Every dawn in the Himalaya, before anyone else wakes up, women set out with empty vessels to collect <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepals-silent-emergency-springs-going-dry">water from the springs</a>. They know these springs as intimately as their own breath.
They can tell you when the flow began to slow, how the taste subtly changed, often after a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-road-out-of-nepal">new road was built </a>nearby or some development took place upstream. They feel these changes long before anyone comes to measure them. And yet, women are almost always left out of the conversations when “experts” gather to talk about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/people-and-mountains-are-thirsty-in-eastern-nepal">saving the springs</a>.
Having spent years studying the science behind Himalayan springs, especially i<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-climate-crisis-is-a-water-crisis-in-the-himalaya">n rural hills and mountain regions</a>, I am certain it is the women who know the springs best.
Springs are not just hydrogeological features, they are vital social spaces woven deeply into the daily lives and identities of the communities that depend on them.
Women often walk long distances to collect water, wash clothes, and bathe at the springs, but the journey is even more arduous for the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/dalits-disasters-and-discrimination">Indigenous and Dalit </a>women who are denied equal <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/access-to-water-changes-the-face-of-rural-nepal">access to water</a>. Yet, often without recognition, these women become the custodians of the springs – intuitively sensing, and monitoring changes in water quantity and quality.
But recognition rarely translates into real participation. In many water user committees, women are appointed to leadership roles, but their actual influence is quite minimal. They are often not given space to speak during meetings, <a href="about:blank">excluded from key planning discussions</a>, or merely asked to sign off on decisions already made. This is not empowerment but tokenism, and happens also at the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/women-first-in-2027-wfnchctq">institutional and policy levels</a>.
In many community meetings I attended, few women spoke even though they were the primary users of water. This gap between scientific planning and lived community realities made it clear that without inclusive processes, even the best restoration plans fall short. This exclusion is not only unjust, it is one of the primary reasons why multi-million-dollar spring revival projects often fail. Solutions designed without the sight of those who use and monitor the springs daily are bound to miss the mark.
Understanding recharge zones and aquifer dynamics is essential for springshed management. But so is the critical insight into who accesses the spring, when, how often, and for what purpose. Technical professionals often focus on the ‘where’ and the ‘how’ of water, but we must also ask for whom? Who uses this water? Who monitors it? And crucially, who is excluded from the conversation?
Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-heat-beneath-our-feet"> The heat beneath our feet</a>, Sahina Shrestha&nbsp;
Moving beyond tokenism requires embedding Gender Equality and Social Inclusion (GESI) into the core of springshed management, not as a box-ticking exercise, but as a foundational approach.
It means the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/female-migrant-workers-hold-up-half-the-sky">active engagement of women</a>, Indigenous communities, and Dalits from the very beginning – mapping their access and dependence on springs, prioritising springs based on their needs, and creating safe spaces for dialogue and discussion, training them as Community Resource Persons (CRPs) and para-hydrogeologists, encouraging women to take meaningful leadership roles in local spring water user committees, and ensuring that interventions are designed to promote equitable sharing of benefits. We must monitor how spring depletion and revival affect women, children, and marginalised groups.
When these groups are involved in mapping, monitoring, and decision-making, the outcomes are more equitable. There is better local ownership, the data is more consistent, and solutions are more grounded in the lived realities of the people dependent on springs.
TOKENISM TO EMPOWERMENT
Using simple digital tools, women, youth, and marginalised groups trained as CRPs have mapped over 6,600 springs across two districts: seven municipalities of Kavre and two more in Dhankuta, tasks that were once only the domain of technical experts.
This change was made possible by engaging female trainers, scheduling sessions at times that suited participants, and fostering <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/inclusiveness-not-just-theory-in-this-school">inclusive learning spaces</a>. Their work proved that locally led science is not just inclusive, it is highly efficient. This would not have been possible if GESI was an afterthought, it was a guiding principle shaping every step of the process, from planning to implementation.
“In the beginning, I was unsure how to proceed with the training, but as I got involved, I learned that using a mobile app makes it much easier to understand and document everything. We can survey all the spring sources directly by downloading the app,” says Ganga Badal Tiwari from Panchkhal Municipality, one of the female participants in the spring source mapping training session held in April 2024.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/kathmandu-s-liquid-landscape">Kathmandu’s liquid landscape</a>, Sudiksha Tuladhar
Ganga and other women in the community now actively participate in technical tasks traditionally dominated by men, building their skills and confidence in water resource management and strengthening their role as key contributors to community-led springshed conservation. What might have taken technical team months to map was achieved in record time, driven by local knowledge and ownership.
In line with the theme for this year’s World Water Week – Water for Climate Action – we must recognise that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/mountain-women-on-the-climate-frontlines">climate action</a> begins when we move from tokenism to meaningful participation and leadership.
As a woman in geosciences, I understand the transformative power of inclusion. We need more than open doors – we need to redesign the space for women, Indigenous Peoples, and other marginalised groups in the technical and policy spaces.
Sustainable and effective <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/water-for-life">springshed management </a>enhances water availability and directly supports community resilience against climate impacts. But it demands equity and inclusion at its core, making gender equality and social inclusion essential for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-needs-to-plan-for-plenty-and-scarcity-of-water">managing water resources </a>that serve everyone.
Goma Khadka is a geologist whose work focuses on fostering community engagement and participatory approaches to promote GESI-responsive springshed management in the Himalaya. She currently works at ICIMOD on a project supported by the United Kingdom International Development.

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Opinion

Saving our springs

Peacebuilding, conflict prevention, and crime prevention are no longer niche security concerns—they are global imperatives for sustainable climate action. From the migration crisis in Venezuela to the deforestation-driven conflicts in the Amazon, to organised crime in Central America, the ripple effects of instability and environmental degradation are felt far beyond national borders.&nbsp;
In 2025, nearly 80% of countries experiencing risks to peace remain off-track to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Addressing these challenges isn’t just about safeguarding peace, stability and development. It is also about ensuring sustainable climate action.
The climate crisis, meanwhile, is no longer a distant threat—it has arrived, and communities facing risks to peace are bearing the brunt. From catastrophic droughts in northeastern Brazil to devastating hurricanes in the Caribbean, states grappling with weak institutions, social tensions, and organised crime are disproportionately vulnerable to climate shocks. Yet, despite their heightened exposure, these regions receive only a fraction of global climate financing.
Aligning climate action with peacebuilding and conflict prevention is not just a moral imperative, it is a smarter, more strategic approach. These regions are where climate risks and human vulnerabilities collide, threatening not just local stability but regional and global security. Without targeted interventions, we risk losing the opportunity to the fight against both climate change and instability.
Climate Change and Peace: A Dangerous Feedback Loop
Climate change and peace are deeply intertwined. Climate shocks affect the roots of peace—for example, straining efforts to advance governance, social equality, and tackle crime. In Colombia, for example, shifting rainfall patterns have disrupted agriculture, fuelling tensions over land use and exacerbating long-standing conflicts. Meanwhile, in Central America’s Dry Corridor, prolonged droughts have displaced farming communities, amplifying poverty and creating fertile ground for organised crime and migration.
The OECD’s multidimensional framework on instability highlights how economic, environmental, political, security, and societal risks intersect in these contexts. Climate impacts compound these risks, creating a dangerous feedback loop. Climate shocks can weaken peace and deepen instability, leaving affected communities least equipped to adapt to or mitigate these shocks.&nbsp;
This dynamic not only undermines local peacebuilding efforts but also fuels transnational challenges such as migration, trafficking, and cross-border violence.&nbsp;
Smarter Approach to Climate Financing
Despite their vulnerability, communities facing instability remain underfunded in global climate action. In 2024, less than 10% of international climate finance reached these contexts. Instead, the majority of funding flows to middle-income countries with stronger institutions and lower risks.
This imbalance is shortsighted. Communities where climate action is most urgently needed—and where it can have the greatest impact are often those facing risks to their human security and stability.&nbsp;
For example, investments in climate-resilient agriculture in Guatemala have reduced food insecurity and strengthened community resilience, helping to break cycles of conflict and displacement. Similarly, renewable energy projects in rural Brazil not only reduce emissions but also create jobs, foster stability, and reduce reliance on illicit economies.
Smarter climate financing doesn’t just mean more money—it means better-targeted investments. Funding must be long-term, adaptive, and aligned with local priorities. It must thus address the structural drivers of instability, from weak governance to social exclusion. For example, promoting inclusive decision-making in water management or land-use planning can reduce resource-based conflicts and strengthen trust between communities and governments.
Bridging Climate and Peacebuilding
As the world gears up for COP30 in Brazil this December, there is a unique opportunity to bring peacebuilding and conflict prevention to the forefront of global climate discussions. Including peacebuilding and peace in the thematic days at COP30 would be important, not only as a space to highlight the intersection of climate action, equitable development, and peace, but also to ensure that climate action does no harm to inadvertently worsen conflict dynamics in contexts affected by conflict.&nbsp;
This focus would not only raise awareness but also drive actionable commitments to address the challenges faced by unstable regions. By framing peace as a central theme, COP30 could catalyse international support for targeted interventions in unstable contexts, ensuring they receive the attention and resources they urgently need.
Four Principles for Climate Action in Regions Affected by Instability
<ol>
 <li>Pivot to Prevention: Early action saves lives and money. For example, investments in flood early warning systems in Brazil have reduced the need for costly humanitarian interventions during extreme weather events.</li>
 <li>Operationalise the Nexus: Climate action must cross all sectors of government, e.g. development, peacebuilding, and environmental crime prevention efforts. This calls for climate security risk analyses to become standard operating practices for all initiatives. For example, integration of climate into the role of law enforcement agencies in promoting climate resilience and responding to environmental threats.</li>
 <li>Flexible, Localised, Inclusive Responses: In the Andes, for instance, partnerships with indigenous communities have strengthened the role of law enforcement agencies in the fight against environmental crime and climate-related insecurity while fostering trust and collaboration.</li>
 <li>Regional Cooperation: Instability and climate risks transcend borders. Regional cooperation, innovation and capacity building in the face of climate security challenges for example through initiatives like the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization show how collective action can address shared challenges.</li>
</ol>
Call to Action
Peacebuilding is the missing piece in global climate action. Without targeted – and conflict sensitive- interventions in unstable regions, the world risks failing its climate goals—and leaving millions behind. Yet the solutions are within reach.
The international community must act with urgency and foresight. By aligning climate financing with peacebuilding strategies, integrating foreign policy into climate action, and adopting smarter, multidimensional approaches, we can turn instability from a barrier into an opportunity for progress.
Integrating peacebuilding into climate action is not just a moral imperative but a strategic necessity. As the host of COP30, Brazil has a unique opportunity to demonstrate leadership by championing policies that link climate resilience with conflict and crime prevention and peacebuilding. This means prioritising investments in vulnerable regions, fostering regional cooperation, and ensuring that climate financing reaches those most at risk.&nbsp;
The cost of inaction is calculable, and it is far greater than the price of bold, coordinated action today. It is time to stop treating peace as a side issue and start addressing it as the cornerstone of smarter, more effective climate solutions. It is time to stop fighting fires and build a sustainable climate for peace.
Janani Vivekananda is the Senior Research Fellow on Climate, Peace and Security at the Toda Peace Institute. She is also the Head of Programme for Climate Diplomacy and Security at adelphi, an independent think tank on climate, environment, and development.
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from <a href="https://toda.org/global-outlook/2025/peacebuilding-the-missing-peace-in-cop30-climate-ambition.html">the original</a> with their permission.

