Prime Minister K P Oli appears to have decided that since an invitation to visit India is not forthcoming, he will go to China instead. This breaks the tradition of Nepal’s prime ministers flying off to New Delhi first after assuming office.&nbsp;
The Indian media has labelled Oli as ‘pro-China’ so often that most of India seems to believe it. Having a pro-China public persona suits Oli fine since it bolsters his nationalist credentials at home, while privately he keeps his trust with Indian leaders.
“India not inviting Nepal on a state visit does not need to be made into such a big deal. The success or failure of our common national interests do not hinge upon whether or not Nepal and India’s leaders visit one another,” says political commentator Indra Adhikari. “And it is unproductive to believe that Nepal’s government will fall just because India has not invited Oli for a state visit.”
To be sure, Oli and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had met in New York in September at the UN General Assembly, so he has partially kept to the tradition.
Not much has been divulged about the agenda for China visit, but it is expected to include Chinese aid projects in Nepal under Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This is largely symbolic, since it does not really matter on the ground whether Pokhara’s airport is BRI since the Chinese-built facility predates the initiative.
Amidst widespread perception that Pokhara airport is a white elephant and straddled Nepal with a $220 million Chinese Exim Bank debt, Oli could be trying to turn that loan into a grant if calling it ‘BRI’ is all it takes.
Pokhara airport has seen no regular international flights almost two years after it was inaugurated. India has balked at granting flights between Indian cities and Pokhara, and neither Nepal’s nor China’s airlines have shown much interest in connecting it to Chinese cities.
Despite signs of perennial strain in inter-governmental ties between New Delhi and Kathmandu, people-to-people and military-to-military relations appear to be as healthy as ever. India’s Board Security Force head Amrit Mohan Prasad will be in Kathmandu on Friday, and Indian Army Chief Upendra Dwivedi isset to make a visit next week.
As it stands, Indian Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri visited Kathmandu, and Foreign Minister Arzu Rana Deuba was feted in Delhi in August. India’s Army Chief Upendra Dwivedi and Border Security Force head Amrit Mohan Prasad are also visiting Kathmandu in the coming days.
Foreign Minister Rana’s relationship with India has been amicable, and she was received warmly by Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in New York in September. Rana who is flying to Beijing in the coming weeks to prepare for Oli’s visit has also been tasked with managing the visit through an unusual bipartisan mechanism made up of top leaders from the UML and Nepali Congress. &nbsp;
UML spokesperson Pradeep Gyawali clarified: “The bipartisan mechanism was not just made to set the groundwork for the prime minister’s visit to China, but also to foster collaboration between the two parties on important domestic issues.”&nbsp;
Says Adhikari: “This two-party mechanism could perhaps be the leaders trying to send a message that they are united and that their partnership will sustain as well as to assure the public that they are serious about working on their promises including amending the constitution.”
While Oli and his UML comrades have tried to gloss over the absence of an invitation from India as no big deal, there have been the usual signs of bilateral friction. Just as the Indian press portrays Oli as ‘pro-Chinese’, the Nepali media often highlights Indian high-handedness on trade, river sharing, and refusal to allow air routes that would facilitate more flights to Pokhara and Bhairawa airports.&nbsp;
Nepal has gone ahead and forced some international airlines to start flying Bhairawa to reduce congestion at Kathmandu airport, which is seeing taxiway upgrades till April next year.
Another irritant has been non-tariff restrictions on Nepal’s exports to India like cement, textiles, and other consumer goods that use Chinese-made raw materials — just like India refuses to buy electricity from hydropower plants built by Chinese contractors, even though the power is all fed into Nepal’s national grid.
Meanwhile, Maoist chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal has been campaigning at the grassroots in Kirtipur’s by-elections next month. And RSP chair Rabi Lamichhane remains in custody and was brought to Bhairawa from Pokhara to be investigated in the cooperatives scam. &nbsp;

Shristi Karki

original

674x448

610x380

500x500

400x266

400x240

400x203

301x200

1250x600

1084x550

thumbnail

viewImage

Oli’s oscillations

K V Rajan, India’s ambassador to Nepal from 1995 to 2000, and Atul Thakur, a respected voice in Nepal affairs in India, have jointly published ‘Kathmandu Chronicle: Reclaiming India-Nepal Relations’.&nbsp; The book is an earnest attempt to reproduce Rajan’s personal experience during his tenure in Kathmandu combined with research by Thakur and makes for interesting and meaningful reading.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240828120824_73c2130fef41483d02101d520ad44e20c79797b4f6e365d9091fbb660ff10b91.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20240828120824_73c2130fef41483d02101d520ad44e20c79797b4f6e365d9091fbb660ff10b91" data-rendition-name="original" width="1280" height="720" loading="lazy" alt="K V Rajan and Atul Thakur NT 1"> </figure>  The methodology is simple, aligning both formal and informal which projects the right tone to guide people-to-people connect between the two neighbouring countries.&nbsp; The book starts with a first-person account by Rajan, moving on to analyse the complicated political transition in Nepal, and concludes with an elaboration on future challenges. And unlike many other such works penned by former Indian bureaucrats, this one is honest, unbiased and more balanced -- all much needed to move Indo-Nepal relations forward, at least from the Nepali perspective. Rajan cites his personal rapport with King Birendra with whom he built the trust needed to guide bilateral ties. When Rajan landed in Kathmandu, back in Delhi India’s Nepal policy was in the hands of veterans like Prime Minister P V Narasimha Rao, External Affairs Minister Pranab Mukherjee and Foreign Secretary Salman Haider. Their line was to build relations with the palace as well as the political parties.&nbsp; Rajan quotes Prime Minister Rao as advising him, ‘The King seems to have learnt his lessons. So have we. Let him know we take him seriously, we are not taking him for granted … Make all political leaders feel that they are equally important for us, whether they are supposed to be pro or anti-India. I will not give an inch more to the pro-India prime minister, and not an inch less to the anti-India one.’ Then, of course, Birendra was killed in the massacre at the royal palace on 1 June 2001. Pranab Mukherjee apparently warned him after an earlier meeting with Birendra that the king ‘felt a certain threat’ and was ‘very worried’ before the killings.&nbsp; Rajan makes the rather far-fetched connection between Crown Prince Dipendra and Pakistan’s Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and the underworld, thereby hinting at a conspiracy that he does not expound on. We have to remember that these undercurrents followed the hijacking of Indian Airlines flight IC 814 from Kathmandu to Delhi on 24 December 1999.&nbsp; The plane was forced to fly to Kandahar in Afghanistan and finally released at the turn of the millennium on 31 December. The hijacking itself affected Nepal-India ties for years after. &nbsp; Rajan takes us on a flashback of Nepal’s recent history in which the shadow of King Mahendra loomed large, and Gyanendra’s effort to emulate his father after his coup on 1 Februrary 2005 when he assumed total state power.&nbsp; It is quite clear from the book that India was not in favour of the move by Gyanendra, who ws regarded as being more friendly towards China. Rajan does provide an honest analysis of the dilemma India faced in dealing with Gyanendra and the political forces at a time when Nepal was in the throes of the Maoist conflict.&nbsp; ‘Tactical U-turns and transactional compromises would leave lasting perceptions in Kathmandu of Indian inconsistency, unreliability and insincerity, and in Delhi, of Nepal’s ingratitude, deviousness and how easily it could be led astray,’ Rajan writes, referring to India’s twin-pillar policy of supporting both the constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy post-1990.&nbsp; The authors urge India to fashion a new twin-pillar policy of ‘strengthening democracies as well as civil society engagement for regional good’. The second section of the book retells the long political transition of Nepal from Panchayat system of absolute monarchy right up to turning itself into a secular federal democratic republic, and India’s role in these changes. The authors argue that the aspirations of Nepalis has been thwarted by the power struggle among the ruling elite, which have prevented the peace dividend after the conflict to be fully realised. The authors are also critical of Nepal’s foreign policy as being ‘chaotic and lacking vision’, but also advise Indian policy makers on how to should provide space and support to Nepal. They hark back to the role of statesmen like Prime Minister B P Koirala, a polished and respected leader, whom the Nepali public should follow to revive his glory.&nbsp; The book touches upon the Tarai-Mountain division in Nepal, and controversial bilateral issues like 1950 Treaty, the Limpiyadhura border dispute and the ‘China factor’. The book tries to untangle the political, socio-economic and even psychological factors affecting Nepal’s quest for being a true democratic country. The last section of the book looks at ways to repurpose India-Nepal ties by strengthening cooperation in various fields, especially water resources and trade. A ‘revolutionary resolve’ is needed from both sides, they say, to meet the aspirations of the Nepali people.&nbsp; Structural reforms and an alternate development paradigm are a must for Nepal, they argue, and this can be achieved by strengthening bilateral, regional as well as sub-regional cooperation. The book quotes Nepali authors like Manjushree Thapa, Sanjay Upadhyay, Prashant Jha, Lok Raj Baral, Hari Bansh Jha, Aditya Adhikari, among others, to add a Nepali perspective.&nbsp; The authors are unnecessarily brutal in criticizing Amish Raj Mulmi’s ‘All Roads Lead North’ which is actually a cogent analysis of how China came in to Nepal in a big way post-2015. It would also have been useful if Ambassador Rajan could have elaborated on the relations he built during his posting with members of Nepal’s business community, civil society and media.&nbsp; Rajan was well known at the time for promoting India soft power, the mention of which is limited to just one event in the book. That India is an important player in Nepali politics is a given, what the book falls short on is explaining why India has not been able to show greater magnanimity in its dealings with a much smaller neighbor.&nbsp; Socially and also psychologically, there are changing perceptions among citizens of both Nepal and India regarding each other. The book could have elaborated on how real change can be brought about in an era of social media magnification of opinion.&nbsp; Nevertheless, this can be good reference material for those interested in the recent history of Nepal-India relations as well as those concerned about its future, as told by an insider with a researcher.&nbsp; Akanshya Shah is a Nepali journalist and researcher based in New Delhi. Kathmandu Chronicle: Reclaiming India–Nepal Relations&nbsp; by K V Rajan and Aul K Thakur Penguin, 2024 Paperback, 280 pages INR 499 ISBN-13 : 978-0143463375  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240828120824_7081ca2518c8db6d14e80d41c19cb85ad1f482cdf5cd86e1694c093b49ad6168.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240828120824_7081ca2518c8db6d14e80d41c19cb85ad1f482cdf5cd86e1694c093b49ad6168" data-rendition-name="original" width="1136" height="702" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu Chronicle cover page NT 2"> </figure>

