. Just open up <a href="https://www.google.com/maps/@27.6598523,85.3377024,14z?entry=ttu&amp;g_ep=EgoyMDI1MDkwMy4wIKXMDSoASAFQAw%3D%3D">maps.google.com</a>, click on the little yellow Peg Man, and drag him to an area on the map. In future, Street View Nepal may serve as an important archive of what Nepal used to look like.&nbsp; Nepal is the 107th country to get comprehensive Street View coverage, and the fourth in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/south-asia-2040-qxr16oup">South Asia</a> after Bhutan, India, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh.&nbsp; “We used two cars, a smaller one for narrower alleys and a bigger car for wider roads,” explains Nishant Nair, who leads a team that oversees outsourced Street View operations. Last year, a dark grey Hyundai Santro was spotted in Kathmandu with an NCTech iSTAR Pulsar, a 360-degree camera used to capture and stitch together Street View images.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250906140956_902bedfcd7eee077e522c04b5a9582e5811a26caa43f7e1edfd69fd12a7cdd7c.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250906140956_902bedfcd7eee077e522c04b5a9582e5811a26caa43f7e1edfd69fd12a7cdd7c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1444" height="821" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> </figure>  In July, the process ran into problems in Bharatpur, where locals thought the car was surveying the alignment of the East-West Railway. So they torched the car and detained the surveyors. Bharatpur today has zero coverage on Google Street View.&nbsp; &nbsp;The maps have satellite images with photos from Street View Cars or contributors. The data is from official street maps. Says Nair: “Our <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/can-democracy-survive-ai">AI algorithms </a>can then analyse photos for street names, turn restrictions, and number of lanes to build a comprehensive map of the country.”&nbsp; From the pictures, Google’s AI can also extract information about ‘places of interest’, helping small businesses be visible on the internet.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250906140956_c22db31f11b88901af634aad930a5167d5c8ffb8de5ebb0beb65c2b359710068.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250906140956_c22db31f11b88901af634aad930a5167d5c8ffb8de5ebb0beb65c2b359710068" data-rendition-name="original" width="3022" height="2056" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>2. A dirt road amidst the far-western hills.</figcaption> </figure>  Dipesh Lamsal, CEO of Mahalaxmi Bikas Bank, says that hotels, restaurants, and tour operators benefit from the maps because it brings global visibility: “For us banks the technology can support Know Your Customer (KYC) verification, helping us confirm locations, assess businesses, and strengthen due diligence.” The network of coverage of Street View is denoted by a road glowing blue, with roads in cities and towns mostly featured. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-tarai-s-shrinking-forests">The Tarai</a> has a denser road network, the foothills have a few highways connecting main cities, and the mountains do not have blue at all except for some highways and popular trekking routes. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090616090_199a0054207b5a9fa2f640c09ca3432e18d7fc8bb58d453bddc4e3d176f73ce7.png" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2025090616090_199a0054207b5a9fa2f640c09ca3432e18d7fc8bb58d453bddc4e3d176f73ce7" data-rendition-name="original" width="509" height="327" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>3. Near the Bardia National Park in Western Tarai.</figcaption> </figure>  One of the biggest users of this feature will be Nepalis themselves, as<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/visit-nepal-in-the-monsoon"> domestic travel gets more popular</a> than ever this holiday season. Trekking trails are now also on Google maps with embedded views of scenic areas. What is striking is how similar cities look across Nepal — the same cement ads painted to the sides of buildings, the same shutter pasal, and haphazard overhead wires. Towns on the other side of the border look fundamentally the same except for billboards for Indian companies like Jio Mobile.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090615090_fa41d728dd7114052de9a21310908436853fce3d0487d271687ad8e2ae4f1911.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="2025090615090_fa41d728dd7114052de9a21310908436853fce3d0487d271687ad8e2ae4f1911" data-rendition-name="original" width="3420" height="2224" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>4. Near Jhiwakhola Devisthan in Baglung, Gandaki.</figcaption> </figure>  Connectivity As ride-sharing and e-commerce expands, tech-based companies need accurate data about locations, and directions to them. Rather than develop their own databases and maps from scratch, it makes sense to use existing Google Maps.&nbsp; Mapping services get paid a small amount every time another app asks to search for a location, or to calculate the optimal route between two specific places. They may also allow auto-completing searches or calculating just the distance between two locations instead of the best route.&nbsp; There is one problem: Nepali companies cannot afford to pay for this data from Google Maps — especially with 1 USD hitting Rs142 this week. And that is where <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/finding-your-way-in-nepal?fbclid=IwAR3Ls8S90Qcjv8CYsuZb2QjaFaMKnOar0L2jDiT3D1o7hx8ipoJRrTUbXDI%2F">Nepali mapping companies </a>like Baato and Galli Maps come in.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090615094_796a828a97ae656832fe1540df13dc6eb79c43cf83d01d37f387548146071b06.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="2025090615094_796a828a97ae656832fe1540df13dc6eb79c43cf83d01d37f387548146071b06" data-rendition-name="original" width="3412" height="2068" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>5. The Kali Gandaki river in Kagbeni.</figcaption> </figure>  “We built Baato because we wanted to empower business, but over time we realised that bad maps isn’t only a business concern, it’s annoying for regular individuals too,” says Prithvi Khakda, Baato’s investor and business developer.&nbsp; One problem Khadka faces is the lack of trained technicians to take existing data about a customer and predict their preferences. Skilled people are rare, and once hired and trained in data manipulation, they will likely emigrate. Khadka’s solution is to use an agency to do the work, but that raises privacy issues. Khadka recently pitched Baato Maps on Shark Tank Nepal, successfully snaring a Rs24 million investment from Hem Raj Dhakal of IME for 40% of the company. Details of the deal will be finalised after Dasain, and Khadka says being on the show has given Baato better visibility: “The dynamic has flipped. Companies are now coming to us, instead of us going to them.” One of the new clients is all-electric ride-hailing service eDrive Nepal.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090615098_11c95467cdecdadc8d1683a80f533e7839395f37180910d04a7add888e168b18.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="2025090615098_11c95467cdecdadc8d1683a80f533e7839395f37180910d04a7add888e168b18" data-rendition-name="original" width="3086" height="2122" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>6. A central Nepal sunset at Tanahunsar in Gandaki.</figcaption> </figure>  Baato Maps’ main selling point is accuracy: it updates the changing nature of streets and locales with verification tools so users do not waste time chasing dead ends. “Building a map is challenging because it reflects all the changes that happen in real life,” says Khadka. &nbsp; Baato also makes it quick to find areas that would be of immediate locale interest, such as ATMs, bus stops, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/people-power/nepal-turns-on-the-electric-switch?%20waitfor%20delay%20%270%3A0%3A15%27%20--%20=">EV Charging stations</a>. In future it will recommend local restaurants and businesses to customers based on location, and perhaps tie-up with IME Pay’s inDrive.&nbsp; Galli maps serves companies like Hamrobazar, WorldLink, eSewa, Foodmandu, Sajilo Rides, and others. Founder Raj Bikram Maharjan says the company got a start from the government’s attempt to solve the addressing problem by numbering houses in 1998.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250906150912_6c4f8b729a9532a6e152bc8f37dd66f14e9be1aec11e459fed8fd72a90f386d6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250906150912_6c4f8b729a9532a6e152bc8f37dd66f14e9be1aec11e459fed8fd72a90f386d6" data-rendition-name="original" width="3420" height="2224" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>7. A busy Thamel Street in Kathmandu.</figcaption> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/navigating-nepal-with-new-digital-maps">Navigating Nepal with new digital maps</a>, Shristi Karki “That was a revolutionary concept, but there was actually no way to see the numbers and use them to locate, and Lalitpur then numbered houses in 2019, but had the same problem,” recalls Maharjan who faced the issue firsthand when he tried to order an oximeter for his sick mother during Covid and was stuck giving directions on the phone for half an hour. Galli Maps also has a 360 degree street view feature, covering Kathmandu, Pokhara, Everest Base Camp, and Annapurna Base Camp, although it is not something it spends a lot of resources to maintain. Maharjan is excited about Google Street View now being a thing, and used to contribute to the service in 2014. Google was quite stealthy about carrying out mapping, but they need not have been because when Galli went to the Ministry of Communication and Technology, it said it did not need permission because it was not filming, just pictures.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250906150912_7bb3ca1250da082fbf76134db866498a35d6dd3b3655cf7a7d344d269882f21e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_16" data-image-id="20250906150912_7bb3ca1250da082fbf76134db866498a35d6dd3b3655cf7a7d344d269882f21e" data-rendition-name="original" width="3018" height="2122" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>8. The Pushpal Highway in Lamidanda in Kosi.</figcaption> </figure>  Galli does work with the government in other ways: re-mapping locations every year to update data, and also recent information from the Department of Roads. It has also tried a reporting feature so users could report <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/don-t-go-quietly-into-the-night">accidents, potholes</a>, trash buildups, and fires. This feature was scrapped after government departments did nothing about the complaints.&nbsp; Galli is planning for more use cases for its map application in future, including live tracking of festivals like<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-legend-behind-the-myth-of-indra-jatra"> Indra Jatra</a>, which this year starts on 6 September with chariot pulling.&nbsp; “I love to attend these jatra, but the problem is nobody knows exactly where the rath or lakhey are at any given time. Locals give directions, but the processions have moved by then,” says Bikram.&nbsp; Besides Baato and Galli, there are companies like Thegana which look to solve the addressing problem by digitising locations by assigning unique Thegana Codes to them. Another is Trackon Nepal, which offers vehicle tracking and fleet management solutions using small GPS devices and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/privacy-is-power?%2F=">mobile data</a>. &nbsp;&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090616090_da5aeb44d1adf0a475320759b44bc17bba5c00af173977ddb8441592ba11f42c.png" data-media-id="editor_20" data-image-id="2025090616090_da5aeb44d1adf0a475320759b44bc17bba5c00af173977ddb8441592ba11f42c" data-rendition-name="original" width="508" height="315" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>9. Dadhauli in the central Tarai.</figcaption> </figure>  <h2>Trekking Views</h2> Google Street View covers roads, but what about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/himalayan-highs">Nepal’s trekking trails</a>? Now that the two main mobile telephone providers have built towers along the main trekking routes, it is possible to geolocate on online maps that show hiking paths. Better coverage would give trekkers an idea of the facilities they can expect en route, views that await them, and even weather alerts to warn of impending blizzards, landslides or avalanches.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250906150916_07b41580d22e3fa091da078cabba1bba35b28f2d2b0e30fe7acce329982370de.png" data-media-id="editor_22" data-image-id="20250906150916_07b41580d22e3fa091da078cabba1bba35b28f2d2b0e30fe7acce329982370de" data-rendition-name="original" width="586" height="778" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> </figure>  As more Nepalis travel within the country, they are uploading photos along the way. Two areas in the mountains that are partially covered on Google Street View are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/glory-and-risk-on-himalayan-peaks">the Annapurnas and the Everest Trail</a>. In Annapurna, the coverage is along the Beni-Tatopani-Jomson-Kagbeni route, including of the Kali Gandaki River. Most contributors are individuals.&nbsp; In the Khumbu area, there was a concerted effort in 2014 by a Google Maps team to create videos and an interactive website with places to explore in Lukla, Namche Bazaar, Thame, Khumjung and Phortse. Explorable views of the German Bakery at Lukla Airport, a Yak Parking Lot, and the Sir Edmund Hillary School reveal what life is like in the area.&nbsp; This is a project that could be undertaken quite easily by the government working perhaps with tour operators and individual <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trekkers-welcome-in-nepal-but-conditions-apply">trekkers</a> with 360 degree cameras that cost about $200. Documenting routes in the Far-West hills, perhaps showing that facilities do exist, could be vital to increasing tourism and the economy in the region.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090616094_468fea34380f2f81a04f67044e3d93bdddd4610b2bd543b1ff5199f85b41e4a6.png" data-media-id="editor_25" data-image-id="2025090616094_468fea34380f2f81a04f67044e3d93bdddd4610b2bd543b1ff5199f85b41e4a6" data-rendition-name="original" width="555" height="316" loading="lazy" alt="Navigating Nepal online"> <figcaption>10. The Himalaya in the north-eastern corner of Nepal.</figcaption> </figure>