Missing peace in COP30 climate ambition

With Xi Jinping as host, Narendra Modi and K P Oli are both attending the Shanghai Cooperation Council (SCO) meeting on 31 August. It would be appropriate if the diplomatic ‘sherpas’ were able to organise a joint meeting to overcome some sticking points that have emerged in the trilateral interface. These issues are relatively new, related to China’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/what-china-wants">economic and geo-strategic rise</a>, which has reversed its earlier disinterest on matters south of the Himalaya (other than concerns over Tibet activism). While Beijing’s leaders used to be standoffish on Nepal, even advising Nepali leaders to remain on good terms with New Delhi, they are now bullish while lacking full appreciation of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-and-the-us-india-tariff-tiff">Nepal’s positions and interests</a>. Matters are complicated for Nepal by the fact that after decades of relative Indo-Chinese calm following the debacle (for India) of the 1962 war, the 2023 Galwan clashes led to a bilateral nosedive. Both neighbours entered a phase of hi-decibel rancour, with the Indian officialdom and media expecting Kathmandu to choose sides. New Delhi tends to hype any engagement by Kathmandu with Beijing as proof of a ‘China tilt’, or opportunistic use of the ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/china-syndrome">China card</a>’. There is irony in this, of course, because China is India’s foremost trading partner, and a source for much that makes <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/india-has-arrived">India’s economy</a> hum, from pharmaceutical raw material to EV batteries, solar panels, integrated circuits, industrial machinery, etc.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250821100828_327349e434da4a44b12be66625d7a7b1b030c08e38b9a3a96734218e70929302.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250821100828_327349e434da4a44b12be66625d7a7b1b030c08e38b9a3a96734218e70929302" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1333" loading="lazy" alt="When Xi meets Modi and Oli"> <figcaption>TERRITORIAL IMPERATIVE: Demonstrations in Kathmandu against India's opening of a new link road to Mansarovar of Tibet via Nepal's Lipulek in 2020. Photo: BIKRAM RAI/ NT ARCHIVE </figcaption> </figure>  While in an inextricable economic embrace with Beijing, New Delhi diplomats, media commentators and ‘think-tankers’ would want Kathmandu (and Dhaka, Colombo) to keep Beijing at arm’s length. Nor would they stop to consider that it was the Indian economic<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/aftershocks-of-the-blockade"> blockade </a>of 2015 that accelerated Kathmandu’s signing a slew of agreements with Beijing two years later on cross-border roads, transmission lines, bilateral trade, third-country transit, as well as the Belt and Road Initiative Framework. Chinese goods and services New Delhi analysts must abandon suspicions of foul play whenever a South Asian neighbour seeks out <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/International/China,442">Chinese goods and services</a>, scientific advances, education, and bilateral and third-country trade. They also need to consider <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/looking-beyond-two-boulders">the advantages</a> of Nepal providing the most geographically practical surface connectivity between the Chinese mainland and the Indus-Ganga-Brahmaputra basin, using the railhead that has already arrived at Shigatse west of Lhasa. Of the 14 countries that China borders, and India’s seven, Nepal is unique for its open border to the south. New Delhi security experts constantly warn of third-country infiltration into India using the free passage, but if that is the case Beijing too will now have reason to feel vulnerable, given the possibility of quick south-to-north passage across Nepal on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/on-the-fast-lane-to-expressways">new highways</a>. Nepal is also unique in that its citizens have historically been allowed to join the Indian military, even though recruitment is halted since 2022 due to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/lockdown-5-utlzqtvs">the Covid pandemic</a>, followed by India’s introduction of the Agnipath recruitment scheme. As is natural between any two neighbours, Beijing and Kathmandu have issues to sort out, such as: the mutual respect of Bon, Mahayana and Vajrayana communities across the Himalaya defiles, access to historically shared high pastures, unilateral closure of border points by Beijing that impacts<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/missing-out-on-nepal-s-tourism-potential"> tourism and trade</a>, and the occasional ill-considered statements regarding Nepal’s third-country relations that emerge from Beijing officialdom, such as on the US-funded Millennium Challenge Compact. It is a fact, however, that the Nepal-China relationship is clouded by diffidence of the Kathmandu polity in dealing with Beijing interlocutors. The Nepal side has been conditioned over the decades by the need for Kathmandu to prop up the China relationship as a counter to the overwhelming presence of India in the polity, which has meant more fawning northward than is healthy. Meanwhile, it would help for Chinese delegations not to insist on the Nepali side repeating ad nauseum its commitment to the one-China policy, or disallowing Nepali territory to be used against China. These are by now state policy, not requiring humiliating repetition. India-China-Nepal The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-love-triangle-with-china-and-india-impacts-investment">India-China-Nepal</a> interface has not been discussed enough as a foreign affairs sub-discipline, mainly because of the timidity of Kathmandu’s officialdom and intelligentsia. In these times of ascendant China and defensive India, Nepal must place its concerns on the three-way table.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250821100856_d4497e2620bba81211d27e427393974877e09006abc26e13055508996e5b29ea.jpg" data-media-id="editor_12" data-image-id="20250821100856_d4497e2620bba81211d27e427393974877e09006abc26e13055508996e5b29ea" data-rendition-name="original" width="1108" height="1550" loading="lazy" alt="When Xi meets Modi and Oli"> </figure>  Limpiyadhura Triangle: The area in Nepal’s northwest encompassing 370 sq km between Limpiyadhura peak, Lipulek pass and Kalapani encampment is claimed by Kathmandu, the area having been incorporated in the 2015 Constitution. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/borderline-disorder">The Sugauli Treaty of 1816 </a>indicates Nepal’s western boundary as the Kali River, and Kathmandu claims the main river stem as starting from Limpiyadhura. Whereas, New Delhi claims that the smaller stream going straight north from Kalapani is the official Kali. Nepal is thus in a significant territorial dispute with India, a matter that was ignored by both New Delhi and Beijing when they reached an accord in May 2015 to regularise cross-border trade and pilgrim traffic via Lipulek. Prime Minister Sushil Koirala sent a protest note to both capitals. And yet, tone-deaf to Nepal’s position, foreign ministers Wang Yi and S Jaishankar on 19 August 2025 signed an agreement to resume border trade via Lipulek. (Addendum: The 19 August agreement referred to above is as per the statement published by India’s Ministry of External Affairs, with Point No. 9 referring specifically to “reopening of border trade through the three designated trading points, namely Lipulekh Pass, Shipkila Pass and Nathula Pass”. However the Chinese Foreign Ministry statement of the same date says in Point No. 8 that both sides agreed “to facilitate trade and investment flows between the two countries through concrete measures.” India’s MEA statement refers to Lipulek while the Chinese Foreign Ministry statement does not. But then there is another statement, out of talks between Foreign Minister Wang Yi and National Security Advisor Ajit Doval of the same date, which says (Point No. 9) that the two side agreed to re-open “three traditional border trading markets, namely Renqinggang-Changgu, Pulan-Gunji and Jiuba-Namgya.” Pulan-Gunji clearly refers to the Lipulek route.) Especially because he is scheduled to visit the SCO Summit in end-August and Bodh Gaya on 17 September, it is important for PM Oli to immediately send diplomatic notes to both capitals as did his predecessor PM Koirala. To recall, it was under Oli as Prime Minister that the Limpiyadhura Triangle was officially incorporated into Nepal’s Constitution in the Second Amendment of June 2020.&nbsp; Hydropower Exports: While there is a power trade agreement between Nepal and India, New Delhi has put regulations that restrict Kathmandu from exporting from hydropower plants that are funded, financed or constructed with Chinese involvement. This stricture even applies to the agreement to supply 40MW to Bangladesh via the Indian grid. New Delhi’s officialdom evidently believes that electrons have nationality, and anything with a whiff of Chinese involvement is to be rejected. This is an unfriendly position towards both Nepal and China, though one does not know whether Beijing is bothered enough as it seeks to woo India and its massive consumer market. Meanwhile, the restrictions on ‘China tainted’ energy exports have impacted Chinese FDI in Nepal’s hydropower sector. Airports and Airlines: The new international airports at Bhairawa and Pokhara have become a burden on the economy because of the in-country graft and malfeasance. Neither of the two airports has been able to ‘go international’ due to the government’s inability to plan ahead on air routes, passenger traffic and tourism. India has been least cooperative, however, disallowing instrumental landing system at Bhairawa on the pretext that it will interfere with flights at its nearby military airbase. This point is moot now because of satellite-aided navigation systems, but New Delhi officialdom continues to dissuade airlines from connecting Indian cities to both airports because of Chinese involvement in their construction. Sourcing international loans, grants and contractors is Kathmandu’s sovereign lookout, and it is improper for New Delhi to act so obstructionist. While Pokhara’s airport was built on a loan from the Export–Import Bank of China, Bhairawa was financed by the Asian Development Bank, with only the civil works carried out by a Chinese company responding to a global tender. At the upcoming summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, whose goal is “regional security, economic cooperation and cultural exchange”, PM Oli must remind both his host President Xi and fellow guest PM Modi that the China-India relationship even as it blows hot and cold can never be at the cost of Nepal. &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/fixing-the-broken-parts-in-nepal-china-ties">Fixing the broken parts in Nepal-China ties</a>, Kanak Mani Dixit