How to reboot Nepal-India relations

Nepal’s Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s three-day official visit to India starting Wednesday is being keenly watched in Kathmandu and these borderlands of the Tarai.
Relations between the two asymmetric South Asian neighbours at the moment are neither ‘chilly’ nor ‘warm’. Things have got a lot more cordial since UML Prime Minister K P Oli was replaced by a Maoist-Nepali Congress coalition led by Sher Bahadur Deuba in 2022.&nbsp;
The visit comes as Prime Minister Dahal tried to keep his shaky 9-party coalition intact, by even getting a presidential pardon this week for an MP convicted for the killing of policemen in Kailali in 2015.&nbsp;
Disillusionment with Nepal’s three mainstream parties has manifested in the rise of the independent RSP, while the RPP is trying to promote ex-king Gyanendra as a symbol of national unity, stability and the revival of a Hindu kingdom, hoping to ride the Hindutva wave in India.
Indeed, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s aggressive Hindu-right agenda is having a ripple effect across the border. Despite his BJP’s defeat in the Karnataka polls earlier this month, Modi seems to be on a roll because of India’s buoyant economy.
It has become somewhat of a tradition for a new prime minister in Nepal to fly to New Delhi on his first pilgrimage to pay his respects to rulers there, even if it is someone who is prime minister for the third time.
Questions have been raised about whether Dahal should necessarily &nbsp;follow this practice, but Dahal nevertheless cancelled what was to be his first visit to China in March to attend the Boao Forum in Hainan.
Dahal has to finely balance the need to appease Indian leaders to extract concessions on river projects, air routes, infrastructure assistance, while at the same time playing to the gallery back home by not kowtowing too much.
The chronic problem in India-Nepal relations has been a trust deficit in both capitals about each other. What does Nepal expect from India, and what does India want to do in Nepal? Bilateral relations should not depend on which leader or party is in power in New Delhi or Kathmandu, it should have continuity and be determined by what will benefit citizens of both countries.&nbsp;
In 2014, India had appeared to change its approach to Nepal by appearing magnanimous during Prime Minister Modi’s first visit, but the goodwill he built collapsed with the blockade and bilateral relations chilled as non-political actors started directing policy.
It will not work if one set of leaders in Nepal sanctifies India, while another vilifies it. This might serve their immediate political interest, but will do long-term harm to mutual ties. Leaders are also fickle and erratic in their stance: Prime Minister Dahal is the same person who during the conflict threatened to wage a ‘tunnel war’ against India.
Dahal’s visit to Delhi also comes at a time of heightened geopolitical tension in the region with growing Sino-US polarisation, India’s involvement in the Quad and the danger of Nepal being forced to choose sides between its neighbours. Nepal will need to deploy all its diplomatic skills to play its role in this new world stage.
India’s rulers may also need to ponder why the traditional close ties with Nepal have become frayed. True friends talk things over, and it is in the interest of both neighbours to rebuild trust. New Delhi strategists appear sanguine that whatever the noise on social media, its tactics in Nepal are working.&nbsp;
But many Nepalis still feel that India acts like Big Brother and pushes its weight around, promises a lot and delivers little. Dahal needs to take this up at the highest levels during his visit and obtain tangible results to reboot relations to at least 2014 levels.
Nowhere is the people-to-people relations between India and Nepal felt as keenly as in the Tarai. The open border, close cultural and family links and trade bind the two countries together.&nbsp;
However, even here there is a feeling that India is unfeeling. Every year, poorly-designed road, railway and flood control embankments in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh inundate Tarai towns. Every monsoon the Kathmandu media suddenly becomes ultra-nationalistic, laying all the blame on Indian state governments.&nbsp;
The Indian media also whips up anti-Nepal feelings by holding Nepal responsible for ‘unleashing water from its dams’ even though Nepal does not have any dams to let water out from and the border barrages are controlled by India.
Indeed, the national media (and increasingly social media posts) on both sides of the border are largely to blame for undermining the friendship between the people and governments of the two countries. Media should instead focus on evidence that embankment-building worsens water-logging in farms and towns on both sides of the border.
These floods are bound to get worse if the deforestation, sand mining and quarrying of the Chure Range resumes. Nepal will not just be exporting boulders and aggregates, but also increased sediment that will worsen floods and further lower the water table in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.&nbsp;
In 2010, President Ram Baran Yadav raised the issue of Chure conservation during his visit to New Delhi, but the demand in India for raw material to feed its construction boom is so great that Nepali contractors with political patronage want to plunder the fragile Chure ecosystem.
Even when relations between New Delhi and Kathmandu were strained in the past, there was a belief that people-to-people bonds were strong. That narrative is now increasingly frayed. Indians and Nepalis are needlessly harassed by each other’s border security.&nbsp;
Nepal-India relations have always been defined by how well or badly governments in their capitals get along. Rather than Indian or Nepali people, leaders of the two countries determine the state of relations.
How well neighbouring countries get along is determined by geography, history, culture, trade, politics, religion. And those factors have kept ties across the border stable all these years, but Nepalis in the Tarai are asking: does New Delhi determine its policy towards Nepal by seeing how they will be affected, or by maintaining its influence on the movers and shakers in Kathmandu?
The marriage of Ram from India and Sita from Nepal are often cited to prove how close Nepal-India bonds are. The Buddha was born in Nepal but got enlightenment in India. But when leaders talk about Janakpur-Ayodhya, or Lumbini-Bodh Gaya, they seldom take into account the people who live there.
Bilateral relations should not be limited to periodic summits between the leaders of India and Nepal, they need to translate into action on the ground that makes the lives of the people of the borderlands more convenient and sustainable through better connectivity and environmental safeguards.&nbsp;
Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based political commentator. His monthly column BORDERLINES appears in Nepali Times every month. &nbsp;@kishore_chandra

Chandra Kishore

Nepal PM to India to reboot ties

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101124/6372095e9c7e80680e0b5539jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1576" height="786"/>On 28 February, we will come either to the finish line or the starting line of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/mcc-row-rocks-nepals-ruling-coalition/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the US-funded Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) project</a> to upgrade Nepal’s infrastructure.The $500 million that the MCC is offering Nepal as a grant for the development of transmission lines and upgrading the road network needs to be ratified by that date.There has been a lot of debate in Nepal’s cybersphere and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-deal-breaker/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the political arena that is spilling out into the streets with rallies</a>. The points of view are highly polarised, and we left logic behind a long time ago — we are now debating on emotion and rhetoric.When King Mahendra wanted the Chinese to build the Arniko Highway connecting Kathmandu to Lhasa in the 1960s, there was a similar debate about whether or not it was a good idea. India and China had just fought a war, and the Cold War was at its height.Many worried that the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/chinese-ink-wash-paintings-in-Nepal,2622" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">trans-Himalayan highway </a>would give direct access to our northern neighbour to the heart of Nepal and down to the plains, while others felt that this would be the route to open trade and commerce between Nepal and China.King Mahendra pushed ahead and built the Arniko Highway, and six decades later, it is a major artery for bilateral trade and cultural relations.Similarly in the early 1980s there was intense domestic and international debate on the development of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/dam-it-its-all-about-the-water/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Arun 3 hydropower project</a> that would have not only met all of Nepal’s energy demand at the time, but also allowed export of surplus energy to India.After much acrimonious debate, the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11083#.Ygiu_ShBzOQ" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">World Bank pulled out of financing</a> this project. This pretty much put an end to the development of major projects in Nepal for many decades, even while Bhutan took advantage of harnessing its water resources.By negotiating with India, it used revenue from electricity exports to enhance the quality of life of its people, and raised per capita income. Decades later, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/how-they-kept-nepal-in-the-dark-ages/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">we in Nepal are still trying to catch up</a> in harnessing our own water resources, and develop <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-precious-electricity-going-waste/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">our hydropower potential</a>.Once again, we as a nation and people, stand at the point of <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/power-politics-delays-mcc-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">deciding whether to accept</a> the $500 million MCC grant for the development of transmission lines and the enhancement of our road network or not.The people who need to examine the facts and make this decision are political leaders who we have trusted with our vote and put into Parliament. The decision they make must be for the wellbeing of all Nepalis, and Nepal as a nation, now and into the future.I am a banker and I can tell you that as per the guidance and direction of Nepal Rastra Bank and the government of Nepal, the banking industry as by mid-December 2021, had invested Rs215 billion in energy projects across Nepal.We need to increase this to 7% of the total loan portfolio by April, then to 9% by 2023 and 10% by 2024. This translates to 1,920MW of installed capacity, with construction licenses for 7,870MW. Of these, 214 projects are by private producers for 6,970MW, and foreign investment for 900 MW.In addition, another 37 projects for 2,576MW and 1,200MW of Investment Board Nepal (IBN) projects have applied for construction licenses. By the end of this fiscal year alone, we anticipate installed capacity to grow to 3,300MW.The nation’s focus on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/decentralising-hydropower/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">harnessing our river resources and generating energy</a> is working, we are well on the way to being a major energy producing nation. This means that currently, Rs215 billion of the bank deposits of the citizens of Nepal are already invested into these projects through loans, and the amount will increase exponentially in the years ahead.The hard-earned deposits of millions of Nepalis are the main source of funding for the development of these projects. We stand at a point where we have to firstly stimulate domestic demand and consumption of electricity, and secondly facilitate the export of electricity to our neighbours.The common and critical factor for both these goals is the need for transmission lines across Nepal, that can effectively and efficiently evacuate the electricity from these projects, and get the power to the internal or external markets to spur the economy.If we do not start to put <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/decentralising-hydropower/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">the needed transmission infrastructure</a> in place to do this, then the turbines will spin uselessly, wasting the electricity generated with phenomenal losses. Nepal’s entire financial sector will be in peril if the hydropower sector faces such loss from spilled energy.I do not know if Nepal should ratify the MCC and take the $500 million grant, that is for our elected leaders to decide. But I do know that if we do not get the needed transmission lines in place at the earliest then the savings of millions of Nepalis that the banking sector has been directed to lend to the hydropower sector will be in troubled waters.Many thousands of Nepalis who have invested in shares of hydro projects may also stand to lose if the transmission lines are not built. Politicians who have directed the banking sector to invest such a large quantum of the Nepali peoples savings in the energy sector must have a plan on how to get the power we generate to market.As a banker, all I can say is whether we take this $500 million grant from the MCC or take loans from somewhere else, we need to get the funds to build these transmission lines.February 28 is only two weeks away. Nepal’s leaders need foresight and courage to make the correct decision for the future. It is a choice between darkness and light, deprivation and prosperity.Anil Shah is a concerned Nepali, and a banker. Excerpts from NNSD post.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-deal-breaker/">The deal-breaker</a>, Sonia Awale<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/maoists-backpedal-on-mcc-letter/">Maoists backpedal on MCC letter</a><a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-house-speaker-embroiled-in-mcc-row/">Nepal House speaker embroiled in MCC row</a>