Vishad Raj Onta

Navigating Nepal online

Nowhere is the impact of the abrupt closure of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal">USAID in Nepal</a> more symbolic than inside the Chobhar Dry Port. Hundreds of abandoned blue-plated SUVs and two-wheelers are parked like a car dealership in suburban America. Across Kathmandu, an estimated 600 homes, apartments and offices rented by USAID personnel, consultants and contractors are now vacant. It is a similar story in Surkhet, a hub for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-great-game-2nd-half">US-funded development projects</a> in far western Nepal. Some domestic airlines have cut daily flights between Kathmandu and Surkhet because there are fewer passengers flying for fieldwork.&nbsp; With so many cars and motorcycles off the roads, Nepal is actually saving an estimated 200,000 litres of petrol and diesel a month, worth nearly Rs30 million. The Dry Port itself is earning Rs100 per vehicle per day in parking fees. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-end-of-aid">impact of the USAID shutdown</a> has therefore reverberated not just across Nepal’s development agencies, but has hit the economy through downstream impact on the private sector. The United States was the second country to establish bilateral relations with Nepal in 1947, even before Nepal forged diplomatic ties with India and China. US development assistance to Nepal began with the Point Four Program in 1951, and early projects through USOM (US Operations Mission) which supported infrastructure, agriculture, and malaria eradication. Early US aid programs in Chitwan cleared the jungles so that once <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-insect-that-changed-nepal-s-history">malaria </a>was eradicated, it facilitated King Mahendra’s strategy of transmigration of entire mountain villages to the Inner Tarai valleys. The American-aided Rapti Project was so wasteful and the benefit to locals was so minimal that researchers and historians concluded in books and journal articles that it planted the seeds of<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ghosts-of-war"> the Maoist insurgency</a> in the mid-western mountains. Later, US aid was critical in linking Dadeldhura to the Tarai and connecting Chitwan to Hetauda, and also in the development of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-to-make-nepals-skies-safer">Nepal’s civil aviation </a>with the donation of World War II vintage DC-3s to Royal Nepal Airlines. Early American aid also focussed on higher education with teacher training, production of teaching materials, and scholarships for Nepali students to pursue university degrees in the US. In 2022, USAID and Nepal signed a five-year Development Objective Agreement worth $659 million for Direct Financing projects in four sectors: health, agriculture, education, and inclusive policy. But soon after Donald Trump was sworn in for his <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">second term earlier this year</a>, the USAID funding freeze left about 40 projects across the country in limbo. Many Nepali staff lost their jobs, while other partners scrambled to fulfil project goals. Much of the discussion surrounding development aid centred on how much money was actually spent in rural Nepal, and how much was recycled back to America through consultants, or was spent in Kathmandu by contractors.&nbsp; “A significant portion of funds from USAID went to American contractors, and there was a lack of transparency about how much of the budget actually trickled down to<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/ex-guerrilla-s-revolution-in-rural-nepal"> rural Nepal</a>,” says economist Sujeev Shakya. While the intended beneficiaries of US development assistance did not gain as much due to tied aid and leakage along the way, the funding cut has left Nepal’s underserved communities without access to basic services, as well as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/life-and-livelihood-in-remote-nepal">opportunities for livelihood and empowerment</a>.&nbsp; A retired Nepali diplomat posted in Washington DC told Nepali Times that although many have reason to be cynical about USAID work in Nepal, the closure of the agency is a “huge loss” for the development sector.&nbsp; America’s withdrawal from the global scene has also prompted other European countries to rethink development aid. Britain’s FCDO (Foreign, Commonwealth &amp; Development Office) has drastically reduced its aid budget, impacting projects in Nepal. Germany has also cut development funding and diverted the money to defence.&nbsp; This has prompted Nepal’s development experts to advise reducing reliance on foreign aid, especially as the nation is also set to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/not-poor-but-not-rich">graduate from LDC status</a> next year. Indeed, total annual foreign aid to Nepal in grants and loans of about $1 billion a year compared to remittances of $12 billion last year. “Nepal has adequate resources, both financial and human, to fill the gap left by donors,” says Min Raj Gyawali, who was Deputy Chief of Party of USAID’s Adolescent Reproductive Health (ARH) program for Nepal. “What we need to do to implement our development projects successfully is better organisation, management, set achievable goals, have better coordination between local and federal authorities, and use our internal revenue more effectively.”&nbsp; To get out of its dependency syndrome, Nepal needs to look no further than its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/understanding-nepals-underspending">unspent annual development budget</a>. “It is is no use crying over the loss of American aid when we are unable to spend 70% of our own annual budget every year,” says Shakya.&nbsp; After shutting down USAID, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-first-month">Trump administration</a> transferred the work of overseas development assistance to the State Department, and this could mean that it may rethink a scaled down and more selective aid program in future that aligns with strategic US foreign policy goals. The US is not unique in this. Australia’s foreign aid program AUSAID was integrated to the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (DFAT) in 2014, while DFID, the UK department responsible for administering overseas aid until 2020, was merged with the foreign office to form the FCDO. “The US still needs to maintain and protect its strategic interests across the world,” says Shakya. “This means that the closure of USAID might not be permanent, and it may be integrated with other development programs in future.” Adds Gyawali: “One lesson to be learnt from the USAID closure is that we might be faced with a similar situation anytime in future, so we must always have a back-up plan in the event that any donor pulls out of ongoing development projects. We now need to focus on funding diversity rather than relying on any one donor, and we need multi-sectoral strategies to meet and manage funding for ongoing and future development programs.” <h2>USAID cut affects access to safe sex</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250904090924_61f40fb3e850ccc8a403a42283da74cd668bbd52a7c3f24966cb27ac2cdde4c8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250904090924_61f40fb3e850ccc8a403a42283da74cd668bbd52a7c3f24966cb27ac2cdde4c8" data-rendition-name="original" width="5184" height="3456" loading="lazy" alt="USNOAID"> <figcaption>Photo: USAID / FLICKR</figcaption> </figure>  The absence of USAID funds in the 10 months since its shutdown has hit Nepal’s health sector the most. The resource gap has affected crucial programs supporting nutrition, reproductive health, and tuberculosis prevention. As much as 60% of USAID funds were said to support health-related projects. &nbsp; Programs aimed at reducing maternal and child mortality, especially for neonatal care, have been seriously undermined. The impact on nutrition programs for schools could mean that childhood malnutrition in Nepal could see a surge. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump shock wave hits Nepal</a>, Sudiksha Tuladhar One of the programs affected was USAID-funded five-year Adolescent Reproductive Health (ARH) project led by CARE Nepal in partnership with the government and other non-profits to empower Nepalis aged 10-19 through behaviour change efforts, group-based interventions, and girl-led activism for reproductive health and social norms change.&nbsp; “All our plans had been made around the guarantee of external support, so training, exposure, and capacity enhancement programs were stopped,” explains Min Raj Gyawali, who was Deputy Chief of Party (DCOP) for the ARH program. “The short-term, accelerated learning course to send out-of-school girls back to school was continued after reorganisation of funds from other partners, but the community adolescent forums made to facilitate discussions about their health have largely come to an end.”&nbsp; But among the hardest hit health programs in Nepal are ones aimed at<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=12340"> HIV prevention</a>. Nepal’s progress over the past decades in addressing HIV and AIDS is now at serious risk since USAID involvement in HIV screening, preventative medication, and condom distribution has discontinued.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250905170924_9770df4ba9e7da64b118504833afc3726b7dce50d05f2bf2b8f6d26b29773e00.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="20250905170924_9770df4ba9e7da64b118504833afc3726b7dce50d05f2bf2b8f6d26b29773e00" data-rendition-name="original" width="1368" height="844" loading="lazy" alt="USNOAID NT"> </figure>  Key populations at risk of HIV including sex workers, their clients, women whose husbands and partners are living with HIV were supported with pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP). Data from the NCASC shows there are 30,300 people living with HIV (PLHIV) in Nepal as of 2024. Meanwhile, up to 86,809 cisgender female, 25,955 cisgender men who have sex with men, and 14,250 transgender women are involved in sex work across the country.&nbsp; HIV screening also came to a standstill following the funding freeze, but the government has restarted it with help from other development partners, says Lok Raj Pandey of the National Centre for AIDS and STI Control.&nbsp; Antiretroviral therapy services, which are provided for free for people with HIV by the government, have not been impacted, say officials. A total of 25, 728 infected people are currently on antiretroviral therapy.&nbsp; “<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4128">HIV testing and counselling services</a> have resumed at the 96 antiretroviral therapy treatment centres across Nepal,” adds Pandey, “But a shortage of PreP medication and condoms persists." Government officials say that they can not definitively say if HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases have increased in the last 10 months. But civil society organisations that support sex workers disagree. “We have have already begun to note a rise in sexually transmitted infections like gonorrhoea, and a rise in HIV infections in the last 10 months,” says Tulsi Gandhari, chair of the Janahit Mahila Mahasang, Nepal’s national federation of female sex workers. “The situation for people engaged is sex work has become increasingly dire, and a sustained lack of condoms is only going to make things worse.” “The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-far-from-hitting-contraceptive-target">shortage of condoms</a> has also meant that female sex workers have to use emergency contraceptives like pills after the fact, continued usage of which will have lasting damage on their general and reproductive health in the long run,” Gandhari adds.&nbsp; Experts are concerned about the rise of not just HIV, but other life-threatening sexually-transmitted diseases like cervical cancer and Hepatitis B.&nbsp; 95-95-95 Despite government assurance that testing for HIV and sexually-transmitted infections have resumed, non-profits point to the unavailability of large-scale, free-of-cost screening. Meanwhile, condoms have been distributed by organisations that support family planning and HIV prevention, but it is not nearly enough to meet daily needs for the sex worker community.&nbsp; “Sex workers face daily risks to their health and physical safety, and the funding gap has left them without essential services,” adds Rajan KC of Janahit Mahila Mahasang. “The lack of timely testing, contraceptives, outreach, and peer educators for moral support increases this risk.” The UNAIDS ’95-95-95’ target aims to ensure that 95% of people living with HIV are aware of their status, 95% of those diagnosed receive antiretroviral therapy, and 95% of those on treatment achieve viral suppression by 2030. Nepal’s National HIV Strategic Plan 2021-2026 outlines a fast track approach towards ending the AIDS epidemic as a public health by achieving the 95-95-95 targets by 2026.&nbsp; But with the lack of preventative support and robust screening services, experts are not so optimistic about Nepal’s HIV outcomes.&nbsp; The risk of exposure to HIV among sex workers and their clients brought about by the absence of essential services also increases the chances of exposure to pregnant women and the wider community. “If we continue on the same trajectory for another few months, we run the risk of rolling back our progress with HIV prevention,” cautions KC. “The government has not been serious enough to address this possibility.” The lack of counselling and peer support has also led to a rise in violence and social stigmatisation in vulnerable communities, note experts. The absence of free treatment centres and clinics mean that sex workers have to seek sexual and reproductive healthcare at public and private institutions, where they are often subject to hostile and discriminatory rhetoric from service providers and fellow patients. Trans sex workers are subject to even more scrutiny, ridicule, vitriol, and bigotry.&nbsp; This stigmatisation, in addition to the costs associated with repeated visits for HIV and STI-related health concerns, prevents sex workers from accessing essential healthcare. “We urgently need free clinics so that sex workers are not met with an unfriendly environment whenever they seek healthcare,” says Gandhari.&nbsp; Pandey of the NCASC says officials are looking into how they can resume the free-of-cost sexual health services that have stopped, noting that USAID was not Nepal’s only partner in HIV and STI preventative support. America has also not completely pulled out of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-lagging-in-safe-motherhood">sexual and reproductive health support</a>, he adds. Last week, the US embassy in Nepal met with partners in the health sector to maintain America’s commitment to health projects in Nepal, saying that regional officials would helm USAID’s legacy health programs.&nbsp; ‘Together, we will continue lifesaving work in HIV/AIDS, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/target-2030-for-maternal-and-newborn-health">maternal &amp; child health</a>, and global health security,’ the embassy wrote in a statement on social media. ‘Working closely with the Government of Nepal and donors, the United States is committed to strengthening health systems and promoting Nepal’s self-reliance in delivering quality services.’