Comment

When Xi meets Modi and Oli

In July, the government announced an amendment to Nepal’s Printing and Publication Act, reportedly without the knowledge of the Minister for Communication and Information Technology Prithvi Subba Gurung.&nbsp;
The amendment gives Nepal’s Chief District Officer (CDO) exclusive authority to regulate the registration, operation and renewal of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/surveying-nepal-s-digital-landscape">online media</a>, relieving the Department of Information of a responsibility it had since 2016 through the Online Media Operation Directive.&nbsp;
This gives local bodies unchecked power to register and suspend <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-new-news-age">online news platforms</a> ‘as they deem fit’. This is the latest in a series of decisions to suppress Nepal’s constitutionally guaranteed press freedom.&nbsp;
Successive governments since 2015 have attempted to enact laws that suppress criticism of officials, disagreement with &nbsp;government policies and the right to information. Although veiled as an attempt to regulate excesses on social media, the primary targets of the draft Media Council Bill are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/messaging-is-the-message">journalists and journalism</a>.&nbsp;
The Bill will replace the 1991 Press Council Act, and has been passed by the National Assembly and went to the House of Representatives three years ago, but ultimately lapsed after the term of the lower House ended in 2022.&nbsp;
It is being debated again in the House of Representatives since last month with provisions like the formation of a Media Council which will be headed by someone recommended by the Ministry of Information and Communication Technology, which can also arbitrarily sack the person. It can also take journalists to court and suspend their media IDs.
“The government, with zero opposition and increasing lenience from the judiciary, is setting up legal pathways to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-freedom-after-expression-y4inku06">retaliate against the media</a> for fulfilling its responsibility of check and balance,” says lawyer Om Prakash Aryal. &nbsp;
These provisions seek to weaken the existing Press Council, and give politicians and the bureaucracy almost absolute <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/media-matters">power over the press</a>. &nbsp;
Stakeholders have proposed amendments to the Bill during deliberations with the National Assembly’s Legislative Committee, but only a few of the concerns have been addressed.&nbsp;
The Nepali Congress had also introduced 24 amendments to the Bill, but has not backed them after joining the UML-led coalition.
Prime Minister K P Oli had appeared to favour a free press when he assumed office during this tenure last year, but recent press exposes about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/higher-corruption-in-high-places">corruption in high places</a> has made him increasingly<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-has-press-freedom-but-no-freedom-after-press"> critical of journalists</a> and social media content.&nbsp;
He has publicly attacked the media’s “intolerance and unwillingness to report on the good work done by the government” and urged the press not to publish or broadcast news “that harms the country, causes confusion and weakens public morale”.
Even while the Bill is being debated, the government has repeatedly invoked the Electronic Transaction Act to harass journalists or accuse the media of contempt of court. Bizmandu, Nepalkhabar, Drishti Weekly, and Nepali Times sister publication Himalkhabar have all been charged.&nbsp;
Last week the Supreme Court published the full text of the verdict of the contempt of court against <a href="http://sidhakura.com/">sidhakura.com</a>, which was convicted last year after the outlet published news that included audio files claiming collusion between media operators and Supreme Court justices to dismiss corruption cases, which were determined to be fake following a forensic examination.
In the verdict, the Supreme Court states that while the media is guaranteed the right to print and publish news and audiovisual material, these rights are not absolute but ‘subject to restriction’, per constitutional provision, which is under Article 19 of Nepal’s Constitution.&nbsp;
But the top court’s interpretation and verbiage sets a precedent that allows for state intimidation towards the press for any content that it deems must be restricted, and subject media institutions to unjustified judicial penalties.&nbsp;
Despite its history of defending media freedom, the Press Council has become an instrument of government and corporate entities, and is so politicised that it has not gone beyond platitudes.&nbsp;
The Press Council has blacklisted 29 media outlets, instructed registered online portals <a href="http://pahilopost.com/">pahilopost.com</a> and News of Nepal, as well as unregistered portals to remove content, and shadow-banned other web portals.
Violations of the Press Council’s code of conduct were previously classified as disobedience. Now, the Council has gone as far as to have the Cyber Bureau go after the media.
The Press Council has written to the Bureau to take action against 43 YouTube channels, seven of them for content related to Prime Minister K P Oli. Diyopost was blacklisted for reporting on the Press Council and its former chair Balkrishna Basnet.
While the Press Council has been monitoring journalists, the proposed Media Council attempts to control media companies themselves. This is a double-barrel targetting of journalism.
Nepal is still considered one of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/global-press-freedom-index-falls-to-critical-low">few remaining open societies in Asia</a>, but recent government moves threaten our hard won freedom. Although better than other countries in the region, Nepal still slipped from 74th place in 2024 to 90th place this year on the World Press Freedom Index.&nbsp;
The US State Department’s 2024 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices briefly outlined <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/gagging-the-press-in-installments">Nepal’s press freedom scenario</a>, stating that the government generally respected the right to freedom of expression, including for members of the press and other media, but added that “the government did not make sufficient efforts to preserve the safety and independence of media”
The report is ironic coming from an administration that has defunded public broadcasting institutions, barred selected institutions access to the White House, and continued to be hostile to media and journalists. In April, the Committee to Protect Journalists, following Trump’s 100th day in office, released a report concluding that press freedom was ‘no longer a given in the United States’.&nbsp;
As it stands, Prime Minister Oli seems to be taking tips from Indian Prime Minister Modi on suppressing freedom of expression. The government is not just muzzling the press, but also constricting the right to peaceful assembly, dissent and debate. The end-goal seems to be to gag the press ahead of the 2027 elections.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-comment">No comment.</a>, Shristi Karki

Guest Editorial

Command and control

TikTok has come under scrutiny for misuse as a platform for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/recruiters-of-nepalis-into-russian-army-identified">recruiting Nepalis into the Russian Army</a>, or promoting irregular migration.&nbsp; One <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-s-unchanging-migration-saga">prevailing narrative on migration</a> is that workers just post pictures in front of, say, Petronas or Burj Khalifa that<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/you-must-be-having-so-much-fun-there"> glamorises their lives overseas </a>which can mislead folks back in Nepal. This is further fueled by brokers who over-promise and deceive workers.&nbsp; TikTok is different. The video-based app is unparalleled in its portrayal of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/shared-stories-shattered-dreams-of-south-asian-migrant-workers">reality of migrant lives</a>. Whether it is a Qatar-based Nepali camel herder who lives in the desert, a domestic worker in Oman who shares her life with fellow domestic workers from Kenya and Philippines, or a farmhand knee deep in a water spinach field in Korea, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/taking-back-tiktok">TikTok</a> provides a window to the daily lives of migrant workers as is.&nbsp; With live commentary covering the good and bad, the posts are filled with humour, insights and creativity. And it is in the mundane that viewers become invested and aspirants learn more about<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/speaking-the-language-of-overseas-work"> lives overseas</a>. The platform also allows the mini-influencers to feel more connected digitally, as overseas jobs especially in domestic work and agriculture can be isolating. &nbsp; The videos are also a refreshing contrast from how migration is portrayed in movies or songs, or the mainstream media. Workers who pick up their phones and film their daily lives or thoughts, raw and unscripted, present migration in all its complexity, not with a binary lens of good or bad.&nbsp; Migration is such a human centric topic that there are conversations, encounters, talent or moments that stay with us, tug at our hearts that we want to archive, share and revisit. TikTok allows that, and perhaps that is why we at <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab">Migration Lab</a> are so invested in the platform, even though it is time-consuming and not monetised. &nbsp; Our <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7391048965900209440">first TikTok post</a> was by a Malaysia-bound poet from Jajarkot who recited a poem that he had composed on the go at the airport. A <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cQvM_yAUETg">migration song</a> that another worker from the same recruitment drive sang has been reused over 2,300 times. A returnee <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7486852070629215510" target="_blank">explaining</a> why everyone should migrate at least once has generated a huge response, as did a <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7476070712290151702" target="_blank">father</a> bidding farewell to his UK-bound son at the airport from his duty in Qatar. Our stories for TikTok are just miniature versions of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/50-diaspora-diaries-in-nepali-times">Diaspora Diaries</a> series in this newspaper. It is formatted for today’s attention span. Indeed, retaining viewers is tough in this fast-paced platform where views really do not amount to much on their own. What TikTok rewards most, we learn, is relatability. If you can see yourself, your values or your experiences reflected in what you are watching, you are more likely to stay longer and engage more.&nbsp; But ideally, that same relatability can also serve as inspiration to encourage someone to aim higher. If a seasoned migrant’s story resonates with viewers because of shared experiences like starting their overseas stints at <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7489075333816225047">low-wage positions</a>, then what they <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/playlist/Bidesh%20bata%20farkepachi-7524547573806402326">have achieved despite the odds</a> might also feel within reach.&nbsp; Stories of migrant upward mobility, successful returnee entrepreneurs, and lessons learnt overseas can carry lessons useful for others. How can people like Yasmeen Naaz, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-woman-s-drive-to-push-boundaries" target="_blank">Shanti Bhandari</a> who drives a double-decker tourist bus in Dubai, or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/the-return-of-a-master-baker">Raju Pakhrin</a> who returned to Nepal to run a <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7437126060757585185">successful bakery</a>, inspire more people to be bolder to reach their potential?  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250814090824_6a5ba908d0e4c86620a78ac6116c8bdb5cb2fa824e4c12382941c92be91e3418.jpg" data-media-id="editor_17" data-image-id="20250814090824_6a5ba908d0e4c86620a78ac6116c8bdb5cb2fa824e4c12382941c92be91e3418" data-rendition-name="original" width="3000" height="1235" loading="lazy" alt="TikTok Migration Lab NT"> </figure>  ETHICAL JOURNEY TikTok is also a useful tool to help people understand <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/playlist/Shunya%20lagat%20shrinkhala-7524550534783601430">what ethical recruitment is</a>, and to promote responsible migration practices. Nepalis seeking jobs overseas often do not believe that ethical opportunities exist — they <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7537715519596662038">fear being scammed</a> or left stranded abroad. Our research with the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/valuing-moral-migration">ethical recruiter</a> partner International Manpower Recruitment (IMR) shows that most believe that only those with privileged connections can migrate without being cheated. But research also shows that perceptions can change, especially if there is a trusted person in the network who has been ethically recruited. If used correctly, TikTok can be a second-best alternative to personal networks by directing those seeking <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/dying-to-work-overseas">overseas jobs</a> to ethical channels.&nbsp; Repetition and relatability can alleviate the mistrust migrants have towards <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/valuing-moral-migration">ethical recruitment practices</a>, and TikTok content can show migrant workers that responsible recruiters do exist.&nbsp; But there are limitations. Brokers that we encourage workers to bypass also have access to the same platform, or are in their proximity. It is also well-documented that even when workers do pay high fees, they have been made to sign documents or even make videos saying they have not paid. How not to be dismissed as just another fly-by-night is a challenge.&nbsp; Nagendra Kumar Sah was recently recruited by IMR, and told us that he was initially skeptical of video testimonies on TikTok about ethical recruitment, but the comment section helped him build trust. Candidates who speak on camera may have been coerced to do so, but the comments pouring in from all over the world can share experiences about how much was paid and to whom. Such unsolicited feedback in the comments section can be powerful reviews of recruiters or employers.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/video/7519133141756333334">Intentionally opening the ‘room’</a> for discussion to counter the disbelief and mistrust has sometimes worked for our TikTok account. The platform can also help understand public sentiments better. <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab/playlist/Livable%20wages%20in%20Nepal-7524610442360670998">What wages would make living in Nepal affordable</a>, for example, is a common question that generates a lot of engagement.&nbsp; Awareness raising on its own does not amount to much, though. Knowing about ethical recruitment does not necessarily improve a migrant’s situation if the only available overseas jobs require a hefty fee.&nbsp; Workers who pay Rs400,000, even when they know better, face the same debt traps and diminished returns as those who do not. And the already small number of ethical drives in Nepal have <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/fee-free-migration-is-possible">shrunk significantly</a> after Malaysia closed its doors to foreign workers. &nbsp; In an ideal world, if there was a critical mass of zero or low cost recruitment opportunities in the market, our social media efforts would have been more interesting because we could then try to generate upward pressure from workers so they only select the best opportunities and agencies. Already, there are some workers who waited for ethical recruitment without applying for jobs that required fees. In the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/free-visa-free-ticket-policy-in-limbo?%2F">current climate in which employers</a> themselves do not abide by the employer-pays principle, the best we can hope for is that it at least makes people a little intentional and mindful while choosing their migration journey — think twice, do research, explore all avenues and not blindly rely on fraudulent middlemen. The <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@migrationlab?lang=en">Migration Lab TikTok account</a> recently hit the 100,000 followers milestone. The platform is wildly unpredictable: one of our early videos that was quickly put together on a phone took off, and far outperformed carefully edited posts.&nbsp; Our first ‘viral’ moment on TikTok was a lesson not to overthink it and just post if it is relevant to our work.&nbsp; We want to be more intentional about leveraging the platform to promote good migration, shape thoughtful narratives and tell good stories. Without being too serious about it lest the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tiktok-has-taken-nepal-by-storm?%2F=">TikTok algorithm </a>picks up on it, and punishes us. Upasana Khadka heads <a href="https://www.migration-lab.com/">Migration Lab</a>, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Upasana Khadka