To be or not to be on the MCC

<img width="1279" height="774" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111016118/636d141b9c7e80680e0a995fjpeg.jpg" alt=""/>Till he was recalled last month by Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, Nilambar Acharya was Nepal’s ambassador to India since 2019. Acharya had previously served as Law Minister, as well as the Chairman of the Constitutional Committee. He spoke to Santa Gaha Magar about Indo-Nepal relations, and the country’s domestic politics:Nepali Times: As someone who was posted to New Delhi during a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/untangling-the-kalapani-knot/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">rocky period in bilateral relations</a>  please give some insight into the current state of India-Nepal ties.Nilamber Acharya: The relationship between Nepal and India is vast and nuanced. There are problems as well as positives, and they cannot be understood if we look at them in a one-dimensional framework. We need to be careful that the problems do not overshadow the positive aspects of our relationship. The Indian people have a lot of goodwill towards Nepalis.Like any other relationship, our bilateral ties need to evolve in the context of the times. And that has been the biggest challenge. Both governments and their political leadership need to be especially mindful of this fact.What could be the reasons why India has not formally received the report prepared by the bilateral Eminent Persons' Group (EPG) on Nepal-India relations?I am not sure why India has been reluctant to receive the EPG report. The document, which is integral to strengthening the foundations of our bilateral relationship, was finalised in consensus with four members from both countries. If India delays acknowledging and receiving the report any longer, it will be that much more difficult to move forward to review our diplomatic relations.Could it be that Nepal has not taken a more active initiative to implement the report?We have consistently engaged with our Indian counterparts to follow up on the EPG. There was not a single meeting during my term as ambassador when this report wasn’t discussed.In fact, then-Foreign Minister Sushma Swaraj at one stage before the 2019 Indian elections had assured us that India would receive the report. Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the same thing during the inauguration of the Nepal-India Petroleum Pipeline. Ultimately, it did not work out.After that, was there not enough pressure from Nepal, or did the Indians change their mind? Initially, both sides had agreed to submit the report first to the Prime Minister of India, then to the Prime Minister of Nepal, following which it would be made public via a press conference. However, there has been a roadblock from the Indian side. As I said, Nepal has repeatedly reminded and urged our counterparts to move forward with the report, but to no avail. Once the report is received, it would then be up to both the governments to decide whether to implement the its provisions and to what extent. One thing is for sure. Our bilateral relationships cannot move forward on the basis of the 1950 treaty.Could <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/india-china-and-nepals-political-crisis/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">India’s perceptions on Nepal vis-à-vis China</a> be one of the reasons?Our relations with India and China are mutually exclusive to one another. Establishing diplomatic ties with another country does not mean that our relations with India have weakened. Diplomatic relations with countries have different contexts, and must therefore be understood separately. Diplomatic ties with one nation do not and should not have a negative effect on relations with another.Let us turn to Nepal. As a former law minister, what are your views on the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-lawyers-on-warpath-against-chief-justice/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Supreme Court row</a>?The current controversy surrounding the Supreme Court is not limited to whether the Chief Justice should resign or not. This issue is emblematic of a widespread disease that has for long plagued the very foundation of Nepal’s judiciary, which needs to be addressed properly. It is the responsibility of the Chief Justice, the judges of the court, and the government to address and solve those problems immediately.However, instances of judges boycotting the court and refusing to hear and try cases are not representative of the principles of the judiciary. The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-real-story-in-nepals-supreme-court-debacle/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">problems within the court</a> must under no circumstances impact the judicial process or hinder Nepalis’ right to justice.Who is responsible?The government, political leadership, and experts in the field must come together to identify the problem through research and investigation. <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/what-is-happening-to-nepals-supreme-court/">What is happening to Nepal’s Supreme Court?</a>, Santa Gaha MagarMany have linked the Constitutional Council, the Judicial Council, and even the Constitution of Nepal to the problems surrounding the Supreme Court. Do you see any flaws in the constitution?Seeing as the Constitution maintains objectivity over all things, debates about flaws in the Constitution do not come into play in this matter. What needs to be thoroughly examined is whether there are irregularities in institutional appointments and if the concerned authorities have been doing the work that they were assigned to do. Corruption must be investigated and the corrupt punished, but baseless public indictment must not be entertained. That is how this disease can be treated.Is our constitutional structure equipped to establish bodies to address our current problems?
The government should not remain silent in this matter by leaving it up to the judiciary. Rather, should find a solution to this problem through political means, by hearing the grievances of all disputing groups.
Moreover, it is natural to protest and make your voices heard, but the movements concerning this issue must not be drawn out to the degree that it affects the people's right to justice. That is not correct.
If the government gets involved, doesn’t it mean that the executive and the legislature are interfering in matters of the judiciary?
It is not to say that the government should direct the judiciary on what to do and what not to do, and should not be taken to mean as a call against the<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/supreme-court-puts-nepal-politics-back-on-track/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> separation of powers</a>. Rather, the government must facilitate the judiciary in the administration of justice. This is similar to how the executive assigns the budget to the court, and how laws implemented by the judiciary are passed by the parliament.
As it is, this became a matter of political concern as soon as the problem could not be contained within the judiciary, and the fights and disagreements spilled out into the streets.
Many have compared the current state of Nepal’s judiciary to that of post-panchayat Nepal in 1990. Was the judiciary in a better position then than it is now?
The circumstances surrounding Nepal’s courts then and now are incomparable. Nepal’s judiciary only became independent after 1990, following which judges were appointed through a democratic system. Before that, judges used to be assigned for having joined a political party, or simply for holding and voicing opinions about the need for democracy. 
Was that a good arrangement? Certainly not. Barring some decisions in the favour of the people and the media, court decisions largely discriminated against the citizens and deprived them of their rights.
Other aspects of Nepali society have been cited as being better before than it is now.
As I said, comparisons do not help. Nepal in the past did not have inclusion, in the human, political, and civil rights and liberties spheres. And while this is not to say that the past was without any progress, it is inaccurate to say that Nepal was more just or democratic in the past. 
The people could neither form governments nor change them if they were dissatisfied. In fact, they were not people at all, but subjects. As far as the courts were concerned, judicial decisions were heavily influenced by forces outside the judiciary. As it was, people were able to demand to be heard and were ultimately successful in establishing democracy in 1990. Following the king’s refusal to be a subordinate to his people, Nepal became a republic.
What is your response to those who ascribe the current problems within Nepal to republicanism, secularism and federalism?
The reasons for problems in Nepal at present are not due to the Constitution--although the Constitution should be amended in time--but due to a failure to implement its provisions. Societal instability is not due to republicanism or inclusion, but due to the inability to bring those concepts into practice. The flaw lies not in democracy, but in the fact that we do not have a functioning democratic process. The multi-party system is not responsible, but <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/they-fail-we-fall/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">factions operating within individual political parties</a> are.
The problem is not the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal. The problem is that we have not yet been able to bring into practice what the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal symbolises.
So republicanism or secularism are not directly threatened?
Everyone has the freedom to voice different views in a democratic society, and we have come a long way to achieve this. When people are dissatisfied with the democratic process, they can express that through the polls. What is in the past will remain there, be it the Rana regime, the Panchayat, or the monarchy. The only way to move is forward.
Does it seem like Nepal’s major political parties have been stingy in taking ownership of the federal democratic republic?
Nepal’s history from a monarchy to a federal democratic republic is the result of significant transitions. We have been headed in a positive direction, and things are not worse than they were before. For instance, it is not to say that corruption has increased, rather the awareness of corruption and the need to hold those corrupt to account has increased. Similarly, we are at a point where we can openly speak out against discrimination and mistreatment of communities. 
There is no need to be discouraged by the momentum of Nepal’s socio-political progress. However, even though Nepal is a multi-party democracy, the responsibility of preserving the democratic process and strengthening the republic lies primarily with the Nepali Congress and the UML. Nepalis are soon going to make their voices heard through the polls, and how they fare in the upcoming elections will determine the future of the country.

