<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412114/637221869c7e80680e0c02bfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photos: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>The swearing-in ceremony on 30 May of the youthful new leadership of Kathmandu Metropolitan City was a sight to behold.Out in front were <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/kathmandus-balen-phenomenon/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Mayor Balen Shah</a>, 32, and Deputy Mayor Sunita Dangol, 29 (pictured). The smug men from mainstream parties were standing behind the two. This is the Gen Next of Nepali politics, a symbolic handover of power from the past to the future.As promised, Mayor Shah broadcast live to the public the first meeting of his city council. Chair Nabaraj Parajuli of Ward 32 told the mayor in a patronising and contemptuous tone: “Be careful what you say, you are all by yourself here.”Introducing himself, Harilal Tandukar of Ward 11 did not like the meeting being live online, and said so derisively. Mukunda Rijal of Ward 16 yelled as if he was addressing a street rally.It is natural that these endangered species of Nepali politics feel <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/rise-of-the-independents/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">threatened by the youthful new leaders</a>. If they use such disparaging language against a newly-elected mayor, how will they treat their electorate? All cities and municipalities should beam their council meetings live, so citizens know what the candidates they voted for are really like.There were some ward chairs like Bhuvan Lama of #6 who were appreciative, and offered Shah and Dangol useful suggestions. And over in Lalitpur, re-elected mayor Chair Babu Maharjan was full of praise for the youthful new leadership of the city’s wards.Having these transparent meetings has been welcomed by most, but it is understandable that elected candidates from traditional parties who have nothing to show for the past five years but mismanagement and malfeasance who do not like it. They are used to murky backroom deals.Transparency is the beauty of democracy. By beaming live the first meeting, the new mayor showed citizens who is who.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/2022111412114/637221899c7e80680e0c02c0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="2048" height="1365">Local leaders from tainted parties which have dominated Nepali politics thus far and have profited from it are waiting for the new mayor to fail, or conspiring to put obstacles along his way. Mayor Shah is already facing roadblocks in his effort to resolve <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/a-load-of-rubbish-kathmandus-garbage-problem,4039" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Kathmandu’s garbage management problem</a>.This is not new, the established parties always let the trash pile up to blame it on each other. This time, they are colluding to blame a new independent mayor. It was because the meeting was live that Kathmandu’s residents got to know what the problem at the landfill site is: a waste management crisis that took three decades of misrule by the main parties cannot be removed overnight.“We have nothing to hide, we have to work together for the welfare of our citizens,” Mayor Balen told the open meeting.This election proved that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepals-alt-right-falls-off-the-map/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepal's voters are changing their mindset</a>. They are abandoning old vote bank politics to reward candidates who show promise, who are not tainted by their parties' past. They are watching carefully to see if the parties they once supported will allow independent candidates to perform.Social media platforms now amplify the voice to voters to warn the old guard not to obstruct those who want to get things done. And going by the reaction on Facebook and TikTok, there is overwhelming support for giving Balen and Sunita the chance to deliver on their election promises.It is an indication of a rising alarm among the tried, tested and failed politicians that they are accusing <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/making-kathmandu-great-again/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Balen Shah</a> of supporting a partyless system, or the king. Some veteran journalists are even more virulent than politicians in their dismissal of the ‘Balen phenomenon’.Let the rise of the independents be a lesson to the main parties to clean up their act before <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepals-local-polls-a-rehearsal-for-federal-elections/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">federal and provincial elections</a> in November.Adapted from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/130476" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali original</a> in Himalkhabar.com