Labour Mobility

Real migration stories on TikTok

One of the greatest obstacles to better jobs and faster <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-bubble-economy">economic growth in Nepal </a>today isn’t a shortage of natural resources, challenging geography, or limited access to finance. It is the unrealised potential of its people—not due to a lack of talent, resilience, or ambition, but because the country has not invested enough to unlock that potential.
Too many <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-country-for-young-men-c89lgrrl">young Nepalis </a>are growing up without the quality education, healthcare, and skills needed to succeed in the modern economy—especially those in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/not-rising-nepal">poorer and more remote areas</a>. As a result, much of Nepal’s human capital remains underdeveloped and underused, reinforcing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/institutionalised-inequality">inequality</a> and holding back productivity, innovation, and inclusive growth.
This is not a challenge unique to Nepal. Around the world, successful economies are not those that only have abundant <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/working-with-nature-to-protect-people">natural resources</a>, but those that invest early and consistently in their people by ensuring access to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/after-quantity-nepals-education-needs-quality">quality education</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/altruistic-healthcare-models-in-nepal">healthcare</a>, and nutrition. These are the building blocks for accumulating human capital.
When these foundations are strong, countries benefit from a more productive workforce, healthier communities, and faster economic growth. But when these investments are neglected, entire generations are left behind, trapped in cycles of low productivity and limited opportunity.
A new World Bank report—the <a href="https://www.worldbank.org/en/country/nepal/publication/nurturing-nepali-talent-to-foster-economic-growth-a-human-capital-review-for-nepal" target="_blank">Nepal Human Capital Review</a>—finds that a child born in Nepal today is expected to achieve just 51% of their full productivity potential by age 18.
Limited access to quality education, healthcare, and nutrition means that half of a child’s productivity potential remains unrealised. This is more than a missed opportunity for the child— it represents a significant productivity loss for the country’s long-term growth.
Beneath this national average lie even deeper inequalities. Imagine two children born on the same day in 2020—one in the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-karnali-s-hunger-emergency"> remote hills of Karnali</a>, the other in the more urban and better-connected areas of Bagmati, near the capital.&nbsp;
The child in Bagmati is far more likely to attend a private school or benefit from better education and health services, thanks to higher household incomes and greater availability of providers. In contrast, the child in Karnali is more likely to rely solely on the public system, which remains under-resourced and overstretched.
The statistics are striking—a child born in Karnali is expected to reach just 46% of their productivity potential, which is well below the average for lower-middle-income countries. Meanwhile, a child born in Bagmati is expected to reach 58% —a level comparable to upper-middle-income economies.&nbsp;
These differences stem not just from geography, but from unequal access to quality services—whether public or private. They reflect a public system struggling to deliver quality services for all, and one that families with more resources are often able to supplement through private investments. These are not just numbers, they are life trajectories—shaped not by ability or ambition, but by the simple event of where a child is born and raised.
Even for those who manage to build their human capital, the labour market often fails to reward their efforts. Given the difficulties of finding a good job, a child born in Nepal today is expected to realise just 18% of their productivity potential—one of the lowest rates in the world. The reason is simple: there are too few quality jobs.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/brain-gain-into-brain-drain">Brain gain into brain drain</a>, Sonia Awale
Between 2010 and 2018, only four in ten new entrants to the working-age population were able to secure paid employment. Most jobs are informal, low-paid, and offer little in terms of security or career growth. The situation is especially challenging for young people—more than a third of those aged 15 to 24 are not in education, employment, or training. And for women, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-women-left-behind">labour force participation</a> remains stubbornly low at just 29%, about half the rate of men.
Nepal’s low levels of human capital—combined with the wide gap between the number of people seeking work and the availability of jobs—pose a serious threat to the country’s long-term growth and social inclusion.
SHAPING A FUTURE
To change the course of Nepal’s human capital trajectory and lay the foundation for a more prosperous future, public investments in education, health, and social protection must increase while ensuring that every rupee is spent effectively and reaches those most in need. Closing the gap in access to quality services—especially for those who rely exclusively on public provision—must be a top priority.
Investments must be targeted so that every child—regardless of where they are born—has access to early learning opportunities, qualified teachers, textbooks, nutritious meals, and basic health services. These are the corner stones to build human capital.
Just as important as building human capital is ensuring there are job opportunities. Over the next three decades, Nepal will need to create 6.5 million jobs just to keep up with its expanding working-age population. Therefore, the need to accelerate job creation at scale has never been more urgent.&nbsp;
This requires more than business as usual. It calls for a fundamental shift from short-term fixes to long-term, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/why-invest-in-nepal">strategic investments </a>in people and systems and by making Nepal a better place to invest, by Nepalis and foreigners, alike.
Creating jobs in Nepal must be a combination of efforts to simultaneously build a workforce with the skills for the 21st century while simultaneously making the policy reforms and investments to let the world know that Nepal is, truly, “open for business”.
Today, too many young people leave school without a clear path into the workforce—and that needs to change. Boosting youth employability demands stronger links between training and labour market needs, expanded reskilling programs, and developing public-private partnerships that deliver modern, relevant skills.
Young people must be equipped with quality technical and vocational education, digital skills, and lifelong learning opportunities—especially in underserved communities. These must become core elements of Nepal’s education system if the country is to be competitive in an increasingly fast-moving, technology-driven economy.
The future of a Nepali child should not be determined by whether they are born in Karnali or Bagmati. This is a moment for bold action. Investing in people is not just the right thing to do, it is the smartest strategy for creating jobs, driving growth, and building a more inclusive economy where all young Nepalis can thrive.
David Sislen is the World Bank Country Division Director for Maldives, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.

Investing in people

Will President Donald Trump give his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping a gift? While Trump prizes unpredictability, Xi aims to position China as a force for global stability. Thus, there is a widespread assumption that China will rush to fill the vacuum left by an increasingly nationalist and isolationist United States.
The Chinese leadership has no interest in filling America’s shoes. Attempting to do so could cost China dearly just when it is undertaking a broader economic reorientation at home. The world may be tired of US interventionism – and, now, of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-first-month">Trumpian aggression</a> – but that does not mean it is ready to welcome an abstemious superpower.&nbsp;
China has studiously avoided becoming involved in major crises beyond its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trans-himalayan-handshake">immediate neighbourhood</a>. Though it has proposed global initiatives on ‘development’, ‘security’, and ‘civilisation’, and articulated a vision of multipolarity in which all countries are treated equally, its efforts to realise these goals have not gone beyond economic statecraft.
While foreign commentators debate what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/what-is-xi-jinping-s-big-surprise">China’s vision </a>entails – with some describing it as a potentially benevolent hegemon, and others as a malevolent one – Chinese authorities and intellectuals are more immediately concerned with weathering the storm that Trump has unleashed.
Viewed from outside, China’s core <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/staying-neutral-in-a-us-china-confrontation-8qni2ij1">national interests</a> seems straightforward: to replace the US as global leader. But pursuing that role may contradict other core interests, such as maintaining regime legitimacy and security, orchestrating a continuous rise in living standards, and reunifying Taiwan with the mainland.&nbsp;
These goals might best be served by maintaining a cold peace with the US, rather than embracing conflict with it.
Having watched the US, China knows all too well that being a <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4815">global superpower </a>would inevitably draw it into regional conflagrations that it would prefer to avoid. But China also knows that it has benefited massively from the relatively stable world economy that the US and its allies helped bring about.
China needs to retain enormous amounts of resources and manpower domestically to tackle its biggest challenges. Chinese leaders must <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-bubble-economy">manage an economy</a> that is no longer driven primarily by property development and exports, while preparing for the possibility that one of its largest trading partners could descend into total isolation.
Trump’s ‘Liberation Day’ tariffs and escalatory duties in response to Chinese countermeasures were a wake-up call. Whatever happens in the trade war, China urgently needs to rebalance its economy by stimulating greater domestic demand.
While Chinese leaders have long acknowledged the need for such a rebalancing, they have been slow to follow through with the necessary policies. Public messaging notwithstanding, they have continued to prioritise industrial output over living standards, and capital investment over consumer spending. But the prospect of losing one of its biggest export markets should change this calculation.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/turning-point-in-us-india-relations">Turning point in US-India relations</a>, Shashi Tharoor
Similarly, China has an interest in building resilient supply chains for critical technologies in order to circumvent US chokepoints. A significant share of national resources has already been redirected toward promoting domestic innovation.&nbsp;
With the Sino-American rivalry intensifying over the past decade, Chinese leaders have come to regard domestic innovation as a strategic necessity.
Beyond boosting domestic innovation, China is eager to seize opportunities to set the global governance agenda for emerging technologies.&nbsp;
Its recent successes in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-needs-to-be-more-intelligent-about-ai">AI</a> – most notably <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/artificial-censorship">DeepSeek</a>’s release of low-cost models that rival those from top US developers – have created a strong impetus for China to amplify its voice. China’s message – that a handful of rich countries should not be able to monopolise the technologies that will determine everyone’s economic future – undoubtedly resonates with many around the world.
During the post-Liberation Day staring contest with the US, China convened an impromptu gathering of the all-powerful Politburo and Chinese ambassadors stationed abroad. The purpose was to assess China’s relations with its neighbours, and the stature of those in attendance spoke to the sense of crisis that had swept through the country’s top leadership.&nbsp;
More to the point, the meeting confirmed that China’s strategic orientation remains focused on its own region – not the global context.
Beijing remains fully committed to maintaining strong ties with the Kremlin, viewing Russo-Chinese alignment as a geographical and strategic necessity. The two countries’ 4,209km land border gives China more than enough reason to work with Russia.&nbsp;
China’s ultimate focus is not Russia but its long-term rivalry with the US. An axis with President Vladimir Putin’s regime might well offer a workable (if imperfect) solution to the containment strategy that America has been pursuing against China.
Likewise, China has been de-escalating tensions with India, another large, nuclear-armed neighbour. Both know that the structural and historical strains on their relationship – characterised by an obvious power imbalance and mutual mistrust – will not be easily eliminated. But both also know that predictable, stable ties will yield big benefits over time, especially in a new multipolar order.
PAX SINICA
Beyond managing relations with its immediate neighbours, China has sought to mobilise the Global South behind reforms to multilateral institutions.&nbsp;
When Chinese leaders and diplomats speak of ushering in an ‘orderly multipolarity’, they mean an international order in which the non-Western world has much more clout. Hence, China is a strong advocate of the recent BRICS expansion, and of proposals to redistribute voting shares within Western-dominated international financial institutions.
China has also sought to shape the agenda at United Nations-affiliated institutions where the US historically has had less influence, such as at UN Trade and Development and the South Centre. It can assume a limited leadership role without directly confronting the US and the rest of the G7.&nbsp;
China does have a foreign-policy interest in subtly countering US influence in the developing world, which is why it builds large-scale infrastructure and addresses long-ignored development needs there without making any demands about democracy, human rights, and accountability.&nbsp;
Instead of offering security guarantees, China offers roads and bridges. In exchange, it can secure access to critical raw materials and open new markets for its state-owned enterprises and private companies at a time when the US and Europe are closing their doors.
China did broker a modest rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and its Global Security Initiative <a href="https://www.iiss.org/research-paper/2024/10/the-global-security-initiative-chinas-international-policing-activities/" target="_blank">aims to</a> foster international cooperation in counter-terrorism, cybersecurity, biosecurity, and emerging technologies.
But in the case of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/how-to-agree-an-armistice-in-ukraine?%2F=">Russia-Ukraine </a>and<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/mortality-in-the-gaza-israel-war"> Israel-Hamas</a> wars, it has avoided taking direct responsibility, let alone providing any security guarantees. Of course, China’s self-proclaimed neutrality on the war in Ukraine has not gone unchallenged.&nbsp;
In Gaza, China has criticised the US for supporting Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s agenda of continuing the war. But unlike Iran – which China relies on for oil – these other flashpoints have been kept at arm’s length.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/world-wars">World wars</a>
China would face three big challenges in pursuing even partial or limited global leadership. First, given America’s accelerated withdrawal from international affairs, China might struggle to sustain its commercial engagement with many parts of the world. After all, the US wants to impose drastic costs on those who do business with China, and it may well get its way.
Second, China cannot avoid engagement in dangerous security situations forever. Sooner or later, it will have to develop a truly global foreign policy. In fact, simply putting its own Global Security Initiative into practice would require it to do much more heavy lifting, not only in setting the agenda but also in terms of deploying security personnel and resources. America may be retreating, but that does not mean it will sit idly by and watch China try to increase its own influence.
Third, China still needs to orchestrate a domestic economic rebalancing – a process that will have enormous global consequences. Shifting from export-led growth to greater domestic consumption will take years, and the push to rebalance may run up against China’s ambition to remain a global manufacturing powerhouse.&nbsp;
The latter objective is already causing tensions with Europe and some developing countries whose domestic manufacturers are struggling to compete with Chinese national champions (such as the electric-vehicle maker BYD).
Even as its economy continues to grow, China will remain a largely self-centered and reluctant superpower. Unlike the US, its domestic political economy calls for a more restrained foreign policy, focused primarily on its immediate neighbours and commercial opportunities in the Global South.
As the world grapples with the decline of US power and the shift toward multipolarity, China will increasingly become the centre of gravity in the global economy. The rivalry between a political and military superpower and an economic one will be dangerous for everyone. Both must tread carefully to prevent economic warfare from escalating into a conflict that all would regret.
&nbsp;©Project Syndicate&nbsp;
Yu Jie is a senior research fellow on China in the Asia-Pacific Program at Chatham House.