Shristi Karki

USNOAID

<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x2fZXyjsE28" target="_blank">Yog Narendra Malla</a> became king at age 18, and ruled Patan from 1684-1705 — his reign marked by a cultural and architectural renaissance of the city state. He put up a statue of himself in the palace square with a little bronze bird sitting on the guardian serpent above his head. It is said he told his subjects that he would look after their welfare till the day the bird flew off. During<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lessons-not-learned-from-2015-o2etq6zu"> the 2015 earthquake</a>, the pedestal collapsed and the statue was damaged. The bird was lost, only to be located in a pile of debris and reinstated when the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/piece-by-piece-patan-darbar-square-reconstruction,3782" target="_blank">statue was consecrated</a> two years later. <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/x2fZXyjsE28?si=jYfIb4p6zCLXYQ1T" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div> History remembers Yog Narendra Malla as a wise king, but like most<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/preserving-king-birendra-s-family-home"> royalty of the day</a>, he had a weakness for women. He is supposed to have consorted with 30 queens and numerous concubines. At least 33 of them self-immolated themselves on the king's funeral pyre when he died, adhering to the prevailing <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/review/Jhola,947">practice of sati</a>. When Yog Narendra Malla’s favourite queen found out that he was carrying on with yet another woman, she got the local community of the Kwelachhi neighbourhood to stage a shadow sex play to quite literally expose his unfaithfulness. Actors enacted the explicit exploits of the king and his mistress, a bright butter lamp projecting the moving shadows of their lovemaking on a thin white drape to entertain those gathered in the square below. The queen made sure that the show was designed to face the home of the king’s paramour to shame them both. She also paid for a group to chant a bhajan with lyrics that ridiculed the king’s extramarital affair. The Jhyalcha Guthi community trust that the queen set up three-and-half century ago is still active to this day, and performs the annual shadow play in the same building in Kwelachhi the day before <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-legend-behind-the-myth-of-indra-jatra">Indra Jatra </a>every year. This year’s show is on Friday evening, 5 September. The opening lines of the chants that accompany the play are the same words approved by the queen all those years ago: “Raja Yog Narendra ya aparadh…” (King Yog Narendra’s crime…) The community leader of the Kwelachhi neighbourhood, 62-year-old Baburaja Awale, explains the importance of the event: “This Jhyalcha is our<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/saving-the-intangible,3303"> intangible heritage</a> and oral history. We do not have a written format, it has been passed down from generation to generation. Every word of the bhajan is the story of King Yog Narendra Malla.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250904070952_249e85b32cbd99bb8515151557e0ec1a65d44a34ef1aacabaaeb469622d12664.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250904070952_249e85b32cbd99bb8515151557e0ec1a65d44a34ef1aacabaaeb469622d12664" data-rendition-name="original" width="1750" height="1167" loading="lazy" alt="Sex and the city of Patan"> <figcaption>The statue of Yog Narendra Malla being reinstated after it toppled in the 2015 earthquake. Photo: GOPEN RAI/ NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVE</figcaption> </figure>  Jhyalcha Pyankha, as the ceremony is called, starts with a puja for the Bhimsen — the god of wealth and prosperity, a popular <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-homecoming-of-nepal-s-gods">deity in Patan</a> who has a temple dedicated just to him in the palace square. This is immediately followed by a bhajan of Bhairab performed with <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Buzz-house,670">traditional Newa musical instruments</a>. Community members serve snacks consisting of samay baji beaten rice, water buffalo chunks, soybean, green veggies, lentils, ginger, garlic and aila liquor. “In the first act of the shadow play, the man initiates the lovemaking, and in the third it is the woman,” says Laxmi Lal Awale, also a member of the trust that organises the show. The shadow action is all uncensored, but interspersed with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/between-the-sacred-and-everyday">scenes of everyday life</a>: the woman is spinning a thread, the king is going about his royal chores, and the two sit down to share sanacha fermented pickle that is popular this time of year. <div class="embed-block"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/qZ3twuG1wNQ?si=yRfkoC3A-X9cIl8r" title="YouTube video player" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="strict-origin-when-cross-origin" allowfullscreen></iframe></div> “Back then, there was no tv, films or YouTube, and yet we managed to stage the shadow play using our own resourcefulness,” says Baburaja Awale. “It is important to continue the tradition.” The challenge now is to ensure that the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-reign-of-the-god-of-rain"> younger generation takes over</a>, learning the lyrics of the ancient bhajan. The dafa khala group that performs all over Patan during festivals and religious events is now training teenagers to play the musical instruments and act in the shadow play. The Jhyalcha was staged even after the 2015 earthquake when the falcha where the bhajan is performed collapsed and they made-do in a tin shed. The structure was later rebuilt with a grant from the group, Photo Circle. Lalitpur Metropolitan City sets aside a budget of Rs50,000 to organise the Jhyalcha Pyankha every year, but this is not enough and is supplemented by individual donations. The performers including musicians and actors are all volunteers, and take part in it because it is their community duty. The erotic shadow play was way ahead of its time, not just in its graphic content but the use of contemporary local technology as well as improvisation and pure imagination. Says Laxmi Lal: “Whatever its origin in the legend of King Yog Narendra Malla and his queen, Jhyalcha also served as a medium of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lets-talk-about-it">sex education</a>. In the past, women were discouraged from watching the shadow play, but today everyone is welcome, we all watch it together.” Jhyalcha Pyankha Kwelachhi, Chyasal, Patan 7PM onwards Friday, 5 September