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Nepal's Gen Next

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111132/6372197f9c7e80680e0baaa0jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photo: AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Balendra Shah, popularly known as ‘Balen’, is a rapper and structural engineer who was elected Mayor of Kathmandu Metropolitan City. The 32-year-old secured 61,767 votes to defeat candidates from established parties like the Nepali Congress and UML.Ashok Ghimire and Sharmila Pathak of RSS news agency interviewed him. Excerpts:You have been elected mayor of Kathmandu. Now what? Education and health are my first priority. Ninety-two community schools in the Kathmandu Metropolitan City (KMC) will be upgraded with special attention to infrastructure like a playground for the students, sanitation and a clean environment. We will bring in experts from abroad to train teachers on the use of technology and interaction with children.We will revise the curriculum for Grades 1-8 to include the history, culture, heritage, ayurveda and yoga practice. The previous curriculum did not cover much of this. We need to improve the quality of instruction. Students cannot learn much by just video chatting, they will understand the subjects better through 3D visualisations.Education has become a burden for students, we need to create an environment where learning is fun. They can participate in extracurricular activities like robotics, dancing or music. These skills will also generate income.But there is a digital divide. Schools are responsible for providing students with devices and the internet. Maybe we can start at Grade 10 since the students are at an age where they can understand and navigate technology.If a student doesn't understand or know something or can’t pass the exam, the onus should lie on the teachers and not the students. The school system, culture and quality of teachers need to be improved. Students are punished if they fail which lowers their morale. It is wrong to pile the blame on the students and parents when the children spend most part of the day at school.How will the level of education improve in the next five years?First of all we need to change the mindset of people. A parent looks at whether or not a school has an elevator but that has nothing to do with the quality of education.A lot can be done to improve sanitation, gardens and making them more disabled-friendly. Sanitary pads can be provided for free. The design of classrooms can be upgraded. We will allocate the necessary budget for this and also carry out monitoring.How will you improve health care?We will equip clinics in all 32 wards complete with trained human resources and laboratories. We will arrange for at least one free check-up every six months, which will ensure early detection of many diseases and screening for uterine and breast cancer.We will build parks where people can engage in physical exercises. I also plan to improve facilities in government hospitals. To discourage specialist doctors from going abroad, we need to work on how to best utilise their expertise at home. We can also operate telemedicine services to augment their income.A part of the house and rent tax can go towards paying medical insurance. This will encourage people to pay their taxes as well.What about drinking water supply?We have to increase ground water recharge with rain harvesting. Each household that drills for water will be required to also recharge. Government offices will have to collect rainwater in small ponds in vacant areas to recharge groundwater.In addition to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/still-chasing-the-melamchi-mirage/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Melamchi</a> we will use other sources of water including by preserving stone sprouts to meet Kathmandu's demand of 430 million litres per day.Is there a long-term solution to waste management? At present we rely heavily on the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/a-load-of-rubbish/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">dumping site in Sisdole</a>. The new dumping site in Bancharedanda comes with an incinerator cell. We will complete the construction as soon as possible. By incinerating waste material, the amount of garbage can be reduced to 1%.Segregating the waste at source will also help. The organic waste can be made into fertiliser, and be sold to farmers. We will lease arable land in neighbouring districts around the Valley to create farming jobs. KMC will pay them a monthly salary so they will not incur losses in case of crop failure or low market price. The youth will get jobs and Kathmandu residents can enjoy organic vegetables.What are your plans to manage traffic?There have been experiments with running public transportation till 10PM. We are planning to change office timings such that some will operate from 12 to 7PM, others from 2 to 9PM. In the first phase, we will install 10,000 CCTV cameras for night security, and provide security training to the city police.We are also planning to install CCTV and GPS systems in every bus which will help track the whereabouts of buses for commuters. These things can be done immediately.How will you make <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/nepal-goes-electric-but-conditions-apply/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">public transport</a> safe and reliable?Buses operated by the metropolitan city and private sector should have the same capacity and be under the same umbrella organisation. No matter whose investment it is, the passengers will be able to use a common card for all the routes and buses, and recharge it when needed.The main reason for traffic jams in Kathmandu is that buses wait for passengers at the side of the road. If they can be streamlined, there won't be competition and traffic congestion will be less.There are complaints that the roads are not bicycle friendly.You cannot designate a bicycle lane by just painting the pavement green. There has to be a separate lane outside of the main lane and a garden in the middle. But as the roads in Kathmandu are narrow, it is not possible to make separate bicycle lanes. Trams, trolleybuses and monorails are not feasible in Kathmandu. Separate cycle lanes can be created when constructing an outer ring road.How will you get various agencies to coordinate?The road department builds roads. Roads have definite 'density', 'temperature' and 'compact'. It is monitored by KMC. Since I am an engineer I know that if it does not meet the standards, it can be redone. But who is monitoring the quality of the materials used? The report submitted by the contractor is easily accepted, but now we will test the quality of materials in a laboratory at the KMC office.We make monitoring effective. We will also arrange an 'infrastructure ambulance' to immediately repair potholes.How will you make Kathmandu greener?Trees will be required to be planted in every house, empty land and sidewalk. Every house needs to have at least one tree, KMC will provide fruit bearing plants to the citizens in return for paying taxes. There are about 45 open spaces in Kathmandu which can be made greener. We are also planning vertical gardens, and we will urge government offices to create ponds and plant trees.How will you promote the art and culture of Kathmandu?We will spare no energy or expense in promoting the art and culture of Kathmandu. We will work with Bhaktapur Municipality and open a training centre to produce skilled manpower in woodwork and metal-craft.I myself have been studying the Lichhavi and Malla history of Nepal and am a strong proponent of linking culture with tourism. We are considering increasing the budget of tourism, arts, culture and heritage conservation sectors. This will have a positive effect on the economy.As an independent candidate, how will you coordinate with local leaders who are from mainstream parties?Leaders, cadres and people of all parties voted for me. A person from a political party who was elected ward chair also voted for me. Top leaders from various parties have called and expressed their commitment to help. So I believe we can all work together and that they will support me. Moreover, we will be broadcasting the executive meetings live. Who wouldn't want to work for the people?People of Kathmandu have voted for me and Nepalis from all over have shown their faith in me, I will not disappoint them. I alone cannot make a difference so we will move forward by collaborating with the 18 municipalities of Kathmandu Valley. Kathmandu can be a model for other cities around the country.