What China wants

India’s relationship with the United States has long been a careful balancing act between shared democratic values and sometimes diverging national interests. But recent diplomatic tremors have unsettled India, prompting it to question whether the partnership has reached a turning point.&nbsp;
In what Indian officials view as an unsettling display of geopolitical grandstanding, President Donald Trump has <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/india-pakistan-would-still-be-at-war-if-not-for-his-intervention-trump-repeats-ceasefire-claim/article69865245.ece" target="_blank">taken credit</a> for halting <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nukes-in-the-neighbourhood">recent hostilities between India and Pakistan </a>by threatening to disrupt trade ties.&nbsp;
India has bristled at Trump’s claims, not only because it is fiercely protective of its sovereignty, but also because they lack merit. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar have noted, Trump <a href="https://youtu.be/XNv61DN7foQ?si=GUP5aymVf5lLFS8B" target="_blank">did not even call them</a> during the conflict in May.&nbsp;
Bilateral trade was <a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/ceasefire-had-no-linkage-with-us-trade-jaishankar-in-parliament/article69866620.ece#goog_rewarded" target="_blank">not mentioned</a> by any US official while the fighting was underway. Trump may well have pressed Pakistan to end <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/world-wars">the violence</a>, but India did not need persuading. As a status-quo power focused on its own economic development, the last thing India wanted was a protracted conflict.&nbsp;
It was always clear that ‘Operation Sindoor’ – which featured strikes on nine known terrorist basecamps and other facilities in Pakistani territory – was retribution against the terrorists who had targeted Indian tourists, not the opening salvo in a war against Pakistan.
When Pakistan retaliated with indiscriminate attacks, India initiated another decisive but carefully calibrated strike – this time, on 11 Pakistani air bases. It was this manoeuver – possibly coupled with US pressure on Pakistan’s government – that prompted Pakistan to seek a cessation of hostilities. Trump hardly deserves credit for this outcome, and yet, true to form, he has sought to claim it.&nbsp;
But India will not tolerate the implication that it succumbed to Trumpian threats or blandishments. This is not Trump’s only action that is giving India pause.&nbsp;
In June, he hosted Pakistan’s army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir – whom India’s government and opposition parties alike regard as a hardline Islamist ideologue – at a White House lunch. Pakistan’s civilian leadership was not at the table.
Trump’s unpredictability vis-à-vis China is similarly troubling. Whereas he took a reliably hardline approach to the country during his first presidency, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-first-month">Trump 2.0</a> blows hot and cold. One minute, he is imposing extreme tariffs against China, the next, he is <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/us-china-hold-new-talks-tariff-truce-easing-path-trump-xi-meeting-2025-07-28/" target="_blank">seeking</a> to negotiate a trade truce and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/trump-says-he-is-not-seeking-summit-with-xi-may-visit-china-2025-07-29/" target="_blank">saying</a> that he might visit Beijing at Chinese President Xi Jinping’s invitation.
Where India fits into these calculations – if it factors into them at all – is a mystery. During Trump’s first term – as well as during <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/joseph-biden-jr" target="_blank">Joe Biden</a>’s presidency – the US regarded India as a vital partner in the Indo-Pacific and a democratic bulwark against China.&nbsp;
While India upheld its foreign-policy doctrine of strategic autonomy and avoided committing to any confrontation with China, it welcomed US engagement in the region, and supported the revitalization of the Quad, which includes Australia, Japan, and the US, in 2017.&nbsp;
After all, India has its own quarrels<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/chindia"> with China</a>, which has ramped up its encroachments on their disputed frontier in recent years and lent critical support to Pakistan.
Now, China is directly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/india-has-arrived">undermining India</a>’s industrial ecosystem, by restricting the flow of engineers to the country and barring Indian factories’ access to high-end Chinese machinery. The impact on sectors like electronics and manufacturing is already visible.&nbsp;
China’s influence across <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/south-asia-2040-qxr16oup">South Asia </a>is also growing, extending from Bhutan and Nepal to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
Indian officials and businesses see China as a threat. But it is difficult to know where the US stands, especially after Trump opted not to rebuke China publicly for offering intelligence assistance to Pakistan, including real-time satellite data that <a href="https://www.business-standard.com/external-affairs-defence-security/news/china-provided-pakistan-with-satellite-support-says-indian-defence-group-125051900505_1.html" target="_blank">reportedly facilitated</a> Pakistani strikes on Indian military targets during the recent conflict.&nbsp;
When it comes to trade, moreover, Trump has often been tougher on partners than adversaries. This week he increased tariffs to 50% on Indian goods for its energy and military equipment imports from Russia.
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-great-game-2nd-half">Trump’s capriciousness </a>has heightened India’s strategic anxieties. The US has proved to be an unreliable partner before, like during the 1999 Kargil conflict when it denied India access to vital GPS data.&nbsp;
Now, Indian decision-makers are split: Should India decouple from China, trusting the US to have its back, or pragmatically engage with it, for fear that the US will do the same? This raises an even more fundamental question: What is the value of a partnership that is subject to the whims of an outsize ego?
India will not panic, but it might pivot. Given its lack of treaty obligations, it has greater leeway to act independently than formal US allies like Japan or South Korea. It might use this manoeuvering room to adjust its foreign-policy orientation. Jaishankar’s July visit to Beijing pointed to a desire to broaden channels of communication with China.&nbsp;
While India is not downgrading its ties with the US, it is emphasising self-reliance. This may lead to a more transactional bilateral relationship, shaped less by ideals than interests.
Indian foreign policy will remain rooted in deterrence, decisiveness, and non-tolerance of terror, outlined in Modi’s newly articulated <a href="https://garhwalpost.in/the-modi-doctrine-indias-new-normal-in-a-fractured-world-order/" target="_blank">strategic doctrine</a>. As for the US, India will continue to walk the same tightrope, constantly aware that it may be fraying at one end.
©Project Syndicate 
 
 Shashi Tharoor is a former Indian Minister of State for External Affairs and is an MP for the Indian National Congress and Chairman of the Parliamentary Standing Committee on External Affairs. He is the author, most recently, of <a href="https://www.alephbookcompany.com/book/ambedkar-a-life/" target="_blank">Ambedkar: A Life</a> (Aleph Book Company, 2022).