Sonia Awale

Sex and the city of Patan

This is the 72nd episode of Diaspora Diaries, a Nepali Times series in collaboration with Migration Lab providing a platform to share experiences of living, working and studying abroad. My father ran a store and that is where I spent all my time till Grade 6. Doing my homework. Serving customers. I then moved to my maternal grandparents’ house because I used to get along with my cousin who was a year older than me. We did everything together, and were best friends. We took turns studying: I was a night owl, and he was an early riser. Before I went to bed after studying all night, I woke him up. My mother was 44 when I was born, the same year my eldest brother got married. My sister-in-law becoming a part of our family was how my mother referenced my age. I liked making money, and was always a hustler. In Grade 7, I learnt to handle a tractor and helped my brother-in-law to plough, earning Rs10 a day. As I got better, he paid me more. By Grade 9, I was already making Rs500 per day, but had to slow down to prepare for my exams. From an early age I knew I did not want a 9-5 job. There just wasn’t enough money in it. I wanted to get into business, and compared my brother who worked in the post office and what businessmen made. It did not help that my brother was honest, and never took bribes. A friend and I made money selling cheap Chinese phones at a premium to our friends. We blasted music on the phones and pretended that we were giving them a discount. After SLC, I started teaching math and other subjects. I was soon a shareholder in the same school and in the evening I was involved in our family’s floriculture business, growing amaranth and marigold for garlands.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250831020844_1b54b999d67122a50c4c7e6204cc737bcc99bf2a68db6499a4566a7f61a880b4.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250831020844_1b54b999d67122a50c4c7e6204cc737bcc99bf2a68db6499a4566a7f61a880b4" data-rendition-name="original" width="955" height="1314" loading="lazy" alt="Diaspora Diaries 72"> </figure>  It was then that a friend suggested we learn the Korean language. We could be earning significantly higher in Korea for similar efforts. I had no plans to go abroad but he convinced me. I did not know anything about Korea, and was scolded at the language institute when I asked someone to point Korea on the map.&nbsp; It was only there that I learnt you had to pass an exam for the Korean Employment Permit System (EPS), and pay for language classes. After a week, I decided it was not for me and dropped out. But my friend convinced me to give it one more try. I did not prepare much for the exam, and it was no surprise that I failed. But it was just by one mark, and people would pity me for failing “just by one mark”. It was a brand of failure. It hurt my ego. I had to turn things around by taking the exams seriously, and locked myself up to study hard.&nbsp; Even when we had visitors, my wife told them I was not home. If I was not in my room learning Korean, I would be with a group of ten of us test-takers comparing notes and practicing late into the night. The exam was difficult, but this time I passed, the only one in my group who did.&nbsp; As someone who never liked the idea of doing a job, I still had my doubts about going to Korea. It did not help that one of my acquaintances had returned a month after he had left, and he discouraged me from migrating given that I was already making good money in Nepal.&nbsp; But my wife suggested that I give it a shot since I had worked so hard for it. And if it really turned out not to be my cup of tea, I could always return. What did I have to lose, I thought, at least I would get to visit Korea. My job there was in an electrical company that made circuit boards. I worked all day, earned good money. In the evenings, I kept myself busy with my real estate business back in Nepal. I had learnt the tricks of the trade from fellow real estate agents back home, but at the time did not have the capital to invest.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250831020848_941e961e2045058f255ad89884b51faa7d2365c68236e5cbe573d63d769ac6c5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250831020848_941e961e2045058f255ad89884b51faa7d2365c68236e5cbe573d63d769ac6c5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Diaspora Diaries 72"> </figure>  In Korea, it helped that I had salary records that allowed me to get loans from financial institutions both in Korea and in Nepal. Ultimately, I started earning more from my real estate deals in Nepal than from my job in Korea. This was all thanks to my ability to take loans because of the EPS scheme. My wife has been managing the flower business while I was away. My finances grew stronger over the eight years I was in Korea. I paid off the loans that I had borrowed to buy land. But real estate did not satisfy me entirely. I wondered: what is my brand? What will I be known for? What is my contribution to society? Real estate is for wealth, but that is about it. I needed to sell one piece of land and use the revenue to start a venture. I took classes in business, and returned to Nepal six months ago and got back to my family’s ancestral roots in floriculture. In Nepal too, I am continuing the entrepreneurship training I had started in Korea with the Bridge International. Such exposure helps us reflect on our business such as our branding, vision, and proactive aspects like the importance of strong recordkeeping.&nbsp; I am now working to upgrade and expand my floriculture business. With a friend who is still in Korea I am building a cooling room to increase the shelf-life of flowers and other produce and set up a market in my village where others can sell their produce. Floriculture is our primary business, but it is seasonal and earns good money only during festivals like Tihar.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250831020848_a008ffeba13896e6918f68ff6e687c8fe11140d86a96f1ec11690547f2bcd415.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250831020848_a008ffeba13896e6918f68ff6e687c8fe11140d86a96f1ec11690547f2bcd415" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="Diaspora Diaries 72"> </figure>  So, I grow tomatoes to ensure year-round earnings. I also am engaged in other businesses like real estate and online shopping. I work round the clock in Nepal — a strong work ethic is something I picked up in Korea.&nbsp; My Korean bosses would work alongside us, that motivated us. I work just as hard in Nepal as I did in Korea. People here often ask me why I am pushing myself so hard. But making garlands comes easy to me, it is work my forebears were involved in. My childhood memories are about plucking flowers with my sister. I have a comparative advantage in this work. It comes naturally to me, it is easy and I enjoy it. And sometimes, if there are too many garlands to make, I can multitask while holding meetings. My fingers just fly. I am good at this job, but my wife is even better and faster.&nbsp; When there is too much load, we can also outsource the work. To be known as the flower guy would be great personal branding. The मखमली guy. Or the सयपत्री guy. I decided to come home for just this with a one-way ticket. “अब पासा: जाँदैन ल्हासा!” &nbsp;

The flower guy

India and China have a long-standing border dispute along their Himalayan border which has erupted in violent skirmishes. But Indian and Chinese officials last week agreed to ignore Nepal’s own border dispute with India to facilitate trade. The Indian Ministry of External Affairs this week flatly rubbished <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism">Nepal’s territorial claims</a> to the Lipulek Pass and the Kalapani Region, including Limpiyadhura, which Nepal considers as the source of the Mahakali River that forms Nepal’s western border with India. The latest episode in this dispute has come as Sino-Indian relations have thawed after US President Donald Trump slapped <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-and-the-us-india-tariff-tiff">sanctions on Indian exports</a>. The joint communiqué in Beijing said India and China had agreed to resume their border trade through the Nathu La, Sipki La and Lipulek during Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi’s visit to New Delhi. Lipulek is a pass 10 km north-east of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/there-is-precedent-to-settling-kalapani">Kalapani</a> which has been disputed ever since the Survey of India published its 1879 map, where the source of the Mahakali was suddenly shifted from Limpiyadhura to Lipulek.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250826060824_4e68dd5964e0995b91148de9978a1de52b19691e1b01f52a405924fd130c22bd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250826060824_4e68dd5964e0995b91148de9978a1de52b19691e1b01f52a405924fd130c22bd" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="2083" loading="lazy" alt="Lipulek dispute explainer"> </figure>  This tributary of the Mahakali was called the Kali on this map, and is a fordable tributary and not the main channel of the border river. The main Kali River was renamed Kuti Yangdi, and this happened while the British were still in India presumably to gain access to the Lipulek in contravention of the 1816 <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/borderline-disorder">Sugauli Treaty</a>.&nbsp; This subterfuge continued even after India gained independence in 1947. Nepal has maintained that the main channel of the Kali is the border as per the 1816 treaty, when Nepal lost a third of its territory to British India. It is all well and good that India and China are now friendly enough to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=19447">open border trade</a> routes, but it should not be in violation of Nepal’s territorial integrity. Nepal should be called for diplomatic and political negotiations regarding the Lipulek pass and the Kalapani region comprising Limpiyadhura.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/when-xi-meets-modi-and-oli">When Xi meets Modi and Oli</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit China and India, but especially the latter, should invite Nepal to discuss these issues and iron out the disputes based on facts and evidence and maps. Nepal had sent seven diplomatic notes to India and three to China so far regarding the Lipulek and Kalapani. India has not responded to any of them. China replied once saying that Nepal and India should sort out their border disputes first before voicing their opinions. Nepal welcomes the recent talks between India and China that it hopes will positively impact on settling border disputes that are mostly stalled since the 1962 Sino-Indian war, the 73-day military standoff over the disputed Doklam region between China and Bhutan, and the 2020 Galwan clash in Ladakh. Nepal’s two large neighbours seem to have come to their senses and realised that it is in their interest to collaborate rather than confront each other when President <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-first-month">Trump is acting erratically</a> with threats of sanctions and tariffs.&nbsp; Prime Minister K P Oli should bring up Nepal’s grave concerns about the Lipulek during his state visit to India next month when he will meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Bodh Gaya. The two are also expected to meet next week at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin when Chinese President Xi Jinping will also be present. But even before that Nepal should send diplomatic notes to both the Indian and the Chinese governments regarding their agreement to resume border trade through the Lipulek.&nbsp; Here is a timeline of the developments regarding the Lipulek: Sino-Indian Agreement of 1954 This 8-year Agreement on Trade and Exchange between Tibet and India was signed in Peking on 29 April, 1954 by the Chinese Vice-Foreign Minister Chang Han Fu and the Indian Ambassador Nedyam Raghavan.&nbsp; There was no explicit mention on the border settlements either on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) or on Ladakh, although trade and pilgrimage through Lipulek and other 5 passes (Sipki La, Mana Pass, Niti Pass, Kungri Bingri Pass and Dharma Pass) were agreed upon.&nbsp; Trade between Uttar Pradesh state and the Tibet Autonomous Region was through ‘border &nbsp;point of the agreement states: ‘With a view to facilitating the visits of persons engaged in border trade and the exchange of commodities and means of transportation, (India and China) have decided that Lipulek (Qiangla) be the border pass for the entrance and exit of the said persons, commodities and means of transportation from the two sides.’ The agreement expired on 6 June 1962 during the Sino-Indian war, and the two sides did not renew it. Bilateral ties started to normalise only in the 1990s with the Indian decision in 1988 to abandon its policy of settling ‘territorial issue’ for ‘normalisation of relations’. India There was no reaction from Nepal to the 1954 agreement since Nepal did not have diplomatic relations with China yet at the time. Sino-Indian Agreement of 2005 The Political Parameters and the Guiding Principles for the Settlement of the Sino-Indian Boundary Question is detailed in 11 Articles, which outline the steps to be taken for a Peaceful and Tranquil Border. The agreement was a direct outcome of the Special Representatives mechanism that had been set up through a 2003 agreement. It also incorporated the Confidence Building Measures in Military Field along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Sino-Indian Border Areas signed in 1996.&nbsp; A protocol on Modalities for the Implementation of Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border Areas signed during Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’s India visit, which stated in Clause 2 of Article 5: ‘Both sides agree to extend in principle to expand the mechanism of border meeting points to include Kibithu Dhamal in the Eastern Sector and Lipulek Pass (Qing La) in the Middle Sector. The precise locations of these border meeting points will be decided upon mutual consultations.’ Nepal’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement in 2005 stating that Nepal had asked China about the issue and the Chinese Embassy clarified that the agreement had nothing to do with Kalapani. This was perhaps the first time that Nepal had objected to the Sino-Indian agreement on Lipulek. King Gyanendra had staged a coup d’état on 1 February 2005, just two months prior to this agreement. The Nepali press voiced criticism of China in particular for disregarding the country’s sentiment.&nbsp; Sino-Indian Agreement of 2015 India and China signed several documents during the state visit of Chinese President XI Jinping to India on 18 September 2011. Number one on the list was: ’Opening a New Route for Indian Pilgrimage (Kailash Mansarovar Yatra) to the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People’s Republic of China’.&nbsp; The Indian foreign ministry stated: ‘The MoU provides for conducting the annual Kailash Mansarovar Yatra through Nathula Pass in Sikkim in addition to the existing Lipulek Pass in Uttarakhand’. On May 15, 2015, China and India issued a Joint Statement during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to China. Point 28 under the ‘Trans-border Cooperation’, states that the two sides agreed to ‘hold negotiation on augmenting the list of trades commodities, and expand border trade at Nathu La, Quingla/Lipulek Pass and Sipki La Pass’. Nepal’s objection to the 2015 agreement was stronger than in 2005. Prime Minister Sushil Koirala called up Narendra Modi to express Nepal’s displeasure It was not until 2020 that Nepal’s Foreign Minister disclosed that ‘Nepal had expressed its disagreement in 2015 through separate diplomatic notes addressed to the governments of both India and China … including Lipulek Pass as a bilateral trade route without Nepal’s consent.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250826060824_d4497e2620bba81211d27e427393974877e09006abc26e13055508996e5b29ea.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250826060824_d4497e2620bba81211d27e427393974877e09006abc26e13055508996e5b29ea" data-rendition-name="original" width="1108" height="1550" loading="lazy" alt="Lipulek dispute explainer"> </figure>  The new political map of India published by the Survey of India in November 2019 that incorporated areas east of the Kali River including Kalapani as Indian territory sparked renewed public, and political, attention to the Mahakali dispute. The Nepal government then countered by formally approving the publication of the new Political and Administrative Map of Nepal including all territories lying to the east of the Mahakali River on May 18, 2020. In June, the House of Representatives unanimously endorsed the second amendment to the Constitution of Nepal to update the country’s new political map in the national emblem. Sino-Indian Consensus of 2024 A 6-point Consensus on Peace and Tranquility on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) was agreed on December 18, 2024 between the Special Representative of the People’s Republic of China, Wang Yi, and the Special Representative of the Republic of India, Ajit Doval.&nbsp; India has not denied that this is a consensus, while China made it clear that this was not a Joint Statement. This Consensus is in line with the 2005 agreement, and was agreed during the 23rd round of the Special Representatives talks held after a gap of five years aimed at restoring bilateral ties frozen because of the military standoff in Ladakh. The agreement included: cross-border communication and cooperation, promoting the resumption of pilgrimages by Indians to Xizang, cooperation on crossborder rivers, and trade at the Nathu La Pass. Nepal made no reaction to the statement despite Lipulek being the pilgrimage route for Mansarovar and Kailash.&nbsp; Prabhakar Sharma is a construction engineer and an international border expert who has worked as a survey engineer for the Cameroon-Nigeria border demarcation by the United Nations.