“India-Nepal ties must move beyond 1950 treaty”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151124/636a66e19c7e80680e0599acjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1125"/><figcaption>Photo : KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>New Russian Ambassador to Nepal, Aleksei A Novikov, spoke to Nepali Times about the prospect of high-level visits by Russian leaders to Nepal in 2020, and the potential for reviving economic, cultural and political exchanges between the two countries. Excerpts:Nepali Times: Nepal’s Foreign Minister <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-is-now-seen-and-heard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Pradeep Gyawali</a> met Russia’s Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in November and extended an invitation on behalf of President <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-electric-transport-future-is-here/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bidya Devi Bhandari</a> to President Vladimir Putin to visit Nepal. How likely is that visit?Ambassador Novikov: During the talks with Sergey Lavrov, Foreign Minister Gyawali indeed availed himself of the opportunity to hand over an invitation from President Bidya Devi Bhandari to the President of Russia, Vladimir Putin, and an invitation from Prime Minister <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/prime-ministers-health-condition-under-wraps/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">KP Sharma Oli</a> to Prime Minister Dmitriy Medvedev to visit Nepal at any convenient time. Besides, he also handed to the Foreign Minister an invitation to take part in the first meeting of the international forum, Sagarmatha Dialogue, on 2-4 April 2020. Minister Lavrov assured Minister Gyawali that Russia would consider the invitations, and that visits would depend on schedules.What else was discussed?The negotiations were quite productive. This was the first <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">official visit</a> by Nepal’s foreign minister to Russia since 2005. Both sides admitted that the potential for trade and economic relations between Russia and Nepal is not fully used. That is why, with the view of increasing bilateral turnover, they decided to widen the list of goods for mutual trade. Nepal also accepted Russia’s proposal to renew meetings of the existing working group on energy cooperation, which was established in 2013.Nepal is popular with <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18596#.XftUiNUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Russian tourists</a>, even though their number is relatively small, with 11,000 Russians visiting Nepal in 2018. But this is expected to grow next year as Russia fully supports the Visit Nepal 2020 campaign. The foreign ministers also agreed to foster the development of bilateral cooperation, especially in the areas of investment, trade, tourism, education, energy, culture and industrial and social infrastructure development.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/lumbini-museum-exhibition-in-burma/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lumbini Museum exhibition in Burma</a>, Nepali Times<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/lumbini-is-not-a-buddhist-disneyland/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lumbini is not a Buddhist Disneyland</a>, Anil ChitrakarHow would you estimate the prospects for further development of bilateral cooperation after the ministerial meeting?The foreign ministers of Russia and Nepal agreed to move forward on improving the legal basis of bilateral relations, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-must-prepare-for-climate-migration/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">migration</a>, re-admission, emergency response and cooperation between television channels of Russia and Nepal. We specifically focused on the need to resolve issues of aligning the requirements for Russians in Nepal and Nepalis in Russia, especially in cases of mixed families.The two sides also noted the progress in development of political dialogue between the two countries. Russia welcomes Nepal’s interest in more active participation within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO). <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/The-Russia-returns,213" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Moscow</a> considers that Nepal should make the most out of its status as a SCO dialogue partner.What is your opinion about the future of bilateral military-technical cooperation?<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16836#.XftUydUzbIU" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Russian aircraft</a> have a good track record in the mountains of Nepal. Previously delivered Mi-17 helicopters operate in Nepal, and there are further plans for cooperation in this area. We believe that bilateral military-technical cooperation has very good prospects, and the foreign ministers of our countries also agreed on the necessity of signing a mutual agreement in the future.Are there any signs that bilateral ties will be revived to pre-1990 levels?Russia attaches great importance to the development of relations with Nepal. We have a rich history of cooperation in economic, cultural, educational and technical spheres. Although our countries are geographically separated, there has been a mutual affinity between Russia and Nepal ever since diplomatic relations were established. This year, we celebrated the 63rd anniversary of establishment of bilateral diplomatic relations, with the participation of Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali and other officials.Cultural ties between our countries are age-old. From Lumbini the Buddha’s teachings spread across the Himalaya to the Central Asian steppes to Buriyatia, Tuva and Kalmykia, contemporary Russian regions inhabited predominantly by followers of Buddhism.The first visit to Nepal by a Russian was by the orientalist Ivan Pavlovich Minaev, in 1875. He studied local culture and even composed a dictionary of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/nation-bhaktapur,597" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Newari language</a>. Then, of course, there was the Russian expat Boris Lissanevich, who did so much to open Nepal to foreigners as a major global tourist destination in the 1950s.King Mahendra visited Moscow in 1958, and there was a visit to Kathmandu in 1960 by the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, KE Voroshilov. These visits laid a solid ground for cooperation. In the 1960s and ’80s our country constructed several facilities here, such as the Panauti hydropower station, the Kanti Children’s Hospital, a sugar mill and an agricultural tools factory in Birganj, a 110km section of the East-West Highway, the Janakpur Cigarette Factory, etc.Moscow also started providing Nepalis with opportunities for higher education in 1957, after which more than 100 <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/business/ncell-scholarship/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">scholarships</a> a year were granted to young Nepalis, which were highly appreciated here. Our country continues to provide Nepali people with scholarships, although fewer than earlier, but their number is steadily rising to previous levels. Many alumni of Soviet and Russian universities hold important posts in state and private organisations and make significant contributions to the prosperity of Nepal.Our country’s contribution to the development of Nepal is a stable foundation for our bilateral relations. Starting from the 2000s, Russia-Nepal ties have been broadening and deepening. Now, after Foreign Minister Pradeep Gyawali’s trip to Russia, we have every reason to count on gradual growth in the volume and quality of current cooperation between our friendly countries.

Russia-Nepal cooperation poised for growth: Ambassador

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151112/636a63b79c7e80680e059894jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="624" height="718"/>A <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">modified political map of India</a> has created an uproar in Nepal, with street demonstrations and debates in Parliament. Nepalis appear to be genuinely concerned about sovereignty and territorial integrity of their country, and have  accused politicians of not defending the national interest.The politicians themselves have been making statements – some stronger than others – to take up the matter with New Delhi. The Kalapani issue has <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/power-plays/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">united Nepal’s political parties</a> to a common cause.Read also: <a style="letter-spacing: 0.01em; background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/territorialism/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Territorialism</a>, Editorial<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/power-plays/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Power plays</a>There is also agreement across party lines about the status quo of the boundaries of Nepal as depicted in the 1816 Sugauli Treaty marking the Mahakali River and its source at Limpiyadhura as Nepal’s western border.Nepal’s leaders are well aware that the Indian troops who <a href="https://t.co/XRuz1HmW3Y?amp=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener">stationed at Kalapani</a> since the 1962 Indo-China war on a temporary basis are still there. The reason this issue has flared up now is because of the new map India released last month after Kashmir was politically reformatted.Nepal shares a 1,808km open border with India, most of it along the southern Tarai plains, and with the eastern and western boundaries stretching northwards across the mountains to tri-junctions with China. Nepal should make a new concerted effort to resolve disputes over Kalapani-Limpiyadhura, as well as along Susta, Narayani and the Mechi riverine borders.Nepal’s politicians should urgently take up these disputes with the Indian government through high-level political and diplomatic channels. There should also be set up a team comprising of technical and legal experts who are well-versed in laws regarding international boundaries. The Nepal government should seriously propose a timeline to conclude these border dispute talks, and it should look for outside help only if bilateral negotiations prove indecisive and unnecessarily protracted.One such is the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is an un-biased organisation that gives judgments based on historical facts which can be derived from maps, treaties, documents and memorandums of understanding between two governments.Boundary maintenance and restoration play an important role in conflict prevention contribute to long-term boundary stability. The Government of Nepal, therefore, should establish well-funded national and international boundary commissions  to solve pending post-federalism issues.It is important to establish map libraries and archives of treaties, historical documents, individual and mutual maps of treaties, aerial photographs, satellite imagery, articles by border experts (geodesists, cartographers, mapping experts and geographers), politicians and lawyers so that they can be studied before we send in delegations at the international and national levels for negotiations of international or state boundaries.A case study of <a href="https://www.atlasobscura.com/articles/cameroon-nigeria-border-dispute" target="_blank" rel="noopener">the Nigeria-Cameroon boundary dispute</a> in which this correspondent was involved has some lessons for the Nepal-India border issue as well. Nigeria and Cameroon share a 1,950km border (960 km on land and 990km of river boundary) starting from Lake Chad in the north to the Bight of Biafra in the east of the Gulf of Guinea.The two countries nearly went to war over the dispute, but are now engaged in the peaceful implementation of a 2002 International Court of Justice (ICJ) Judgment regarding the land and maritime boundaries, and established a Mixed Commission which holds regular meetings in each other’s capitals under the auspices of the United Nations to implement the agreement. So far, the Mixed Commission has agreed on a timetable for the withdrawal of forces, the transfer of authority, the cost of demarcation .<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.un.org/press/en/2006/afr1397.doc.htm" target="_blank" rel="noopener">An agreement signed in 2006</a> in New York by presidents of Cameroon and Nigeria, the UN Secretary General and representatives of five witness countries (France, Germany, United Kingdom and the United States) led to the return of 80% of the peninsula to Cameroon with full withdrawal of Nigerian troops. The remaining 20% was handed over to Cameroon in June 2010. All four sections of the ruling on Lake Chad, the land boundary, <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bakassi" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Bakassi peninsula</a> and maritime boundar, have now been implemented peacefully.Alongside these more high profile legal and political issues, the process of demarcating the land boundary has continued with the Mixed Commission establishing a Sub-Commission on Demarcation with experts from the UN, Cameroon and Nigeria. More than 130 preliminary map sheets of 1:50,000 scale were prepared from partially rectified SPOT5 satellite imagery by the United Nations Cartographic section based in New York.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108151112/636a63b99c7e80680e059895jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="219" height="267">The <a href="https://www.nepjol.info/index.php/NJG/article/view/16973" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nigeria-Cameroon border agreement</a> shows that if there is political will, even the most protracted and bitter border disputes can be peacefully resolved.Prabhakar Sharma is a Nepali expert on international boundaries, and worked as a survey engineer for the Cameroon-Nigeria border demarcation by the United Nations.