Turning point in US-India relations

As the 2030 deadline for the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) looms, Nepal faces a major challenge in monitoring its progress. With 446 indicators revised in June 2023, the list of SDGs in federal Nepal shoots up sevenfold at the provincial level and <a href="https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/485591576101383264/pdf/Nepal-Development-Update-Envisioning-a-Future-Data-Ecosystem-in-Federal-Nepal.pdf">a hundredfold</a> when all 753 local bodies are taken into account. This massive reporting burden, along with overlapping data collection authorities, can erode the quality of data (Figure 1).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250804140844_d0ed347ce29b627497fe075066d0c9cd0e9f9d5bb3658c7dcf485d22d4e1898d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250804140844_d0ed347ce29b627497fe075066d0c9cd0e9f9d5bb3658c7dcf485d22d4e1898d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1593" height="729" loading="lazy" alt="Data and delivery figure 1"> <figcaption>Figure 1: Mapping of authorities. Source: The World Bank (2019) – The figure depicts the mapping from unbundling report. After 2022, the statistical system is now under leadership of NSO.</figcaption> </figure>  Furthermore, <a href="https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/485591576101383264/pdf/Nepal-Development-Update-Envisioning-a-Future-Data-Ecosystem-in-Federal-Nepal.pdf">the World Bank report</a> on envisioning a future data ecosystem in federal Nepal states that ‘The data governance should be institutionalized in such a way that data coming from different sources would ‘complement’ rather than ‘compete’ with each other and abide the ‘cooperation’ ‘coexisting’ and ‘coordination’ principle enshrined in the Constitution of Nepal’. However, the challenge is to ensure reporting efficiency and quality, especially as the statistical regulation of 2080 B.S. allows independent data collection, but the localisation of SDG indicators creates a huge administrative ordeal. As such, it is important to map the overlapping SDGs indicators, and explore the scope for minimising redundancies by reducing the number of repeating indicators and duplication of efforts, as well as identifying complementing indicators.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250804140844_539aa390889c971940a4cd28d6d9709485a4f37a06e3fa022fa4b0e14a5a9110.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250804140844_539aa390889c971940a4cd28d6d9709485a4f37a06e3fa022fa4b0e14a5a9110" data-rendition-name="original" width="1149" height="824" loading="lazy" alt="Data and delivery figure 2"> <figcaption>Figure 2: 75% text or conceptual overlap. Source: Author’s calculation.</figcaption> </figure>  There are 15 indicators with a 75-100% text match or conceptual overlap across different goals (Figure 2). For instance, SDG 4, Indicator 1.4.3 “Households within 30 minutes travel time to health facility (% of total)” is conceptually identical to SDG 3, Indicator 3.8.9 “i. Percent of households within 30 minutes travel time to health facility”. In another example of duplication, “Number of deaths, missing persons and directly affected persons attributed to disasters per 100,000 population,” is reported in both SDG 13 Indicator 13.1.1 and SDG 11 Indicator 11.5.1. The count of “local levels that adopted disaster risk reduction strategies,” appears in both SDG 11 Indicator 11.b.2 and SDG 13 Indicator 13.1.3. The problem is not just duplication, but also conceptual overlaps: 55 indicators have more than 35% text similarity (Figure 3). For example, SDG 5, Indicator 5.5.3 “Women in civil service decision-making positions (% of total employees)” and SDG 16, Indicator 16.7.3 “Proportions of decision-making positions held by women in public institutions” are complementary. Technically, it should be possible to calculate indicator 16.7.3 if data is available in SDG 5.5.3, eliminating the need for separate reporting.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250804140844_070dc2c1f2f07b1b80938274bd2f440ccb60b5fc723509d87be388ce7d4e8cf5.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250804140844_070dc2c1f2f07b1b80938274bd2f440ccb60b5fc723509d87be388ce7d4e8cf5" data-rendition-name="original" width="1145" height="836" loading="lazy" alt="Data and delivery figure 3"> <figcaption>Figure 3: 35 to ~100% text match or overlap. Source: Author’s calculation.</figcaption> </figure>  Furthermore, inherent interlinkages between indicators, such as SDG 1’s “Households having access to market center within 30 min walk (% of total)” and SDG 8’s “Access to Cooperatives (% of households within 30 min walk),” should complement each other, highlighting opportunities for data integration. Cooperatives operate within the proximity of the market, the existence of data in cooperatives and data gaps in access to the market or larger variation in statistics should flag the possible disconnect. Meanwhile, there are more than three Goal Areas (SDG 11, 16 and 17) where the data gap is 50% or higher. In contrast, Health (SDG 3) and Education (SDG 4) have the highest number of indicators and the lowest data gaps, primarily due to well-established administrative systems like the Health Management Information System (HMIS) and the Education Management Information System (EMIS). These systems contribute approximately 38% of all data, with an overall data gap of 35%. Ministry of Health and the Ministry of Education have the highest proportion of budget followed by Ministry of Infrastructure. The granularity of data is high in the SDGs 2, 3 and 4. These are the goal areas where MIS contributes the most. Overall, 18% of data is disaggregated at the local level, and approximately 28% at the provincial level (Figure 5).&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250804140844_bca4fc150516a469c8d6b13a19c8559f1bb1daafe4d9fa5e3796b64aa4ed359a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20250804140844_bca4fc150516a469c8d6b13a19c8559f1bb1daafe4d9fa5e3796b64aa4ed359a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1106" height="847" loading="lazy" alt="Data and delivery figure 5"> <figcaption>Figure 5: Disaggregation and data gap. Source: Author’s calculation.</figcaption> </figure>  Interestingly, indicators with matching text or conceptual overlaps often have no apparent data gaps and are highly disaggregated. This suggests that these indicators are often derived from administrative systems, and thus, a key opportunity exists to minimise redundancies by integrating these siloed systems (Figure 6).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250804140844_67f8345023f322ab8db4c6e320745c6e4b1f8b8155691087b20bb3bbe79d504f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250804140844_67f8345023f322ab8db4c6e320745c6e4b1f8b8155691087b20bb3bbe79d504f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="844" loading="lazy" alt="Data and delivery figure 6"> <figcaption>Figure 6: Matching and data sources. Source: Author’s calculation.</figcaption> </figure>  However, it is easier said than done. Institutionalising interoperability across different administrative systems requires harmonised coding and coordinated data collection timelines. This task is made more difficult by the need for a sustained vision to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/covid-crisis-can-spur-digitisation">push for digitisation</a> with strong financial support, and a dedicated effort to identify indicators that do not share the same spelling or coding conventions. While the revised SDG indicators now have unique identifiers, these must be consistently mapped across thematic areas and with existing administrative systems and ‘<a href="https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/485591576101383264/pdf/Nepal-Development-Update-Envisioning-a-Future-Data-Ecosystem-in-Federal-Nepal.pdf">coding of newly established government units, including but not limited to the Central Bureau of Statistics, the Survey Department, and the High-Level Commission for Information and Technology (HLCIT) codes</a>’. A lack of standardisation is a major obstacle. For instance, of the 753 local governments, only about 500 use the same spelling convention. The Government of Nepal in 2022 graduated the Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) to the National Statistics Office (NSO), making it a statistical arm to coordinate with federal units on the data collection, management and reporting process. The NSO is mandated to coordinate data collection and management in federal Nepal and to create a coordination committee for this purpose. As per the regulation, the data coming from administrative services feeds into the unified statistical system. However, a critical gap exists: the mandate does not include representatives from the Ministry of Information and Technology (MoIT), where the integrated data management centre is hosted. Mandate requires data to abide by the existing laws and practices in Nepal, and commensurate with the framework and definition laid out by the UN or its higher authorities. Furthermore, while the NSO's mandate calls for consistent frameworks and guidelines, it fails to mention the harmonisation of codes and identifiers—a basic requirement for a unified statistical system (section 2, sub-section 3 and sub-section 4). One crucial step the government can take is to create a metadata that includes an exhaustive list of all the spelling conventions and coding used in the administrative systems of Nepal. This list should be reviewed by technical experts and think tanks to identify redundancies and overlaps in the SDGs indicators. This would be a foundational move toward a more efficient and integrated data ecosystem. <a href="https://www.linkedin.com/in/ashutosh-mani-dixit-92aa3a2a4/">Ashutosh Mani Dixit</a> co-authored the special focus section Envisioning a future data ecosystem in federal Nepal. He worked with the World Bank from 2018 to 2021, and the Government of Federal Nepal in SDGs agenda and localisation of the SDGs indicators. The coding used for matching the text and spelling in the analysis is uploaded on <a href="https://github.com/AMD2019/Python-for-Data-Science/blob/932a48e9a842254ed6ee69488d67b2a3d55856bc/SDGs_revised.ipynb">GitHub</a>. The data used in the analysis is available <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1FPipYVtXU2kskA6QMPORvrhr9LZ_cMGz/view">here</a> for further discussion and feedback.

Data and delivery

I was asked to give a presentation at the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-present-and-future-of-news">Himal Media Mela</a> on 25 July on the ethical and productive use of AI in journalism. I am using the first of this new monthly Technocrat column in Nepali Times to say what I did not have time for at my session about real dangers, real potentials, and hard-won lessons about AI, journalism, and ethics.
I’m not a natural public speaker, and a member of the audience last week told me I sounded like I was chewing gum. True, I mumble, and often lose my train of thought. But one does not need to be a great orator to get the message across. You just need to care deeply and speak the truth.
Nepali Times readers will have seen the supplement in last week’s edition in both print and online that carried a year-by-year summary from 2000 to 2025. I am told the five-member newsroom staff took weeks to put it all together.
They did a great job, but I used ChatGPT’s plus feature Deep Research to crawl 25 years of archives to produce similar content in a few hours with workable links and all the right references.&nbsp;
True, the text needed some fine tuning, but if this sort of normally exhausting human work can save time and energy then AI can be an amazing asset. &nbsp;
But many AI enthusiasts are dumbing down by using image and video generators, and wasting their credits. This is causing AI fatigue among young people on digital networking sites.
Before using AI effectively, we must first understand its true cost. The glossy marketing of AI tools hides the dark side of the deep learning machine underneath, a system built on a foundation of our work, often taken without our knowledge or consent. And you thought, all those words and sentences were AI magic!
AI is a hungry beast voraciously devouring whatever you post. Every article, every photograph, every personal post, every comment you make is raw material for training the next generation of AI models. It does not matter if you gave permission. Nobody is asking.&nbsp;
AI does not need permission to train itself using my sentences from the digital version of this column.
This is not 'fair use'. It is exploitation on an industrial scale. The very soul of our work is being strip-mined to build a technology that profits from our labour without credit, compensation, or consent.
And then there is the danger from deep fake that has moved from a niche experiment to an everyday threat. It is easy if you know the tricks for anyone to clone a voice, fake a video, or create a false event so realistic it can fool even experts.&nbsp;
Content Scrapers
AI is not a neutral force. It is a tool for scammers, a weapon to deny crimes, erase real incidents, and destroy reputations overnight. Teenage girls have been blackmailed with fake videos. In India and Bangladesh, politicians have seen their words twisted to incite chaos.
The scariest outcome is not just the production of individual fakes, it is the erosion of all trust. When ‘anything can be faked’, who can prove if they are telling the truth? The greatest risk is not that people will believe fake content, but that they will stop believing any content, undermining our shared foundation of reality.&nbsp;
As journalists, we risk becoming unwitting amplifiers of these falsehoods if we are not equipped to detect and expose them. AI is a stereotyping machine that amplifies our worst biases.&nbsp;
Prompts on platforms are sexualised, gendered, or reinforce harmful ethnic stereotypes. Many women participate in this cycle, sometimes out of curiosity, unconsciously reproducing the very biases inherent in patriarchal societies.
The faces of children are now circulating in AI-generated images worldwide, stripped of context, consent, or protection. A simple search for ‘Nepali or Indian or White girl’ on an AI image site brings up content no parent would ever want to see.&nbsp;
This is not just a privacy issue, it is a violation of dignity and safety. We make it easy for ‘content scrapers’ by posting photos and videos of our children on Tiktok.&nbsp;
Faced with these realities, we cannot afford to be silent. Indifference is not an option, it is complicity. Fortunately, there is a quiet but growing resistance among artists, musicians, and photographers. But journalists, the very people who create the facts and narratives that train AI, have been too slow to join the fight. &nbsp;
Naresh Newar is a writer on strategic communications and Artificial Intelligence and content specialist.