Lipulek dispute explainer

Rabindra Dhant stood at the centre of the octagonal ring at Shaheed Vijay Singh Sports Complex in Noida near New Delhi earlier this month. White trunks, mouth open, breathing heavy, taking it all in. A <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5921">Nepal flag</a> was draped proudly over his shoulders as the national anthem played. The referee raised Dhant’s hand in victory. A gold championship belt joined the flag on his shoulders, as confetti burst into the air. “After 54 seconds of round 3, for your winner, by knockout, and the new Matrix Fight Night bantamweight champion, Rabindra Dhant,” belted the announcer. Dhant had just defeated Chungren ‘The Indian Rhino’ Koren, 27, from Manipur in the main event of Indian fight promotion Matrix Fight Night (MFN) on 2 August in the bantamweight division (125-135 lbs). Koren had been confident he could easily overpower the fighter from Nepal, and said as much: “He’s a kid, I’m going to break him mentally. It’s not going to be a problem.” Dhant was more subdued. Before the main event, he told the interviewer: &nbsp;“I am not feeling a lot of pressure, I feel pretty normal since I have fought in international promotions and quite a bit in India.” In round one the two touched gloves and started tentatively, before locking in a clinch against the cage. The fight went to the ground, and Dhant moved seamlessly to first mount and then get behind Koren, raining in punches and causing early damage.&nbsp; Koren stood up and ate a barrage of kicks to the body. Koren had his moments punching back in the first round, but could not sustain a long attack. Already in the second round, it was clear that Dhant had a fuller gas tank. He wriggled out of bad positions and turned them quickly into pins and punches. Koren’s background in wrestling showed, with some pretty smooth transitions, and ended the round on top, having locked in a ‘Darce’ choke, in which the arm triangles around their opponent’s neck and shoulder. But Koren was clearly exhausted by the third round, and even the commentator noticed. Dhant still looked fresh and was able to land strike after strike on his sluggish opponent, who was soon knocked out. The Nepalis in the audience, many wearing<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/dauraa-suvaal"> topi</a>, erupted in delight.&nbsp; Dhant’s improbable journey to become a professional fighter started from a tiny village in Bajhang. Like most young men from this district in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-healer-of-far-western-nepal">far-western Nepal</a>, he went to India after school and worked first as a labourer in Pithoragarh and then in an office in New Delhi. The foray into <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/karate-travellers-in-kathmandu">martial arts </a>started with training in karate in the mornings. Dhant’s coaches noted his abilities, and pushed him to explore mixed martial arts (MMA). Dhant took to the sport immediately, winning first a local fight night, then a national-level amateur competition. All while facing pressure from home to give up the sport -- there simply was no money in it. He continued fighting professionally in New Delhi and started coaching at the local gym. During and after Covid, he would bounce between Nepal and India, finding it harder and harder to find opportunities to fight, and even considered <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/migrants-returning-from-the-gulf-with-infertility">migrating to the Gulf</a>. It was then that he met Jiu Jitsu coach Diwiz Piya, who was struck by Dhant’s talent, fearlessness, and humility. Only after their first training session did Dhant reveal his fighting background. Dhant started training under Piya, who helped fix fights across India. Dhant won six fights in a row, earning a chance to fight in the ONE Fighting Championship. He won his first ONE FC fight in September 2023 against the Russian Torepchi Dongak, but then lost to Ismail Khan of Pakistan. Dhant regrouped and had two more wins. His last fight had been at the BRAVE CF 93 in Zhengzhou where he had taken on Chinese fighter Eqiyuebu, wrestling him to the ground, getting behind him, and knocking him out with punches — an effective strategy referred to as ground and pound. Dhant had then been training out of Soma Fight Club in Bali, Indonesia, when the opportunity for the fight at MFN came up. “This fight came about, I wouldn’t say out of nowhere. We had always anticipated a fight in MFN,” says Piya, who also manages Dhant in addition to coaching him. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/girl-gurkhas">Girl Gurkhas</a>, Monika Deupala  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025082218084_5f6f0ec5ca1132e6565adcca14bf08bffbdf71b013b905514a4cadcb0564826b.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="2025082218084_5f6f0ec5ca1132e6565adcca14bf08bffbdf71b013b905514a4cadcb0564826b" data-rendition-name="original" width="1499" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="Fighting tooth and nail for Nepal NT"> </figure>  No-holds barred The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/gianna-subba-mma-fighter,2015">sport of MMA</a> is about professional fighting. It is about defeating the other person in the ring, through submission holds or a knockout. Or, in the case that neither of those yield definitive results, a panel of judges decides which fighter was better overall. As the name suggests, MMA involves a melding of martial arts, including boxing, kickboxing, Muay Thai, judo, wrestling, submission grappling, karate, and taekwondo. This makes for a much more complex and complete fighting sport than, say, boxing, which only allows punches. This no-holds-barred fighting originated in ancient Greece as Pankration blended wrestling and boxing, and allowed strikes, pins, and submissions. Limits were drawn at biting and eye gouging. Fights often lasted for hours, and it was one of the most popular events at the ancient Olympics. In its modern form MMA was born in the early 1990s in Colorado, with an organisation called Ultimate Fighting Championship. The early instances of the UFC saw athletes from different styles fight each other. A kickboxer went up against a practitioner of Kenpo Karate, and a boxer fought an athlete trained in Brazilian jiu jitsu, a submission grappling martial art. As the sport matured and athletes got better and more professional, MMA became more structured, and disciplines started blurring into each other.&nbsp; It is also one of the only sports where <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Fighting-spirit,1442">women fight</a> on the same cards as men, and are respected and appreciated for their skill as much as the other gender. The sport is still in its early stages in Nepal, but maturing quickly. Driving its development is Diwiz Piya, who had been obsessed with fighting and fought in amateur bouts while studying in Thailand. Piya founded Lock n Roll MMA and has been teaching out of The Pump at Jhamsikhel, and Tapout Fitness at Maharajganj. His team of experienced fighters provides world-class instruction on Jiu Jitsu, Kickboxing, and MMA six days a week. Local regulars as well as tourists and expats drop in for their sessions. Lock n Roll has also been holding popular UFC-style fighting events at venues including Club LoD in Thamel, Gyanmandala in Jhamsikhel, and the Dasrath Stadium with Nepali, Indian, and French fighters.&nbsp; Other gyms that teach MMA in Kathmandu include Rage Fitness, Fight Club Nepal, and Gymkhana. Outside Kathmandu, there is the Pokhara Fight Club, as well as a few gyms that teach Muay Thai. Another option is the Himalayan Blood Kickboxing Gym in Damak. Following the win in Noida, Prime Minister K P Oli and Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah have met Dhant. Kathmandu Metropolitan City has awarded him Rs200,000, and Oli announced a Rs500,000 prize.&nbsp; Given Dhant’s journey and an increased audience for the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-women-excel-in-sports-in-2024-z9ramyct">sport in Nepal</a>, one can expect Nepal Warriors Championship (NWC) events to be packed out at bigger venues. But more importantly, this will inspire many more fighters, also from rural parts of the country.&nbsp; Besides Dhant, other rising young Nepali fighters include UK-based Yuki ‘The Gorkha’ Angdembe, and Japan-based kickboxer Abiral ‘Himalayan Cheetah’ Ghimire. For Dhant now, the sky is the limit. He says: “I want to be a fighter from Nepal doing it at the highest level.” &nbsp;&nbsp;