There is precedent to settling Kalapani

<figure><img width="1500" height="826" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a603d9c7e80680e056e6cjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: BHANU BHATTARAI</figcaption></figure>Nepal’s leaders are basking in the glory of the state visit by <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/">Chinese President Xi Jinping on 12-13 October</a>. This hangover is going to last till at least after Tihar.But sooner or later they (and we) will have to face the gritty reality that neither China or India are going to make Nepal. We have to do it ourselves. The most important message of the Xi visit, as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/self-reliance-in-nepals-peace-corridor/">Sinologist Bhaskar Koirala</a> argues, is that Nepal should follow China’s example of self-reliance.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/self-reliance-in-nepals-peace-corridor/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Self-reliance in Nepal's peace corridor</a>, Bhaskar Koirala <a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping's 'Big Surprise'?</a>, Saindra Rai and Irtika Bajracharya<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/political-geography-of-india-nepal-china-ties/">Political geography of India-Nepal-China ties,</a> Passang Dorji in Thimphu The Chinese leadership has always been strong on symbolism, keeping a long-term time horizon, building a strategy to attain those goals, and implementing them. This time, too, President Xi timed his state visit to Nepal after an informal summit with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in southern India. His message was that India is too important a trading partner, and China did not wish to jeopardise those ties over Nepal.The visit to Kathmandu may have been brief, but it underscored <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/">China’s national interest</a> to see a stable and independent Himalayan buffer state. Chinese leaders ever since Mao Zedong have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/elementor-3766/">advised Nepal’s leaders</a> to learn to live with India, and be smart about dealing with the rulers in New Delhi – advice that kings, prime ministers and party leaders in Nepal have not always heeded.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What China really wants</a>, EditorialPrime Minister K P Oli pulled out all stops to make this visit happen, and to make it a memorable one for Xi. He micro-managed the arrangements, even getting Sur Sudha to rehearse the music the band would play at the state banquet. The f<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandu-gets-a-facelift/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">rantic and temporary facelift of Kathmandu streets</a> (only those that the Chinese entourage would drive past) carried its own symbolism: a shameless attempt by Nepali officialdom to hide governance failure, corruption, and neglect that made the capital so squalid.For the Nepal Communist Party (NCP) the visit was a useful way to distract a disillusioned domestic public from its non-performance over the past two-and-half years. The ruling party is being ridiculed for squandering its two-thirds mandate, its inability to rein in wayward officials, for impunity, and failure to provide basic services. Dangling future trains, tunnels and tollroads in front of people is not going to reduce their woes. There has been much scorn in social media telling the government not to sell dreams of railways when it cannot even maintain roads inside Singha Darbar.President Xi came across as a benevolent uncle, and used his state banquet speech to heap admiration on the Nepali people. We probably deserve that praise because Nepalis have been so patient with our feckless leaders for so long.But Xi also went on to chide Nepal quite pointedly on not completing infrastructure projects. Chinese contractors have firsthand experience of this: the on-again-off-again Budi Gandaki and West Seti, being given the run around by corrupt officials, extortion and local opposition in airport, hydropower, irrigation and other schemes. Xi had another bit of advice to the NCP: that Communists should not be greedy. To that, he could have added: they should also not have a lust for power (or other carnal desires).Our leaders at the Megha Malahar Hall of Soaltee Crowne Plaza listened to what Xi said, but we are not sure if they heard him. Or they just heard the  parts they liked: about Nepal now being “land-linked and not land-locked”. The emphasis on connectivity made sense, and although there was agreement on a detailed engineering study of the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/which-way-will-the-tibet-nepal-railway-go/">trans-Himalayan railway</a> and two highway tunnels to Kerung, the financial modalities were not discussed possibly because the Nepali side is by now aware of the ‘debt trap’.Nepal did not even raise the possibility of developing an alternative source of petroleum imports via China to reduce the country’s reliance on India, and there has been no progress on the <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Tibet-train-Nepal,3102">Trade and Transit Treaty</a>. China’s emphasis on developing the Gandaki, Karnali and Kosi Corridors signifies support for stitching Nepal economically along a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trilateral-trains/">north-south axis</a>, after past attempts to split it east-west politically.    Of the other exchange of letters <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/">the most sensitive</a> is the bilateral agreement on Mutual Legal Assistance, which could be a euphemism for (and a precursor to) an Extradition Treaty. Although crime by Chinese nationals in Nepal has increased, the agreement is obviously targeted at the 15,000 Tibetan residents and refugees in Nepal. It is not lost on anyone that the protests in Hong Kong this year were sparked off by a similar attempt at extradition.Nepal can only buttress its bargaining position with its giant neighbours if it builds greater self-esteem stemming from self-reliance. The strategy must be to take advantage of better connectivity for trade, jobs and economic growth.      <h2>10 years ago this week</h2> Ten years ago, President Bidya Devi Bhandari was Defence Minister in the UML-led coalition government. Nepali Times issue #472 of 16-23 October 2009 carried <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16385#.XaWMPNIza70">this Editorial</a> about her:Trust Bidya Bhandari to transform the most mundane issues of the Defence Ministry into the most pressing concerns of the nation. From the day she took charge, she has constantly ridiculed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).Bhandari's claim that the peace agreement, which put arms procurement and new recruitment on hold, is affecting the preparedness of the Nepal Army is not without merit. However, the priority now is to protect the peace and write a new constitution. Strengthening the defence forces is necessary, but it is not the priority.The CPA is a faulty document, but for now, that's all Minister Bhandari has. She'd do well to implement its provisions and move on.<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/issue/472"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60409c7e80680e056e6djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="505" height="810"></a>