Technocrat

Being intelligent about journalism

The monsoon has got bad press because Nepal’s tourism operators actively told visitors to avoid <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/managing-the-monsoon?%2F">the rainy season</a>. It is time to change that. The reason can be found right here in the vast alpine meadows of Central Nepal where this time of year you can walk on velvet grass of pastures abloom with delicate pink, red and yellow flowers as the mist rolls up the valley. There is no sound except the hum of bumble bees. &nbsp;&nbsp; There are dozens of places across high Nepal called Chaurikharka, which means yak pasture. But this particular Chaurikharka in Rukum East located at an altitude of 4,000m stands out for its serene beauty, rustic charm and bucolic setting. There is just the occasional chime of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/when-yaks-go-so-does-culture">yak bells</a> in the distance, and the sharp whistle of herders corralling sheep. &nbsp;&nbsp; The grass shoots are so fragile that one hesitates to step on them, the rounded ridges appear and quickly vanish in waves of mist. With the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/before-the-next-monsoon"> arrival of monsoon</a>, these meadows are a soothing shade of green dotted with millions of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-anatomy-of-a-flower?%2F=">multi-coloured flowers</a>. Until very recently, it took a week or so to hike up to places like Chaurikharka, but with the expansion of the road network even to these far-flung mountains in the lap of Dhaulagiri, they are much more accessible. It is just a three-hour uphill from the Mid-Hill Highway on the border between Baglung and Rukum East.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250802130828_a0b06b494d751b2144ffbbf10894ea64b29e8aed844bc8c66171783abfaf4e16.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250802130828_a0b06b494d751b2144ffbbf10894ea64b29e8aed844bc8c66171783abfaf4e16" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="Visit Nepal in the monsoon"> </figure>  Purists would say that such easy access devalues the sanctity of these remote high meadows, but it also means more people will be moved to treasure the experience, appreciate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/natures-fragile-gift-to-nepal">the value of nature </a>so they can take steps to protect it.&nbsp; To be sure, the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/deadly-monsoon-in-nepal-turns-deadlier">monsoon season can be challenging for road travel</a>. The roads are rough even at the best of times, and in the monsoon they become muddy and treacherous, often blocked by<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/monsoon-deluge-in-nepal"> landslides</a>. But that could be precisely the kind of adventure that the more intrepid visitors crave. Improved road connectivity has already made Chaurikharka and places like Badimallika &nbsp;and other sacred lakes in the mountains of western Nepal popular with domestic tourists. What is driving this traffic is the urge to go to exotic new places and share videos and selfies on social media. Several of Nepal’s travel vloggers have visited Chaurikharka and popularised the place, enticing followers on TikTok or YouTube to retrace their footsteps. But even as they become more popular, these fragile and once-remote places should be protected from over-tourism.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250731110736_f97110b7cdc3e7f80d5877690948fc9f4c95a09c583deb23b07355491e6c5446.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250731110736_f97110b7cdc3e7f80d5877690948fc9f4c95a09c583deb23b07355491e6c5446" data-rendition-name="original" width="1083" height="699" loading="lazy" alt="Visit Nepal in the monsoon NT"> </figure>  <h2>INCREASING FOOTFALL</h2> Chaurikharka is located in Bhume Rural Municipality of East Rukum, near the scenic valley of Dhorpatan in Baglung district. Even in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/monsoon-culture">middle of the monsoon</a>, there is a steady stream of Nepali hikers trooping to these high pastures – especially during festival days like Saune Sankranti which this year was on 17 July and actually marks the auspicious beginning of the monsoon here. “This year the rains have not been as heavy and there have been some clear mornings when we could see everything from Dhaulagiri to Machapuchre,” says Khageswar Bhandari, who trekked up here from the road. “The flowers, the greenery and the snowy mountain views make this an incredibly unique place.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250802130824_1b9e26f2e9853fdfe69154bb42a7c9ea6da4bf4940efc1da99b304dcfbd7d3d9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_10" data-image-id="20250802130824_1b9e26f2e9853fdfe69154bb42a7c9ea6da4bf4940efc1da99b304dcfbd7d3d9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1152" loading="lazy" alt="Visit Nepal in the monsoon"> </figure>  Chaurikharka is worthwhile to get to in any season, but it has a different charm during the monsoon. Word has spread and because it is now easy to get to from Baglung or even Pokhara, people have been flocking here.&nbsp; “Holidays and Saturdays see the largest crowds, with up to 500 visitors every day,” says ward chair Mankaji Pun of Bhume.&nbsp; There was a time not too long ago when local herders brought sheep, goats, cows, buffaloes, horses, and mules to graze here during the monsoon. Although there are still livestock around, animals have been replaced by visitors taking selfies. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-monsoon-and-nature-s-arithmetic">The monsoon, and nature’s arithmetic</a>, Tom Robertson Ward Chair Pun says infrastructure development is his main priority. A foot trail to Chaurikharka was built last year by the Tourism Division Office in Kohalpur, but access via the Raniwas-Koipa road section still remains challenging.&nbsp; “If we get more budget, we can improve the road and facilities to make Chaurikharka the main tourist attraction of this region,” says Bhume Municipality Chair Hom Prakash Shrestha. “After that, we hope to promote Chaurikharka as a top tourist spot.”&nbsp; Economic activity is also picking up with the arrival of visitors, but there seems to be a need to manage the makeshift sheds made of corrugated sheets that spoil the beauty of the place. Tea shops and lodges are also available but facilities are basic. Kuldeep Neupane took a three-day trip from Ghorahi in Dang to visit Chaurikharka recently, and says: “This is an ideal trip to make a quick getaway and let nature recharge your mind and body. And it is much more fun with a tent, to watch the sunrise over the Himalaya or the mist blowing in.”

Visit Nepal in the monsoon

Nepal is graduating to become a developing country on 24 November 2026 after half-century in the Least Developed Country (LDC) category. By 2030, the country hopes to transition to middle-income status.&nbsp; Everone from Prime Minister K P Oli have boasted that this is a matter of national pride, and will have a multiplier impact on trade and economy.&nbsp; But will it make any difference to the average Nepali? Not unless improved governance <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/why-invest-in-nepal">spurs investment and creates jobs</a>.&nbsp; Countries need to meet at least two of the three criteria in two consecutive triennial reviews to be eligible for graduation from LDC. Nepal has consistently met the thresholds for the Human Assets Index (HAI) and the Economic and Environmental Vulnerability Index (EVI) in 2015, 2018, and 2021. But Nepal was recommended for graduation before meeting the per capita <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-great-income-divide">Gross National Income (GNI)</a> threshold of $1,306. “A major implication of LDC graduation is the loss of preferential market access available through Generalised System of Preferences (GSP) and other arrangements,” explains economist Sameer Khatiwada. “But over two-thirds of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-doesnt-produce-its-2-biggest-export-items">Nepal’s exports</a> are to India, and the preferential market access to India is through a bilateral trade agreement. This has nothing to do with our LDC status.”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250815060832_f5eabe7628a8cdf84f33b25d7cef3c4dc8913a26d8e5b253ea52a36e176b8a85.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250815060832_f5eabe7628a8cdf84f33b25d7cef3c4dc8913a26d8e5b253ea52a36e176b8a85" data-rendition-name="original" width="640" height="470" loading="lazy" alt="LDC graduation "> </figure>  Furthermore, a provision under the South Asian Free Trade Area (SAFTA) allows Nepal to export to India duty-free if the items are at least 30% value-added. Nepali traders take advantage of this by re-exporting edible oils without meeting that requirement, falsely boosting Nepal’s exports.“ Following graduation from LDC, the value addition threshold might increase to 40%,” says Kalpana Khanal of the Policy Research Institute. “This is supposed to work to our advantage, because on paper value addition inherently means <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/staying-home-to-create-jobs">job creation at home</a>.” But Nepal’s exports to other major destinations will face <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-and-the-us-india-tariff-tiff">tariff increases</a> with the graduation. A South Asia Watch on Trade, Economics and Environment (SWATEE) study shows that while tariff increase in the US market is relatively low (see page 5) it is considerably higher in Europe. The International Trade Centre (ITC) in a 2022 study also estimated that graduation could result in a 4.3% decline in Nepal’s projected exports, but this is excluding the impact of changes in ‘rules of origin’ provisions in preference-granting countries such as the UK and Europe.&nbsp; Nepal’s top export to these preference-granting countries is <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=1482">carpets</a>, and will not be impacted, but other items such as textiles and apparel will be heavily affected due to higher cost of production. The impact will felt mostly by small and medium enterprises which represent the largest share of exports to LDC-specific preference-granting countries. As for the service exports, Nepal never really made use of the World Trade Organization’s LDC services waiver anyway, hence the effect will be minimal, if any. There is also concern about Nepal’s graduation at a time when the global economy is topsy-turvy, amidst <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/turning-point-in-us-india-relations">tariff wars and conflicts</a>. This affects Nepalis abroad directly and may impact <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/more-remittance-more-than-remittance">remittances </a>which hit $11 billion in 2024. In comparison, Nepal only received $350 million in foreign loans and grants last year.&nbsp; Tourism arrivals have finally reached pre-pandemic levels, but bad publicity about pollution, poor infrastructure and bureaucratic hurdles hinder further growth. Manufacturing continues to struggle, while hydropower and the IT sector have taken off.&nbsp; “Look at data -- <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/tourism-needs-a-new-push">tourism arrivals</a> are up, spending is up, IT exports are up, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/why-nepal-needs-to-restore-ev-tax-subsidy">EV sales </a>are up, Europe still needs 85-90 million skilled workers. We are sitting on $16 billion in cash reserves, our balance of payment, foreign exchange reserve, tax to GDP ratio, credit flow are all positive, we have to build on these factors,” says Sujeev Shakya of the Nepal Economic Forum. He adds: “Our mindset creates negativity to promote rent-seeking behaviour, but this cynicism will go away after 2026 with LDC graduation. We must deal with data, look at trends, and projects which will bring in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/from-the-nepali-press/why-there-is-no-foreign-investment-in-nepal">international investments</a>.” Khanal agrees that investment is not dependent on<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/backside/Nepal-not-the-least-developed-country,306"> LDC status</a>. The factors that that affect investment are policy stability, a strong legal framework, market potential and ease of doing business. She adds, “That is where our focus needs to be, and we need to retain <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/migrant-worker-returns-to-create-work-at-home?fbclid=IwAR09xJfsClCwn8uRVAmz28CU658vdKpuyDwB_b1sNlvKtAFFnSldnA0JS2g">Nepalis with jobs at home</a> for our sustained growth.” After 2026, financing support from donors and aid agencies could be affected and Nepal will no longer be able to access Least Developed Countries Fund (LDCF) to adapt to the impacts of climate change. But the Global Environment Fund and Green Climate Fund will still be available.“ LDC status does not determine bilateral development aid, that is usually driven by broader <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/looking-beyond-two-boulders">geopolitical considerations</a>,” says Sameer Khatiwada. “The World Bank and Asian Development Bank, which provide concessional loans to Nepal, it is determined mainly by per capita income, not LDC status.” &nbsp;However, Nepal may lose some concessional terms for loans. Nepal is currently a lower-middle-income country as per the World Bank in the bracket for GNI between $1,036 and $4,045. The country is already receiving more loans than grants and in July the World Bank increased its interest rate on loans by 100% from 0.75 to 1.5%. “All this means that the impact of LDC graduation for Nepal might not be as earth-shattering as some tend to think. Countries that have recently graduated, such as Botswana and the Maldives, have shows that graduation is just a step in a country’s development path,” says Khatiwada. Sujeev Shakya also sees the glass as half full, explaining that LDC graduation is just a stepping stone if Nepal has the right policies in place. He adds, “Nepal’s biggest advantage is our<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/investing-in-people"> working age population</a> and we have investments coming in. These aided by how adaptive we are as a society are the very foundations on which Nepal will grow.”