Fighting tooth and nail for Nepal

The cost of preserving Nepal’s past

Sandro Lovari has led research expeditions on large mammals in Nepal and around the world for 50 years. He has been associated with the University of Cambridge UK, University of Groningen, Stockholm University, and Peking University. He has chaired the Steering Committee of the Snow Leopard Network since 2020. Nepali Times recently caught up with Lovari for an interview. Excerpts of the conversation:&nbsp; Nepali Times: What is the ecological importance of snow &nbsp;leopards? Sandro Lovari: Recent data show that predators are quite important not only to influence the spatial behaviour, but also the population dynamics of mountain ungulates. The snow leopard, as the main predator of bharal (naur), ibex and Himalayan tahr, plays the important ecological role of a top-down regulator of the populations of these herbivores, for example through differential age and sex predation patterns. How have snow leopards been affected by herding and tourism? Nearly all species of wild animals would gladly do without the invasive presence of Homo sapiens -- we have been the greatest enemies of wildlife, particularly for those species which we consider potential competitors, such as the large carnivores.&nbsp; The snow leopard makes no exception. In the long run, the greater awareness of the public to save carnivores from decreasing may be dwarfed by the negative impacts of tourism. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250814110832_bb70e165369a016ec7e5d8cfbd1f4982abae96f6714af249edca206012cf659e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250814110832_bb70e165369a016ec7e5d8cfbd1f4982abae96f6714af249edca206012cf659e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1468" height="2048" loading="lazy" alt="What future for snow leopards? "> <figcaption>Photo: F FERRETTI</figcaption> </figure>  How has the public perception of snow leopards changed over the years?&nbsp; In the last 20 years, scientific papers on the snow leopard have seen a 20-fold increase. The renewed interest looks encouraging enough, but the quality may not match quantity, and we still lack information on some important biological issues.&nbsp; Long-term conservation measures require sound information, which is presently lacking, on numbers, distribution, dispersal patterns, prey-predator and predator-predator relationships, as well as social organisation of this species.&nbsp; The use of camera-traps has allowed the collection of &nbsp;attractive pictures which has helped advertise this handsome cat. There were no pictures of a snow leopard in the wild until the ‘70s and the first extensive study on this species did not start until the early ‘80s.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250814100824_766e41651af1efabbc937685aa5e3e94a3e58e8fb55a9752adad1d0667c32071.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250814100824_766e41651af1efabbc937685aa5e3e94a3e58e8fb55a9752adad1d0667c32071" data-rendition-name="original" width="1508" height="865" loading="lazy" alt="Snow Leopard map"> </figure>  Is the present information enough to help devise appropriate conservation measures?&nbsp; Adequate protection of habitat comes first, but detailed information on ecological and behavioural issues is also quite important to plan conservation initiatives. Even the issue on its assumed territoriality has not been fully clarified yet.&nbsp; The regulatory mechanisms of snow leopard populations, the predator-prey relationships and the snow leopard interactions with potentially competing predators are still unknown. In the last decade, most papers were based on camera-trapping to draw conclusions on snow leopard-wild prey-livestock relationships. These studies have wrongly assumed that snow leopards and ungulates have the same probabilities to be detected by camera traps. The worst possible approach is to fragment funding into local exercises, with the aim of catching a few snow leopards, to fit them with radio-tags without appropriate research questions in mind, but only to gain visibility in the mass media. This would be deleterious for the conservation of the snow leopard, wasting money, time and credibility, eventually reaching no sensible goal. How do you assess Nepal’s achievements in protecting snow leopard habitats? I would say that the snow leopards of Nepal are doing fine. In fact, steps have been made to improve the tolerance of locals for this magnificent large cat, thanks to the action of several dedicated people and NGOs. If I may provide a few suggestions: develop a well organised procedure to prevent and refund damage to livestock, develop a routine of annual or biennial counts of wild prey, at least within protected areas, using a robust count method, monitor the consequences of the ongoing thermal anomaly, be it a meteorological or a climatic one, on plants at higher elevations which is food for wild prey, and remain open to cooperation with experts, even from foreign countries.

What future for snow leopards?

Saksham Shrestha grew up surrounded by music. His father owned a cassette shop in New Road, and his days were filled with everything from bhajan, Bollywood songs to the latest from international rock stars. Before long, Shrestha was picking up on these <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/jazzy-april-in-kathmandu">varied genres</a>, and started playing guitar. But he was drawn to <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15955">hip-hop </a>and the platform it provides. Raised in Tebahal in Kathmandu, he drew inspiration from the heritage and culture of his Newa community. “I was exposed to Nepali and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/long-live-tradition-51t9e7x1">Newari culture</a> and heritage since childhood, so linking my music to it made sense,” Shrestha, famously known as <a href="https://omgspark.com/">OMG Spark</a>, told us after a recent performance in Patan for 20 Canadian exchange students. “Every song has some Newari words, so young people who do not understand it can go back and try to learn it. I aim to incorporate more languages in my songs to reach out to a larger audience,” he adds. <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/making-the-sound-of-music-in-patan,3976">Traditional instruments</a> such as sitar, sarangi, dhime, and bhusyah are integral to Shrestha’s music, as is the mix of Nepali, Newari, and English in his lyrics. And Newari pops out of nowhere in the words, surprising audiences.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250814090848_e25c4620335ee5812ca398d50d8ea5b4c17dbaf9f5e9d10294a847f6c74b14b1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250814090848_e25c4620335ee5812ca398d50d8ea5b4c17dbaf9f5e9d10294a847f6c74b14b1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1000" height="1498" loading="lazy" alt="OMG Sparks NT"> </figure>  Interestingly, OMG in Shrestha’s rap name does not stand for Oh My God but Origami Music Group, a music collective that he started with Sagun Khadka and Sarthak Gautam, which specialises in hip-hop and rap music as well as R&amp;B and pop genres, providing a platform for young and aspiring artists to showcase their talent and creativity. And Spark? “Spark has been with me since childhood. While playing Counter-Strike and rap battling online, my name was Spark,” Shrestha adds. &nbsp; Shrestha started his musical career straight out of his studio, and has composed for the likes of Uniq Poet and rapper turned <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/kathmandu-s-balen-phenomenon">Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah</a>. In the last 10 years, he collaborated with both emerging and established artists. He has also composed for movies. But his biggest success yet is the single <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8mJQQrmfQ-U&amp;list=RD8mJQQrmfQ-U&amp;start_radio=1">Babal</a> which is a collaboration with Sisan Baniya and Nawaj Ansari and has over 12 million views on YouTube. Nepalese Brilliance, Gurkhali, Manakamana, Valley Jamz, and Jojolapa are some of his other popular songs. 'In the land where peaks touch the sky, man we shine Nepalese brilliance is divine, every day I’m learning, man I’m tryna see fine But they be telling me there’s a struggle for the nation The system, the progress, the schisms, the bondage …….This ain’t nation for a coward dog' Every day is do or die, so you gotta muscle up.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250814090848_d591020613bf5e916576c7dc071dc65f77929699965cf4611d36bddb0362f592.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250814090848_d591020613bf5e916576c7dc071dc65f77929699965cf4611d36bddb0362f592" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="OMG Sparks NT"> </figure>  These lyrics from his song Nepalese Brilliance depict the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/push-factors-driving-nepalis-out">frustration of young Nepalis</a>, the lack of opportunities that is pushing many out. “As youth are mostly migrating out, my music aims to inspire and connect with them and strengthen the hip-hop movement in Nepal,” Shrestha explains. He adds, “I am just tapping into whatever is inside of me. Nepalis relate to my songs because they have also had similar experiences.” For Shrestha, hip-hop is not just a genre, but a lifestyle and collective culture that empowers, elevates, and entertains. He separates the two words and brings out his interpretation of those two words -- ‘hip’ is being knowledgeable about the surroundings and finding a voice, whereas ‘hop’ is being free and letting loose.&nbsp; He aims to connect, create awareness, and anchor young Nepalis to their roots. Shrestha himself felt like a misfit once, but found solace in hip-hop. “Hip-hop resonated deeply with me, allowing me to be free-spirited,” says Shrestha. “The next step is to take Nepali hip-hop to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/music-without-borders">the global stage</a>.” &nbsp;&nbsp;