Trans-Himalayan Handshake

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a5ffd9c7e80680e056e58jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"/><figcaption>Photos: DOI NEPAL</figcaption></figure>The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/president-xi-in-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping to Nepal</a> is a watershed moment that concretely brings to the fore Nepal’s importance as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">a critical component</a> of the rise of Asia within a dramatically shifting global order.The long-term symbolism of the visit may very likely lie in the fact that a new pivot is emerging which slices through the heart of Asia encompassing two of the most populous nations on earth and connecting Beijing, Kathmandu and New Delhi. This ‘peace corridor’ can potentially be a massive engine of global growth, and serve as an anchor of regional peace and stability.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping's 'Big Surprise'?</a>, Saindra Rai and Irtika BajracharyaA predominating narrative that views Nepal as a ‘small’ and ‘poor’ country that is constantly buffeted by geopolitics or conflict could well be turned on its head by historians who look back on this visit 20 years hence. Nepal is not small, it has a population greater than Australia, and resources and human potential to see it into a more prosperous future.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60019c7e80680e056e59jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400">The diplomatic breakthrough that arises with <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">President Xi’s visit to Kathmandu</a> opens a new vista for Nepal which has enjoyed universally good relations with virtually all great powers through history. The evolution of Sino-Nepal relations to that of a strategic partnership as enunciated by the Presidents of the two countries carries a significant implication that propels the relationship beyond the purely bilateral plane. Nepal must grasp this opportunity to leverage the goodwill she enjoys across the world, and promote greater cohesion and understanding.Enhanced connectivity between China and Nepal as envisioned by the leadership of the two countries that particularly features a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/trilateral-trains/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">cross-border railway</a> across the roof of the world would represent a once-in-a-generation development that shrinks geography and brings people together.On the other hand, apart from the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/which-way-will-the-tibet-nepal-railway-go/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">technical and engineering challenges that a China-Nepal railway poses</a>, the onus will be on Nepal to decipher and decode how to what extent this sort of infrastructure is going to relate with the open border regime that is in place between India and Nepal. In other words, nurturing the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/elementor-3766/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indo-Nepal relationship</a> must go hand-in-hand with preserving a positive Sino-Nepal relationship.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60049c7e80680e056e5ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60079c7e80680e056e5bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a600a9c7e80680e056e5cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a600d9c7e80680e056e5djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">While Chinese assistance for the development of Nepal is important, the Nepali leadership would do well to take advantage of the rapport established during the visit of President Xi to genuinely understand the remarkable growth and transformation of China over the past 70 years since the establishment of the People’s Republic.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What China wants</a>, EditorialChina’s rise is founded on self-reliance which Nepal should learn from and strive to emulate. One of the points that should have been given greater emphasis by the Nepali leadership during meetings with President Xi and his delegation is that Nepal is still a predominately agriculture-based economy, and how this might this be linked with the Belt and Road Initiative.There are possibilities for Nepal to not just learn and borrow from China’s experience with agricultural modernisation drive, but also request for blanket duty-free access for Nepalese agro-produce in the Chinese market. A potential consumer base of 300 million people in China would create conditions for an agricultural revolution in Nepal and open up huge job opportunities that can lay the foundation for self-sufficiency. Nepal needs to hone in on the nuts and bolts of this possibility and discuss with China the finer points of appropriate customs and quarantine infrastructure along the Sino-Nepal border.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-now-has-to-balance-not-just-india-and-china-but-also-the-west/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Nepal now has to balance not just India and China, but also the west</a>, Bhairaja Panday<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/yam-between-3-boulders/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Yam between three boulders</a>, Editorial<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a60129c7e80680e056e5ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="3600">One of the issues that loomed large for Nepal during this historic <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/kathmandu-flight-disruptions-on-weekend/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">visit of President Xi Jinping</a> (and will continue to reverberate) is how the country is going to navigate between the two large overarching geopolitical constructs of the day -- the BRI and the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/between-two-oceans/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Indo-Pacific Strategy</a>. How will Nepal balance BRI and IPS? It will be complicated, and for a country that is still undergoing a political transition, will be difficult to resolve.Nepal’s ability to manage this balance will determine whether a ‘peace corridor’ that harks back to an earlier incarnation of King Birendra’s ‘zone of peace’ proposal can gain traction or not. This will be an opportunity for Nepal to positively leverage its international goodwill. The main prerequisite for this appears to be Nepal’s ability to stand on her own feet.Bhaskar Koirala is the Director of the <a href="http://www.niiss.org.np/" target="_blank" rel="noopener" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://www.niiss.org.np/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1571043227640000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHQLEAK-wK-V5vNIkVJfK47s12OBg">Nepal Institute of International and Strategic Studies</a>.

Self-reliance in Nepal’s peace corridor

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fba9c7e80680e056e45jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1730" height="978"/><figcaption>President Xi's arrival at Kathmandu Airport and the guard of honour was covered live by all major networks.</figcaption></figure>Chinese President Xi Jinping arrived in Kathmandu on Saturday for a two-day state visit. His Nepali counterpart president Bidya Devi Bhandari greeted Xi as he got off his plane. Vice-president Nanda Bahadur Pun and prime minister KP Oli, among other top-level ministers and officials, Welcomed him at the VVIP terminal at the airport where he received the Guard of Honour by the Nepal Army.Xi is scheduled to meet president Bhandari and chairperson of the main opposition Nepali Congress Sher Bahadur Deuba separately before attending a reception for his welcome. He is also scheduled to meet Nepal Communist Party co-chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal on Sunday morning.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/what-is-xi-jinpings-big-surprise/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is Xi Jinping's 'Big Surprise'?</a>, Saindra Rai and Irtika Bajracharya<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/kathmandu-flight-disruptions-on-weekend/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kathmandu flights disruption on weekends</a>Before his departure, Xi will conduct a high-level meeting with PM Oli and hold bilateral talks. This is the first state visit by a Chinese President to Nepal after Jing Zemin’s visit in 1996. Xi is expected to sign a dozen bilateral agreements.The primary features of the draft agreement with China could include:<ul><li>Upgrading the Rasuwagadi checkpoint and road to Kathmandu.</li> <li>Repairs at the Tatopani checkpoint and road to Kathmandu.</li> <li>Construction of the Tokha-Chahare Tunnel.</li> <li>Setting up of the Madan Bhandari University.</li> <li>The Kosi Corridor highway to Kimathanka</li> <li>The Kali Gandaki Corridor to Korala</li> <li>Improvement in the Karnali Corridor to Hilsa</li></ul>Photos by Monika Deupala, Bikram Rai and DOI Nepal.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fbd9c7e80680e056e46jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4096" height="2730"><figcaption>A 747 Air China aircraft carrying Chinese president Xi Jingping arrives in Kathmandu.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fc29c7e80680e056e47jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figcaption>President Bidya Devi Bhandari welcomes Chinese Pesident Xi Jinping at Kathmandu airport.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fc59c7e80680e056e48jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1365"><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fc89c7e80680e056e49jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1618" height="1080"><figcaption>Panchakanya welcome Xi.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fcb9c7e80680e056e4ajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fd09c7e80680e056e4bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fd59c7e80680e056e4cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figcaption>President Xi receives the Guard of Honour by the Nepal Army.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fd89c7e80680e056e4djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figcaption>Prime Minister KP Oli and Vice President Nanda Bahadur Pun welcome Xi.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fdc9c7e80680e056e4ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figcaption>Traditional dancers wait for their turn as Xi arrives in Kathmandu.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fdf9c7e80680e056e4fjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fe39c7e80680e056e50jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2106" height="1404"><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fe69c7e80680e056e51jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2106" height="1404"><figcaption>Government officers welcome Xi outside Kathmandu airport.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fe99c7e80680e056e52jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4096" height="2730"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141152/636a5fed9c7e80680e056e53jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2592" height="1728"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a5ff09c7e80680e056e54jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2592" height="1728"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a5ff49c7e80680e056e55jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a5ff79c7e80680e056e56jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221108141156/636a5ffb9c7e80680e056e57jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption>Xi signs visitor's book at Shital Niwas.</figcaption></figure>Read also: <a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandu-gets-a-facelift/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Kathmandu gets a facelift</a>, Ass<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/what-china-really-wants/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What China really wants</a>, Editorial

President Xi in Kathmandu

Nepal’s only international aviation gateway, at Kathmandu airport, will cut night-time operation hours to allow construction of taxiways, and airlines have been told to curtail flights. This is expected to lead to more than normal chaos during the height of peak autumn and spring tourist seasons at an airport that is congested even at the best of times. The airport will close from 10PM to 8AM from 8 November-31 March 2025. The taxiways will now connect to the thresholds at both ends of the runway, making the airport more efficient in handling higher frequencies of landings and takeoffs. The parallel taxiway extension will allow international flights to land every 4 minutes instead of the current every 7 minutes. At present planes have to wait to land until a plane taking off backtracks along the runway.&nbsp; Kathmandu is Nepal’s only airport with international operations, and it has only one runway that is only one way in from the south over the mountains. With the taxiway improvement, the airport will be able to handle 42 aircraft landings and takeoffs per hour — double the current capacity.&nbsp; The Civil Aviation Authority of Nepal (CAAN) has been trying to entice international airlines to also start flying to and from the other two international airports at Pokhara and Bhairawa (Lumbini) by slashing landing and handling charges. But so far only Nepal Airlines operates a weekly flight to Bhairawa from Kuala Lumpur.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241018161016_046569e53d1d66cd445cc66c697c0ef724810aec9f54bdf827481e3cd6b80c32.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241018161016_046569e53d1d66cd445cc66c697c0ef724810aec9f54bdf827481e3cd6b80c32" data-rendition-name="original" width="2356" height="1134" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu airport expansion"> <figcaption>Kathmandu Airport Expansion plan with extension of taxiways to the thresholds of runways 02 and 20 that will limit airport operations from 8 November 2024 - 31 March 2025. Areas in blue are existing structures, including the international terminal which in future will be the domestic airport, and the new international terminal near the north end of the runway,</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241018121028_6e17cc2ee87c1b02d78cb54905825b7aa15299b7a00f5eddb01a59579ab85c1a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241018121028_6e17cc2ee87c1b02d78cb54905825b7aa15299b7a00f5eddb01a59579ab85c1a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1353" height="1328" loading="lazy" alt="Kathmandu airport NT"> </figure>  CAAN has reportedly told international airlines to cut their flight frequency to Kathmandu citing the shorter operation hours and has told budget airlines to shift some of their flights to Pokhara or Bhairawa, or face cuts. Many airlines currently operate regular flights to and from Kathmandu between 10PM and 8AM: Air Arabia to Sharjah, Fly Dubai to Dubai, Jazeera Airways to Kuwait, Cathay Pacific to Hong Kong, Singapore Airlines, several Nepal Airlines flights, and one of four daily flights by Qatar Airways to Doha. Jazeera Airways, FlyDubai, and Thai AirAsia have applied and got permission from CAAN to begin regular flights to Bhairawa’s Gautam Buddha International Airport. Starting 9 November, FlyDubai will start making a stopover in Bhairawa before flying on to Kathmandu. Immigration, customs and security are all fully functional in Bhairawa. In Kathmandu, the next phase of the airport upgrade includes converting the current international terminal for domestic operations, the construction of a new international terminal where the domestic departure area is now, as well as moving the hangars and the Nepal Army Air Wing to the eastern side of the runway. The apron area will also double its parking space for widebody jets. This is part of a Airport Capacity Enhancement Project that was initially funded through a $80 million loan from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the entire masterplan is expected to cost $800 million. This project is the latest upgrade to Nepal’s only international airport since it saw its first flight in 1949. The current international and domestic terminals are too small to handle the current annual traffic volume of 8.5 million passengers a year that is growing at 20% a year.