Not poor, but not rich

Two weeks ago, Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli announced jubilantly on social media that Nepal had achieved a historic annual growth of 81.8% in exports. He was right. Nepal’s trade did take a great leap forward compared to last year. But the dramatic rise was mainly due to processed soya bean oil.&nbsp; However, Nepal does not produce the edible oil it exports. In fact, the soya and palm oil that make up 44% of total exports are imported from Southeast Asia and South America, and simply re-exported, mostly to India.&nbsp; Under the SAFTA (South Asian Free Trade Area) Agreement, Nepal can export products to India duty-free if it has at least 30% value-added. Nepal’s traders have taken advantage of SAFTA even though the edible oils they export do not reach that value addition threshold. “The 30% value addition requirement is often only on paper,” says former commerce secretary Purushottam Ojha. “It is clear that simply packaging edible oils in Nepal does not fulfil the terms of the trade agreement.” Prime Minister Oli is aware of this, and even called Nepal’s export figures “fake” at an earlier event. The government is relying on other iffy figures to suggest that Nepal’s economy is strong and getting stronger. For example, the value of imports rose by 13.25% in 2024-25 compared to the previous fiscal year.&nbsp; Some of it was due to a jump in electric vehicle imports worth Rs 31.76 billion, but mostly it was because more wholesale soya oil was imported to be re-packaged and sold in India. The very fact that the government boasts about increased imports is an indication of how much it relies on taxing them for revenue. Touting such trade figures cannot be the basis to claim an economic rebound.&nbsp; “A jump in the value of imports can be interpreted as an increase in purchasing power, but it is not evidence of a stronger economy,” says economist Keshav Acharya. “Even though imports have increased, Nepal's domestic production and productive capacity have not improved.” Nepal Rastra Bank's semi-annual economic activity study report shows that industrial production was down in the first six months of the last fiscal year. This despite an increase in the number of new industries registered and investment commitments. Out of the Rs70.2 billion proposed foreign investment, Nepal received only Rs17.9 billion last year.&nbsp; Meanwhile, the rate of capital formation was limited to 24% last year, which is lower than the year before, suggesting that new investment, job creation and economic expansion all declined. If domestic production does not improve in relation to this year’s inflated trade figures, the outflow will put pressure on foreign exchange reserves like it did three years ago. At that time, Nepal borrowed from the IMF under its Extended Credit Facility Program to kickstart the economy.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025080710084_2cdaaa5795828c4a7de93a0604ba884ef0a8b8f24cccd939f6c24e279ab6058f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2025080710084_2cdaaa5795828c4a7de93a0604ba884ef0a8b8f24cccd939f6c24e279ab6058f" data-rendition-name="original" width="1633" height="723" loading="lazy" alt="Nepal's bubble economy NT"> <figcaption>Source: NEPAL RASTRA BANK</figcaption> </figure>  The macroeconomy is on firm footing with foreign exchange reserves at a comfortable Rs2,520 billion in May, up 23% from last year. This was largely due to remittances, and partly due to a falling NPR exchange rate. Real estate transactions and the stock market index have also been climbing as a result of government policies to revive the sector.&nbsp; However, former executive director of Nepal Rastra Bank Nar Bahadur Thapa cautions: “This is not organic growth, it is the result of deliberate policy decisions to relax rules on real estate and stock markets transactions.” In reality, the sharp rise in land prices have increased the cost of production, and excessive monetisation of the real estate has become the main source of Nepal’s economic woes. The central bank has announced a slew of new policies, shifting the terms of loan repayment for industrialists and entrepreneurs, reducing interest rates, and injecting more working capital — all designed to inject adrenaline into the real estate and stock market sectors.&nbsp; When he was governor, Mahaprasad Adhikari made several financial reforms during the latter half of his tenure to stimulate the economy, including tightening credit flow.&nbsp; By the last fiscal year, additional financial reforms had resulted in a credit expansion rate of around 8%. As the pace of credit expansion slows, real estate prices have started to fall. This is actually beneficial to the economy, because it lays the foundation for improvements in land-related entrepreneurship, production, and the construction sector. Just because real estate and the stock market transactions increase, it does not indicate an economic turnaround — especially when manufacturing and productive sector continues to languish.&nbsp; “It is foolish to believe that real estate and the stock market have magically revived our economy. Agriculture employs more than half of the population, but it is in decline. Investment in the productive sector has not increased, and job creation has not increased.” Two years ago, Nepal’s industrialists, business leaders, and political leadership predicted a recession amidst a sluggish business, declining market demand, large-scale job loss, and a shrinking real estate and share market.&nbsp; Still, the economy grew by 3.36% in fiscal year 2023/24. In fact, Nepal’s economy has grown nominally over the last two decades even when all sectors of the economy are in decline.&nbsp; Says Keshav Acharya: “The growth in trade, real estate, and the stock market are bubbles. The real economy remains stagnant.”

Nepal’s bubble economy

The final investigation report on the crash of a Saurya Airlines jet on 24 July 2024 at Kathmandu airport has revealed flaws in the carrier’s technical operation procedures, poor monitoring by the Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) and gaps in the airport’s emergency response. Eighteen people including a child were killed, and only the captain survived as the plane plunged seconds after takeoff, crashing within the airport perimeter. This was the latest in a series of aircraft accidents in previous years, and further tarnished Nepal’s already poor aviation safety record and contributed to the country being retained in the EU’s air safety list. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The circumstances in the Saurya crash were different from the Yeti Airlines crash in Pokhara in January 2022 that killed all 72 on board, and two Tara Air crashes in February 2016 and May 2022 on approach to Jomsom that together claimed 45 lives. However, all four tragedies were a result of negligence of carriers and crew, failure to follow procedures, regulatory slackness, and overconfidence. The Saurya crash, especially, was a glaring example of how an ailing airline broke its own rules to allow passengers, including non-employees, a joy ride to Pokhara on a maintenance ferry flight. CRASH REPORT The Final Investigation Report prepared by the Aircraft Accident Investigation Commission and released on the first anniversary of the crash last week carried a long list of rules that were ignored or broken, and of regulatory failure. The first mistake was to cram spares, tools and inflammable chemicals needed for the aircraft’s C-Check in Pokhara into the cargo hold flouting its own ground handling procedures.&nbsp; There was no check-in of passengers, some of whom were not even employees – even though regulations say only flight and maintenance crew should be on board a maintenance positioning flight. Many brought their own luggage into the plane and stored it unsecured in the cabin. There was no flight attendant to give a safety briefing to passengers. The load and trim charts given to the flight crew were rough estimates, and the total takeoff weight of the plane was 18,300kg plus or minus 200 kg. That would still have been all right, but there was a glaring mistake in the speedchart Saurya pilots were using to calculate the minimum takeoff speed (known as VR), and it had been wrong ever since the 21-year-old aircraft entered service with the airline in 2017. FAULTY DATA&nbsp; The Commission probed Flight Data Recorder inputs from previous takeoffs of the Canadian-built CRJ200-LR in 2023-2024 and found that the undetected error in the speedchart had caused the plane to pitch up at an abnormal rotation rate at least 18 times on previous takeoffs.&nbsp; Any rotation rate more than 3°/sec is regarded as unusual. But on at least two occasions, this aircraft with tail number 9N-AME had rotation rates of 5.8°/sec and 5.5°/sec, the second one was when the pilot who survived was flying in March 2024.&nbsp; On this particular day, the plane’s rotation rate was 6.5°/sec, causing it to go into a deep stall soon after takeoff, the Commission report said. Essentially, the plane was not flying fast enough down the runway to take off safely.&nbsp; It is not yet clear whether excess weight, unsecured luggage, wrong centre of gravity were also factors, but relying on a faulty speedchart for the given takeoff weight, the captain flying pulled back on the yoke before the plane had reached takeoff speed and at a pitch angle that was too steep. The investigation report says the plane then went into a deep stall and started banking right with the stick shaking. At this point, the flight officer on the right hand seat is heard on the cockpit voice recorder saying: “Whoa, whoa, whoa. Sir, Sir, Sir…” It then banked left before the pilot flying turned the plane sharply to the right again in an evasive action to avoid the parking aprons of the international and domestic terminals. Had he not done so, there would have been a disaster of a much greater magnitude at Kathmandu airport that day. The plane scraped the runway with its right wingtip, collided with a container having helicopter spare parts, and plunged into a gully east of the runway, exploding in a fireball. The investigation also noted that the impact forces seemed to be survivable for some occupants. The fire trucks took unnecessarily long to reach the site even though it was inside the airport perimeter. The absence of an ICAO-standard runway strip, inadequate rescue drills, lack of training, and a blocked emergency service gate leading to the crash site were cited as other factors. &nbsp;&nbsp; <h2>Timestamp of a Disaster</h2>  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250731110724_39cdd04693994ce6e55a5b302905c0fa4884fe85bed21ff0779bb1439f3a5725.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20250731110724_39cdd04693994ce6e55a5b302905c0fa4884fe85bed21ff0779bb1439f3a5725" data-rendition-name="original" width="778" height="826" loading="lazy" alt="Flouting rules caused Saurya tragedy NT"> </figure>  11:10:34 - The Saurya Airlines CRJ200 on the takeoff roll from runway 02. It had a takeoff weight of about 18,300kg, but the pilot’s speedcard had a previously undetected mistake about the minimum takeoff speed. 11:10:55 -The plane with tail number 9N-AME goes into deep stall soon after takeoff because it does not have enough speed to lift its weight. The plane also has an abnormally steep nose-up attitude.&nbsp; 11:11:03 - Without enough speed to generate lift, the plane banks right, then left and right again in CCTV photos taken from the domestic apron (below). If it had not banked right, it could have hit the aprons and terminal buildings. Seen parked is Saurya’s other CRJ200 with tail number 9N-ANM.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250731110732_608132f7225c649125cca2691dd6a6bf930984c5b359e888d7ad9e5eacce3afd.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250731110732_608132f7225c649125cca2691dd6a6bf930984c5b359e888d7ad9e5eacce3afd" data-rendition-name="original" width="770" height="555" loading="lazy" alt="Flouting rules caused Saurya tragedy NT"> </figure>  11:11:08 - The plane scrapes the runway with its right wingtip, and falls into the gully. The captain is thrown off the left side of the cockpit and survives. 11:11:15: Plane explodes in a fireball inside the airport perimeter. Firefighters take time to reach the site because of lack of access road and a blocked gate. Read the full investigation report <a href="https://www.tourism.gov.np/files/9N-AME%20AIC%20Final%20Report.pdf">here</a>.