Hip-hop as a way of life

Nepal has shut down dozens of social media platforms in a move that is widely seen as an effort to tax the revenue they generate in the country, and to control content critical of government. The sites were blocked as of midnight on Thursday, 4 September and affects all Meta products including WhatsApp and Messenger, Threads, and others. Although YouTube, Google and X are also on the government’s list, they were still working as of Friday midday.&nbsp; The government says it took the action after repeated warnings to the platforms to open offices in Nepal, a Cabinet decision last month setting a deadline, as well as a 17 August Supreme Court ruling also requiring them to register and pay requisite taxes. However, the Bill cited in the ban, ‘The Operation, Use, and Regulation of Social Media in Nepal’ has not yet been passed by Parliament. Some social media platforms which were already paying taxes in Nepal even though they are not officially registered, have also been blocked. The move is the latest in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/big-beautiful-bills" target="_blank">a slew of draft legislations</a> designed to undermine Nepal’s open society. A Bill amending the Print and Publications Act would allow district bureaucrats to shut down media. Another draft Bill would allow political appointees to head a new Media Council with the power to revoke the licenses of journalists.&nbsp; A counter-intelligence Bill would let just about anyone in government to arbitrarily tap phones, read emails and trail citizens. On Wednesday the government announced new immigration requirements that would allow it to track the movement of all foreigners in the country. Yet another draft Bill has been set to Parliament to dissolve the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=10675" target="_blank">Social Welfare Council (SWC)</a> and move registration and monitoring of non-governmental organisations, nonprofits and charities to the Ministry of Social Welfare. Seen in this light, the blockage of social media platforms this week is seen as the latest government attempt to constrict freedom of press. Nepal is one of the few remaining open societies in Asia, and now appears to be drifting towards authoritarianism. The government’s sudden shutdown of social media has been greeted with howls of protest on platforms that still remain open, like Viber and TikTok, as well as in Nepal’s mainstream press. Even senior members of the ruling UML-NC coalition have sharply criticised the move, asking if the government is trying to “turn Nepal into North Korea”.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090508098_a2ab330e403e8418a7006cd5e915607382628dd6984524332bf7b99c74743656.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025090508098_a2ab330e403e8418a7006cd5e915607382628dd6984524332bf7b99c74743656" data-rendition-name="original" width="4280" height="5187" loading="lazy" alt="social media ban in Nepal"> </figure>  The Regional Director of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) Beh Lih Yi said in a statement: ‘Nepal’s sweeping ban on social media sets a dangerous precedent for press freedom. Blocking online news platforms vital to journalists will undermine reporting and the public’s right to information. The government must immediately rescind this order and restore access to social media platforms, which are essential tools for exercising press freedom.’ Besides undermining press freedom, blocking social media platforms will also hurt commerce and the economy since so many small and medium business trade through Instagram, Facebook and other platforms. Nepal’s vibrant social media has also been a boost or citizens to assert identity, build solidarity against injustice and play an adversarial role when the mainstream media does not do it. Social media platforms have also become the tenuous link for Nepali families scattered across the world to keep in touch with each other — its importance growing with the increasing size of the diaspora. The government wants social media platforms to register, pay taxes and remove posts on their sites that ‘undermine the national interest and Nepal’s territorial integrity, disturb social and religious harmony’.&nbsp; In response, rights activists have said while there is need for the government to regulate extreme content and hate speech, officials appear to be more intent on clamping down on free speech and trying to force platforms to share the revenue. On Friday, the government had allowed WhatsApp back online, but there were reports that it had instructed the Nepal Telecommunication Authority (NTA) to instruct mobile and internet service providers to block by Friday night all platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, Messenger, WhatsApp, X (Twitter), YouTube, LinkedIn, Reddit, Threads, Snapchat, Pinterest, Signal, Clubhouse, Rumble.&nbsp; Platforms that have registered and are allowed include TikTok, Viber, Nimbuzz, Popo Live, WeTalk, Global Diary and the Nepali portal Hamro Patro. TikTok was banned last year for ‘disturbing social harmony’ and it was lifted after the platform registered its office in Nepal. But even while it was banned, many users simply switched to VPN. Telegram was also banned for ‘financial crimes’ and it has since also been allowed back. NTA officials confirmed that some Asia-Pacific regional offices of platforms, including Meta had been in touch overnight inquiring about the registration process.&nbsp; Nepal is not alone in regulating social media. China bans most Western platforms, Russia and Turkey regulate their and require platforms to locate their data servers in the country. Gulf countries allow social media but keep a tight control on dissent.&nbsp; Experts have said even the government will not dare close down YouTube since so many Nepali individuals and companies make money with posts on that platform, and closing it would also impact on Google and Gmail. Facebook had also just launched a monetisation scheme for videos and reels, and Nepalis uploading content would lose revenue.&nbsp; Blocking the platforms has already hit content creators, influencers and cut small businesses from reaching customers. A survey of social media use in Nepal by Sharecast Initiative showed that 94% of those with smart phones used YouTube, followed by Facebook (92%) while TikTok was in the 50-60% range. X and Instagram were in the single digits. A YouTube ban will also hurt the mainstream media since up to 20% of the revenue of Nepal’s main tv channels came through YouTube. Some 11.1 million Nepalis watch YouTube content every day, the survey showed. ‘For global giants like Meta or Google, Nepal is a small market, and they may not even flinch — but for millions of Nepalis, these platforms are central to daily life, livelihoods, and connections across the world,’ wrote AI consultant Naresh Newar in a LinkedIn post. Some experts said the government’s sweeping ban on social media networks was untenable and the government would be forced to rollback sooner or later. Said editor Shiva Gaunle: “The platforms had given citizens a voice and broken the monopoly of the government, legislators, the courts and journalists over public opinion. This is an effort to reassert that monopoly, but Nepal can never be turned into a North Korea.”

Protest grows against Nepal’s social media ban

As arson and violence swept Nepal’s capital, Prime Minister K P Oli resigned on Tuesday. However, this did not stop angry protesters from setting fire to the Parliament building, homes of ministers, hotels and other property. Singha Darbar is also in flames. Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife, Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba were also attacked in their house. As protests spread, Police withdrew from guarding official buildings, and thousands of protesters entered the federal government secretariat at Singha Darbar, ransacking and setting fire to buildings.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120916_a86227e5556356134565053699ed9599f8b268d0c22815fa94410ffac52a49fa.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250909120916_a86227e5556356134565053699ed9599f8b268d0c22815fa94410ffac52a49fa" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="de-escalation"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120916_995f368b8c372bf2f99b6a9c25c2816e941413b3c19d0f94458c07604391b039.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250909120916_995f368b8c372bf2f99b6a9c25c2816e941413b3c19d0f94458c07604391b039" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>  Kathmandu Valley was shrouded in smoke under heavy monsoon clouds on Tuesday afternoon with an acrid smell covering the capital. The minister’s quarters in Bhaisepati were set on fire, the convention centre in Godavari, the Hilton Hotel and Chhaya Centre in Thamel, and the headquarters of all three main parties were also burning.&nbsp; The widespread arson was sparked by the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">killing of at least 19 young protesters</a> as they tried to storm Parliament on Monday. A peaceful rally by youth against corruption and nepotism by Nepal’s GenZ movement in Kathmandu escalated after the killings. With the prime minister out of the picture, the government not visible and the security forces in retreat, protesters have had the run of the three cities of Kathmandu Valley.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120916_207c3c25f8aa9bd0934b8c98ccee1221e3a062815cfcb1e211deddb4dccd6511.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250909120916_207c3c25f8aa9bd0934b8c98ccee1221e3a062815cfcb1e211deddb4dccd6511" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120920_bb2c0f273dc95ef62c58b5f55045c58cbddc4b3b8f619e938be76ef2cda69468.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250909120920_bb2c0f273dc95ef62c58b5f55045c58cbddc4b3b8f619e938be76ef2cda69468" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>  Nepal’s celebrity cricket captain Paras Khadka has appealed to to call off the agitation, saying: “The prime minister you wanted to kneel has already knelt.” Former prime minister and Maoist ideologue Baburam Bhattarai called for the formation of an interim government that included some young student leaders. He called for the agitating groups to find a solution from within the Constitution and a directly elected presidential system. All members of the opposition RPP and the RSP have resigned from Parliament, while party supporters entered the Nakkhu Jail and freed the RSP leader Rabi Lamichhane who had been detained for the past 8 months by the Oli government on charges of embezzlement. Some of the protesters also want an end to federalism, which was also the demand of opposition parties like the RSP and the pro-monarchist RPP. Chief Minister Satish Kumar Singh has stepped down. Many of the protesters have voiced support for Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, who &nbsp;posted on Facebook calling on the GenZ protesters to “be ready to talk to the Army … but only after Parliament has been dissolved”. Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel and the heads of security agencies have called on the protesting groups to excercise restraint and to find a solution through talks.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250909120912_cd93a827631d987ee52723aa270faf45aa42e4322eb8f06304b28215e3cea28a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250909120912_cd93a827631d987ee52723aa270faf45aa42e4322eb8f06304b28215e3cea28a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1440" height="1042" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu protests"> </figure>  Although the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-gen-z-protest-turns-deadly">protests were sparked by the GenZ campaigners</a>, disparate groups, including monarchists, anti-federalists, disgruntled Maoists, dissidents from the mainstream parties, and others have joined the protests. But one thing that united them is extreme frustration with the mainstream parties and their leaders past and present who have taken turns running and ruining the country.