Kathmandu airport to cut flight hours

As Kathmandu becomes more congested and polluted, and with remote online work becoming the norm, many professional Nepalis are planning to retire in Pokhara, or move there.&nbsp; With its stunning mountain panorama, balmy winters and proximity to a profusion of wilderness areas, builders are responding to this demand with new townhouses, housing development and apartments. One such block of flats is the 10-storey <a href="https://sungavaapartment.com/">Sungava Apartment</a> located at Phulbari above the Seti River, near the point where it flows into and under Pokhara. The imposing structure near Manipal Hospital is almost complete, and on a recent visit the site was strewn with huge boulders unearthed while digging the foundation.&nbsp; The Seti brought down these boulders during a gigantic flood that geologists estimate happened 800 years ago when a chunk of Annapurna IV broke off and ploughed into the glacier below. Today, Sungava (means ‘orchid’) sits safely on a high terrace, 100m above the blue-green Seti and commands a view of Dhaulagiri, Annapurna South, Machapuchre, Annapurna III and IV.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024102411104_5f8fc736c86ea3c08d7bef43bb727081d3cc1a2caa55ae2b441717e6044de7e9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024102411104_5f8fc736c86ea3c08d7bef43bb727081d3cc1a2caa55ae2b441717e6044de7e9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2016" height="1512" loading="lazy" alt="High living below the Himalaya NT"> </figure>  The soil here is conglomerate that has solidified like concrete, and the boulders were extracted by heavy earthmovers. It is intriguing to think that these metamorphic rocks as big as cars, rounded by glacial grinding, were once a part of a much higher Annapurna IV. Even for those with little interest in geology, Sungava is an ideal place to contemplate the tectonic forces that pushed these peaks into the sky to be sculpted into delicate shapes by wind, snow, earthquake and avalanche over millions of years. The view of the Himalayan panorama from Sungava’s many balconies are breathtaking when not obscured by clouds, or the haze that drifts in from across the southern border. On most days, just watching the towering pyramid of Machapuchre (Tamu name: कतासुँ क्लिको) play hide and seek with the clouds is mesmerising. There are rocks aplenty at Phulbari, and it is probably the flowers that grew along the flat terraces e that gave the place its flowery name. The boulders will hopefully be turned into a rock garden while landscaping. An nearby restaurant complex is making the best use of the stones in its design, using flat rocks as outdoor benches and tables. Sungava was designed by the husband-wife architect team of Deepak Sherchan and Jyoti Joshi of <a href="https://thedarkmermaidamarbshrestha.blogspot.com/2013/12/creative-builders-collaborative-cbc.html">Creative Builders Collaborative (CBC)</a>, which also built Heritage Plaza, Indreni Apartment and numerous other projects in Nepal. Sadbhavana retains CBC’s trademark Newari-style masonry and here it borrows from the orange brickwork of the old town of Pokhara, integrating it with modern design elements. A few of those heritage houses are still standing in Ganesh Tole and Ram Krishna Tole in Pokhara’s old quarter.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024102411108_5eb64a4885961b6d30781cefeb1e8a313da313ac5227c7a66b60f0c7d48d6fab.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="2024102411108_5eb64a4885961b6d30781cefeb1e8a313da313ac5227c7a66b60f0c7d48d6fab" data-rendition-name="original" width="1362" height="595" loading="lazy" alt="High living below the Himalaya NT"> </figure>  About 400m from the apartment past a bend on the river, and down below three tiers of terraces in the canyon is a suspension bridge. Below it, the Seti is still swollen with post-monsoon flow as it tumbles away in a hurry to head down south.&nbsp; Back at the apartment, it is quiet, far away from the hubbub of Lakeside a 15 minute drive away, and in the lap of greenery. There are 52 units at Sungava and it already has a close-knit prospective community of professionals, including doctors, publishers, engineers, and businesspeople from the renewable energy and IT sectors.&nbsp; Some residents say they opted for a second home in Pokhara to make it a ‘base camp’ to explore the Annapurnas with its many hiking trails made newly accessible with new roads. With the NRN citizenship law, overseas Nepalis can now also buy the flats. &nbsp; The floor plans include options for north and south-facing 3-bedroom apartments with verandas, and the facility has underground parking has EV charging, heated pool, sauna and gym. There are still some unsold apartments with panoramic views of the mountains and one can imagine oneself at the kitchen with its huge window, humming a ditty while preparing breakfast: “खाना पकाउँ हिमाल हेरेर...”

High living below the Himalaya

When the United Nations held its Summit of the Future at its headquarters in New York in September, many world leaders, including Nepal’s Prime Minister K P Oli, highlighted the effect of climate breakdown in increasing the frequency and intensity of natural disasters. What did not get as much attention was the long term impact of the climate crisis on food production. In fact, heat stress, weather extremes and the consequences on rain-fed agriculture is already being felt worldwide, undermining the chances of the <a href="https://unstats.un.org/sdgs/">UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)</a> being met by 2030.&nbsp; The SDG’s 17 targets commit countries like Nepal to reduce poverty and inequality, end malnutrition, protect the natural environment, and ensure that citizens all enjoy health, justice and prosperity without leaving anyone behind.&nbsp; However, besides the impact of climate breakdown on agricultural production, in Nepal the area under cultivation is impacted by urban expansion, falling productivity and the need for expensive inputs like fertiliser and pesticides.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241019041052_626413c5baf4dae407ac9579231b41daeb51510aa636b75aeb7489d94cca6a62.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241019041052_626413c5baf4dae407ac9579231b41daeb51510aa636b75aeb7489d94cca6a62" data-rendition-name="original" width="999" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="urban agriculture in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>Kathmandu's urban sprawl is eating into its fertile cultivable lands. Photo: TAYLOR MASON</figcaption> </figure>  Now, a new study led by Nepali researcher Prajal Pradhan at the University of Groningen in The Netherlands looks at how urban agriculture may offer a solution to falling food production and meeting SDG targets. The researchers evaluated 1,450 publications exploring the contributions of urban agriculture with both positive and negative effects, and published their findings in the journal Cells Report Sustainability. Urban agriculture can help achieve 17 SDGs, positively influencing 81 targets. However, it could also undermine 51 goals.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-vanishing-land">The vanishing land</a>, Taylor Mason “Urban agriculture offers immense potential for sustainable development, but realising this potential depends crucially on adopting practices that minimise its adverse effects while maximising its benefits,” Pradhan explains. Urban agriculture can substantially enhance urban food security, provide employment to the urban poor, serve as ground water recharge in built-up areas, and preserve open spaces that can serve as safe havens during disasters like earthquakes. However, it also presents problems like the potential health risks from contamination and the need for expensive inputs. &nbsp; “Urban agriculture plays a definitive role in advancing the SDGs, but achieving this requires tailored, context-specific solutions that address the unique challenges of different regions,” says Yuanchao Hu of Wuhan University in China and who is a researcher at the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research. “But it needs equitable access and rigorous management of environmental risks.”&nbsp; Rapid urbanisation is eating into Nepal’s most fertile agricultural land, which means farming in remaining open spaces inside cities can be a viable alternative, especially as food prices rise.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241019041052_7b7c9413086226fbdc630d45acf772cfa1ced77a8970b9056ec5ec7e5226fdf8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241019041052_7b7c9413086226fbdc630d45acf772cfa1ced77a8970b9056ec5ec7e5226fdf8" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="999" loading="lazy" alt="urban agriculture in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>A vegetable patch in between new houses in Thimi. Photo: TAYLOR MASON</figcaption> </figure>  “The conversion of Nepal’s most fertile land into cities is a severe problem,” Pradhan told Nepali Times. “Crop cultivation, horticulture, agroforestry, beekeeping, livestock rearing, or aquaculture can all be farming activities within and around cities.”&nbsp; The study makes recommendations for sustainable practices that build on the positive aspects of urban agriculture while mitigating the downsides, thereby promoting more resilient cities in future. Research shows that urban agriculture has been helping many countries attain SDG targets by enhancing food security and biodiversity while helping education and preservation of open spaces.&nbsp; Indeed, many farmers from the hinterland who have settled in Kathmandu Valley or other urban areas of the country have been practicing urban agriculture, leasing neighbourhood patches or cultivating roof gardens both out of necessity because of inflation and falling income to grow their own food, and also as a fulfilling hobby. Saurav Dhakal, a sustainability advocate with Story Cycle and now research fellow at the Asian Institute of Technology in Thailand, says there are socio-economic and environmental benefits of urban agriculture. “It provides benefits to all urban dwellers, regardless of their income status,” says Dhakal, “families get fresh food, and there are many other benefits like water retention, heat regulation and biodiversity. These are all public goods, so special government incentives may be needed.” It is not unusual to see vegetable patches and even paddy fields within inner city Kathmandu where an older generation of farmers are using available fertile land and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/rooftop-gardens-kathmandu,1415">roof gardens to produce fresh, nutritious food </a>to reduce their dependence on food items that have to be bought after being trucked in from large distances.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024101905100_1291ce98dbbb8caed8702ac4b1d469b3e13016d7ecaaf3bfd5f91c974d3c0c77.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="2024101905100_1291ce98dbbb8caed8702ac4b1d469b3e13016d7ecaaf3bfd5f91c974d3c0c77" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="999" loading="lazy" alt="urban agriculture in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>An older generation of farmers are using any available fertile land to continue farming but it is getting more and more difficult. Photo: TAYLOR MASON </figcaption> </figure>  Nepal’s urban population grew rapidly from only 3.6% in 1991 to 25% today. There is large outmigration from the mountains to peri-urban areas of the Tarai, to Kathmandu Valley and Pokhara, with many young men then moving abroad for work. Kathmandu Valley’s population has swelled to nearly 3 million, and is growing at 6.5% a year. Dilip Shrestha, 71, used to work for Nepal Food Corporation, so he knew firsthand about inflation, shortages and vegetables with pesticide residue. So, when he designed his new house in Kathmandu, he built a spacious roof where he grows cucumber, ginger, garlic, coriander, onions, tomatoes, chili, beans, okra, pumpkin and lettuce. His family eats healthier, and he has reduced dependence on the market.&nbsp; The co-author of the Cell Reports Sustainability journal article, Daya Raj Subedi who is a PhD candidate at Beijing Forestry University, says urban agriculture also promotes inclusion and psycho-social wellbeing.&nbsp; He says, “A crucial finding of the study is the identification of opportunities and challenges associated with urban agriculture, it can promote sustainable transformation of society.” In Banepa, 55-year-old Bijaya Manandhar in her lifetime has watched the fertile farms of her neighbourhood that used to supply vegetables to Kathmandu, now completely built up with no open space left. The pandemic lockdown prompted her to turn to the family’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/rooftop-agriculture-on-the-roof-of-the-world">ancestral livelihood by growing food</a> not on terrace farms, but on the roof terrace. Manandhar is now a part of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/rooftop-agriculture-on-the-roof-of-the-world%5C%5C">कौसी खेती र करेसाबारी क्रान्ती</a> (Rooftop Farming and Garden Revolution) which has an online membership of 52,000, and awards annual prizes to women who excel in urban agriculture.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241019041052_7257f5def8f823f35a799fa6f6825e153f2ffa406ac11325d4fe74049b79e96d.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20241019041052_7257f5def8f823f35a799fa6f6825e153f2ffa406ac11325d4fe74049b79e96d" data-rendition-name="original" width="1600" height="736" loading="lazy" alt="urban agriculture in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>Rooftop farming is gaining popularity as a form of urban agriculture. </figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241019041052_beff1a4494ce896dd8fd383ee1f518e5448bcf7ea8bb138255391c7bcb9769ed.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20241019041052_beff1a4494ce896dd8fd383ee1f518e5448bcf7ea8bb138255391c7bcb9769ed" data-rendition-name="original" width="4000" height="3000" loading="lazy" alt="urban agriculture in Kathmandu"> </figure>  Pradhan says the challenge now is to upscale such examples of successful urban agricultural practices so they support Neal’s efforts to meet SDG targets. He adds, “Crop cultivation around cities can be protected by land use plans and regulations. Promoting community-based agriculture, including rooftop gardens, requires community engagement and public-private partnerships across the food value chain.”&nbsp; Such support would accelerate the popularity of existing rooftop farming and community gardens in Kathmandu Valley, or kitchen garden initiatives in Pokhara, and building on traditional farming practices that are preserved and integrated into urban settings like in Bhaktapur and Banepa. In Lalitpur, the Women Entrepreneurship Facilitation Center promotes urban farming enhancing both sustainability and empowerment.&nbsp; Another co-author of the report, Yuanchao Hu from China says followup research of the team will aim to identify good practices in local urban agriculture practices. He adds, “There are examples of urban agriculture that optimise sustainability, ensuring that it remains a viable solution for cities globally while countries try to meet SDG targets.” Prajal Pradhan, Daya Raj Subedi, Kshitij Dahal, Yuanchao Hu, Prakriti Gurung, Sijal Pokharel, Sagar Kafle, Biplav Khatri, Sudeeksha Basyal, Monika Gurung, and Aruna Joshi. Urban Agriculture matters for sustainable development. Cell Reports Sustainability, 1:100217, 2024. [DOI: 10.1016/j.crsus.2024.100217] Prajal Pradhan (<a href="mailto:p.pradhan@rug.nl">p.pradhan@rug.nl</a>) This article is brought to you by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/" target="_blank">Nepali Times</a>, in collaboration with <a href="https://inpsjapan.com/en/" target="_blank">INPS Japan</a> and <a href="https://sgi-peace.org/" target="_blank">Soka Gakkai International</a>, in consultative status with UN ECOSOC.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240630110640_30c3782f9c09219bf1c249b51483a3cfb7a53a06d117d2aebd23ca7080d12758.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20240630110640_30c3782f9c09219bf1c249b51483a3cfb7a53a06d117d2aebd23ca7080d12758" data-rendition-name="original" width="680" height="103" loading="lazy" alt="SDG logo"> </figure>

Back to the land in the cities

The 700-year-old Lakshmi Narasingha temple in Bhaktapur houses a rare half-lion and half-human incarnation of Lord Vishnu carrying the Goddess Lakshmi. The temple was destroyed in the 1934 mega earthquake that killed 10,000 people and destroyed many monuments in Kathmandu Valley. It was rebuilt by a German project in the 1980s, but as a single-storey structure instead of its original two-tier pagoda design.&nbsp; With new findings from in-depth research, Bhaktapur municipality began re-restoring the temple in 2021, preserving its original architecture.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241017131016_2fae38cce543ad7b1f6de632feb3e212e08ed1acedd747830e949d7b8e878f18.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241017131016_2fae38cce543ad7b1f6de632feb3e212e08ed1acedd747830e949d7b8e878f18" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="In with the old in Nepal NT"> </figure>  “Our temples and heritage sites hold deep meaning. It is disheartening to witness how often they lose their original elements, whether by design or accident,” explains Kumar Chawal of the Consumer Committee of Bhaktapur. “There is a need to preserve our architecture and protect its historical value for future generations. Otherwise, we risk losing a vital part of our identity.” The Laksmi Narsingha restoration is similar to the Bhai Dega temple in Patan Darbar Square which also collapsed in 1934, but was rebuilt with a Moghul-style dome by the Rana government at the time. Only two months before the 2015 earthquake, heritage conservationists had started to rebuild Bhai Dega as the original three-tier based on early photographs. But priorities shifted when four other temples in the square were brought down by the 7.8M earthquake on 25 April 2015.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241017131016_697ea707d9ad163be5de5f2efbf5b70d3cab771adcc22f0fae6bf937c6cb0130.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20241017131016_697ea707d9ad163be5de5f2efbf5b70d3cab771adcc22f0fae6bf937c6cb0130" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="In with the old in Nepal NT"> </figure>  This showed how damage to monuments in Kathmandu Valley spanned from one earthquake to the next. Bhai Dega restoration remains half-complete to this day because money for its restoration ran out.&nbsp; Whereas Bhai Dega restoration was done by the Kathmandu Valley Preservation Trust with grants from western embassies and international foundations, in Bhaktapur it is the municipality itself that allocated the Rs30.7 million needed to restore the Lakshmi Narasingha temple. The expected date of completion is early 2025. The municipality and local communities are focusing on two main aspects: preserving the past and promoting localisation. The restoration team has designed a blueprint for the temple by using historical photographs and insights from older generations.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241017131016_182882fdc393c99e70d1d0490319e415229563666c4934e3a582426ebf00ca30.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241017131016_182882fdc393c99e70d1d0490319e415229563666c4934e3a582426ebf00ca30" data-rendition-name="original" width="1200" height="560" loading="lazy" alt="In with the old in Nepal NT"> </figure>  “At first, the Lakshmi Narasingha temple had only one entrance, but during the demolition process, we uncovered the foundations of four doors. Now, we are restoring all of them. This is an example of how our ancient structures have changed over time, often without our knowledge,” says Chawal. “Constructing temples is not like building houses. They carry historical and spiritual values, which is why they hold a special place in our hearts,” he adds. By replicating ancient design elements and rebuilding the temple as accurately as possible to its original form, the team has stayed true to Bhaktapur’s soul. But the restoration also revived ancient techniques that were in danger of being forgotten, generating employment for woodcarvers, masons, and contractors. The community of Bhaktapur’s Gahiti neighbourhood near the famous Nyatapola Temple has also set aside specific days for locals to volunteer in the reconstruction work. This has encouraged young people to take pride in ownership of their heritage. Families have also supported the effort by donating funds for bells, the temple pinnacle, and other structural features to the temple.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241017131016_db850ec0c084cdbe54f65bee92dad2ad8122d20fd60ec87ec086fbb9d2f72bd6.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241017131016_db850ec0c084cdbe54f65bee92dad2ad8122d20fd60ec87ec086fbb9d2f72bd6" data-rendition-name="original" width="2048" height="1365" loading="lazy" alt="In with the old in Nepal NT"> </figure>  “I feel at peace knowing I have contributed my sweat to restoring this temple,” said one volunteer. “It is our duty to preserve our temples and heritage. The Nyatapola area will look magical once this temple is completed.” Community mobilisation is a long-standing tradition in Bhaktapur. In the past, locals have actively participated in the restoration of other temples in the city, such as Bhairav and Nyatapola fostering a strong sense of ownership. This collective engagement has not only been crucial in preserving the city's historical monuments but also in strengthening the bond between local communities and their heritage, says officials at the municipality. While securing funding is essential, and the municipality showed it values heritage conservation, the Lakshmi Narasingha restoration is proof that active involvement and sense of responsibility of the local community is as important, if not more. Local involvement also means that the monuments will be cared for into the future, When locals take ownership of these efforts, the restored monuments are not only protected in the present but are also cared for in the future.

bilateral-relations