Kathmandu burns despite PM resignation

A rally organised by young Nepalis across the country against corruption, impunity and restrictions on freedom of expression on Monday turned into one of the deadliest days in the country's recent history. As of Monday evening, the death toll from the protest had reached 19, with 17 killed in Kathmandu and two in Itahari. More than 350 people were injured. Police have arrested more than 40 protesters. Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak of the Nepali Congress resigned, and there have been calls from opposition parties for the entire NC-UML coalition to step down and announce early elections. The protest followed a growing online movement led by young Nepalis exposing the ostentatious display of privilege by the offspring and relatives of politicians and other public figures, which had sparked discourse about nepotism, corruption and the wealth gap in Nepal. Confronted with joblessness and corruption, Nepali youth looked to the recent street movement in Bangladesh, where a student uprising against quota-based recruitment for government jobs expanded last year and toppled the autocratic Sheikh Hasina government. In Indonesia, public frustration with government apathy boiled over into a national movement last month after it emerged that elected officials and the political elite enjoyed perks while citizens faced a cost of living crisis. In the Philippines, as disaster mitigation-infrastructure projects failed to work, citizens began to question where the funds for such projects were actually going. This prompted social media users to look deeper into the lives of the politically-connected figures who flaunted their lavish lifestyles online. In Nepal public outrage has been building up against nepotism, corruption and impunity in government. Facing unemployment at home, nearly 10% of Nepalis, mostly youth, toil overseas or leave Nepal in search for better lives abroad. Meanwhile, the well-connected posted images online of themselves enjoying holidays abroad paid with the ill-gotten wealth of relatives in high places. Young GenZ Nepalis, frustrated with establishment politicians, had called for an anti-corruption, anti-government movement across the country. This coincided with the Nepal government’s decision on 5 September to ban 26 social media sites for failing to register and pay taxes in Nepal.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250908120956_53f97cf0de3ddc8d5c823686f56e71981df922d0ecd2989ad842245acdf71aa6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250908120956_53f97cf0de3ddc8d5c823686f56e71981df922d0ecd2989ad842245acdf71aa6" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="1200" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"></figure>  Faced with the government's social media blockade, the protests took to the street. The movement was supposed to be apolitical, and focused against corruption. It garnered support from public figures and opposition leaders, some of whom conveniently forgot that they had been in government when the TikTok ban was imposed in Nepal in 2023. On Monday morning, protesters showed up at Maitighar with slogans and placards, many of them college students, even school children. The organisers had called for young Nepalis to join in their uniforms, believing that it would protect them from violence that might occur during the course of the day. By mid-morning, thousands of Nepalis had gathered at the Mandala intersection, playing music and chanting slogans. The mood was almost festive. Shortly after noon, however, a rally that had begun peacefully descended into violence after protesters broke the police barricade in Baneswor to storm Parliament. Police first began firing tear gas and water cannons, and then live ammunition at demonstrators. The Kathmandu district administration is said to have authorised full use of force against protestors who vandalised public property after protestors infiltrated the Parliament grounds.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090818090_84e4a5bdcf19aa3cbf03831140120c88d9f3fe5a12d47041588fea7409988e67.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2025090818090_84e4a5bdcf19aa3cbf03831140120c88d9f3fe5a12d47041588fea7409988e67" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protests"><figcaption>Photo: SUDIKSHA TULADHAR</figcaption></figure>  Organisers Hami Nepali had requested demonstrators to go home as the protests turned deadly, saying that those who stormed Parliament were not associated with them, hinting that the rally had been infiltrated by radical groups. But by that time, the demonstration had got too large to contain. In the ensuing violence, hundreds were left injured, including journalists, and 17 dead so far in Kathmandu. Nepal’s leadership and security forces do not seem to have learnt their lessons about managing mass protests after the pro-monarchy demonstrations in March in which two people were killed. The indiscriminate use of force against unarmed Nepalis turned into a massacre. The emergency wards in Kathmandu are filled with those with bullet wounds on their legs, arms and heads. Hospitals have called for blood donations. At the time of publishing, there has been no statement from the Prime Minister, who before the protest on Monday had belittled GenZ youth as being naive, wet behind the ears, and their movement being ‘led by provocateurs’. Oli has presided over a slew of Bills to constrain the press, social media, and civil society, he has silenced and mowed down competitors and critics within his own party. This week, the UML got rid of age and term limits for party chairmanship, effectively clearing the way for 74-year-old Oli to head the party for the foreseeable future. Also feeding into the anger in the GenZ protest was a CCTV clip of a young woman being hit on Saturday at a zebra crossing by the car of a provincial minister in Godavari. The video of the car speeding away without stopping went viral on TikTok, one of few social media platforms still functioning.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025090818090_35799a98e5a7f5f865bb6f94633059d2baa66ec57ea0d396ab020f2f8f912387.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="2025090818090_35799a98e5a7f5f865bb6f94633059d2baa66ec57ea0d396ab020f2f8f912387" data-rendition-name="original" width="854" height="641" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"><figcaption>Photo: SANGYA LAMSAL</figcaption></figure>  Oli fuelled the outrage by dismissing the victim’s injury as “minor”, and accusing political rivals of magnifying the issue. Opposition leaders and members of civil society have called for the government to resign en masse, and the fourth-largest party in Parliament, the RSP, has called for a snap election. As per his agreement with the NC, Oli is supposed to hand over power early next year to its leader ’s Sher Bahadur Deuba. Some analysts have suggested that if Oli did the handover now, he could help defuse the situation and earn brownie points ahead of the 2027 elections. But such political calculation would belittle the tragedy that has befallen the families of the 19 who were killed on Monday. Nepal’s political leadership cannot think that just reshuffling its three-card prime ministerial deck will quell public anger now. Nepal’s next generation wants to uproot the rot of corruption from politics, governance, and the bureaucracy. It wants elected leaders to deliver services, provide jobs and raise living standards. Monday’s massacre has only made them angrier, and bolstered their resolve to lead from the front.

Nepal’s 8 September massacre

At least 15 were killed in a nationwide rally called by Nepal’s youth via social media on Monday to protest corruption and impunity in government. Hundreds of others have been injured in Kathmandu and other cities across Nepal. Fifty of them in Kathmandu are said to be in critical condition, and emergency wards of hospitals ran out of essential supplies to treat them.&nbsp; Two journalists, Dipendra Dhungana and Shyam Shrestha of Kantipur were among those injured as they covered the protesters trying to storm Parliament building. Earlier in the day, tens of thousands of protesters gathered at the Mandala intersection in Kathmandu for what was supposed to be a peaceful gathering to voice outrage against corruption. Rallyists were responding to a call via social media.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250908120948_2652b268dac74e9524a2ca11f320391a33d02233e212e21c1a8ed17210c19a96.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250908120948_2652b268dac74e9524a2ca11f320391a33d02233e212e21c1a8ed17210c19a96" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"> </figure>  However, the rally soon went out of control of the organisers as public anger against the government boiled over because of unpunished corruption in high places, an unresponsive government, and the blockade of social media platforms on Saturday that shut down 26 sites, including Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, X, and other messaging apps. That appears to have been the last straw, and public outrage over the social media ban spilled over into the streets. On Monday, protests turned violent after demonstrators stormed Parliament, set fire to one of its gates, and vandalised property.&nbsp; The police responded with tear gas and water cannons before Kathmandu’s Chief District Officer ordered them to open fire. The government has since imposed curfew in parts of Kathmandu until 10PM. “I didn’t expect the crowd to be this massive. I just came to observe,” said Sanchit Maharjan, a bystander caught in the middle of the violence. “I’m not even Gen Z, but I was hit by tear gas earlier. Still, it feels powerful to see young people standing up.” <div class="embed-block"><div style="max-width: 56vh;"><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 177.7778%;"><iframe src="https://cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fshorts%2FTfzT9WjPOxM&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div> Graphic images have since flooded the still functioning social media sites like TikTok: students in uniforms soaked in blood, protesters being carried to the nearby Civil Service Hospital, which itself was engulfed in teargas.&nbsp; Young people, some of them students in college uniform, had started gathering at Mandala as early as 9AM, flashing placards with slogans denouncing government corruption. Popular rapper OMG Spark was performing live music at one point. The GenZ protest is only the latest in a series of demonstrations against Nepal’s career leaders who are seen to be incompetent and corrupt. The international #Nepobaby trend on TikTok gave the protests momentum, and Nepalis used it to expose the scions of powerful politicians and politically-connected influencers who were exhibiting their flashy lifestyles on social media while citizens struggled with joblessness, corruption and poor service delivery.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250908120956_0f8ba149e43922fb551ebd63036701e646704dca4277a7e47c7ee4810c3c36ff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20250908120956_0f8ba149e43922fb551ebd63036701e646704dca4277a7e47c7ee4810c3c36ff" data-rendition-name="original" width="2576" height="1932" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"> </figure>  Young Nepalis on social media were posing questions such as: ‘Where does our tax money actually go?’ or ‘Why does the budget vanish into thin air?’ Public anger reached a tipping point when the UML-NC coalition led by Prime Minister &nbsp;K P Oli announced a sweeping ban on major social media platforms citing tax revenue, cyber security, and lack of content moderation.&nbsp; Netizens, civil society and media however saw it as the latest authoritarian attempt by the government to clamp down on free speech, increase surveillance of citizens and clamp down on Nepal’s open society.&nbsp; “Politics is everywhere,” said 22-year old student Susmita Khadka who was at the protest. “Gen Z has the most platforms, and we want a revolution. I believe as long as protests remain peaceful, they can be incredibly effective. But when it turns violent, it creates a Cobra Effect—where it actually makes it worse.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250908120948_cb24f18c947f13e5df9fb4f6ac28e77c7188f0eaa2390b57810b91cd8e66488a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250908120948_cb24f18c947f13e5df9fb4f6ac28e77c7188f0eaa2390b57810b91cd8e66488a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="1600" loading="lazy" alt="Gen Z protest"> </figure>  She added that the protests could have been more peaceful. “I wish there were more organised banners, collective sit-ins where people actually ask for our opinions and listen to our needs. Repetitive slogans and one-day marches won’t bring real change.” As the violence went out of control, the Nepal Army was deployed outside Parliament and a curfew was declared on the road leading to the airport. Organisers Hami Nepali requested demonstrators to go home, and said that those who stormed Parliament were not associated with them, hinting that the rally had been infiltrated by radical groups. Demonstrations have also erupted in major cities including Butwal, Chitwan, Pokhara, and Birtamode. The District Administration Office (DAO) in Kaski has imposed a similar curfew in Pokhara where the police have opened fire, injuring some protesters. Says Ronesh Pradhan of Hami Nepal who led the protest: “The voices of young people matter. We can’t keep being ruled by the same old men. Our generation is the future and if there are older leaders in government, they need to be competent and accountable. We are ready to lead this country forward.” <div class="embed-block"><div style="max-width: 56vh;"><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 177.7778%;"><iframe src="https://cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fshorts%2FTfzT9WjPOxM&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div> &nbsp;