Making Kathmandu great again

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217919c7e80680e0ba9f4jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Senior citizens cast their ballot in Kathmandu's Hanuman Dhoka on Friday morning. Photos: RSS and AMIT MACHAMASI</figcaption></figure>Nepalis all around the country are queuing up to vote in the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-goes-to-the-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local elections</a> today. Nepal will be choosing from 145,010 individuals for more than 35,221 legislative and executive seats in 753 local units across 77 districts. Of these, 390 representatives have already been elected unopposed.A total of 17,733,723 voters are registered of which 8,992,010 are male, 8,741,530 female and 183 have registered under the 'others' category. An estimated 300,000 people have <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/on-the-road-to-vote/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">travelled to their home districts</a> this week to vote in Friday’s elections.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217959c7e80680e0ba9f5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="750" height="563"><figcaption>Incumbent mayor of Lalitpur Chiribabu Maharjan with his wife after casting their ballot at Ward 3 this morning.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217979c7e80680e0ba9f6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1147" height="765"><figcaption>Nepali Congress leader Prakash Man Singh at his voting booth in Kathmandu's Ward 16 Paknajol.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372179a9c7e80680e0ba9f7jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figcaption>UML co-chair Surendra Pandey at a voting booth in Chitwan.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372179d9c7e80680e0ba9f8jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figcaption>Bharatpur incumbent mayor casting her vote.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a19c7e80680e0ba9f9jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1221" height="814"><figcaption>Kathmandu mayor candidate Srijana Singh of Nepali Congress.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a39c7e80680e0ba9fajpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1175" height="784"><figcaption>UML vice chair for Kathmandu nominee former Miss Newa Sunita dangol</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a69c7e80680e0ba9fbjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1840" height="1584"><figcaption>Nepali Congress leader Ramchandra Paudel at Byas Municipality of Tanahu district.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217a99c7e80680e0ba9fcjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3000" height="2909"><figcaption>UML vice chair nominee former Miss Newa Sunita dangol</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217ad9c7e80680e0ba9fdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="3600" height="2400"><figcaption>An elderly at a voting booth in Baglung'sGalkot Municipality.</figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b09c7e80680e0ba9fejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1800" height="1200"><figcaption>A woman casts her vote in Suryabinaka, Bhaktapur.</figcaption></figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b39c7e80680e0ba9ffjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b69c7e80680e0baa00jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="428"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217b89c7e80680e0baa01jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="428"><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217ba9c7e80680e0baa02jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427">A key concern in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/local-poll-national-impact/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">this election</a> is the probability of high number of invalid votes as several parties have forged electoral alliances and with around 79 political parties registered, the ballot paper will have more election symbols than candidates.

#NepalVotes

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217899c7e80680e0ba9f1jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1210" height="806"/><figcaption>A political party mobiliser in Kathmandu's Koteswor intersection collecting names of voters in Triyuja Municipality in Udaypur. All photos: MONIKA DEUPALA</figcaption></figure>“What is your name?”“Binod Murmu.”“Do you know who the candidates are in our municipality?”“No.”“Then why are you going home? We have done so much to get you home, but you do not even know the candidate?”Murmu has no reply for the political party cadre.“Bhagwan Raut,” says the man sitting next to him. “I will tell him about our candidate.”“Do you have a voter ID?” the party worker asks the man.  “No, but my name is on the voters' list.”“Good, otherwise it will be difficult for us. After all, we are going through so much trouble to get you home.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/local-poll-national-impact/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Local poll, national impact</a>, EditorialThis was an overheard conversation earlier this week between a political party mobiliser and a passenger getting ready to board a bus in Kathmandu’s Koteswor intersection.The bus had been chartered by Bhagwat Raut, the UML candidate for mayor of Trijuga Municipality in Udaypur district, a 8 hour drive away. One of the passengers was Chandra Roka, and he was among people on the voters’ list that were being provided free transport by the party.The other parties in Trijuga are also rounding up voters in Kathmandu and busing them to vote in their home districts.Many of the 17,733,726 registered voters for the 13 May local elections are not in the voters’ list of Kathmandu where they now live and work. An estimated 300,000 people have travelled to their home districts this week to vote in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-goes-to-the-polls/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Friday’s elections</a>.Most have got a free ride home from political parties, some are even getting a stipend, in return for votes. Even before the journey begins, the party cadre is already educating the passengers on the complicated ballot paper, the election symbols of their candidates, and how to vote.But not everyone is going to vote for the party’s candidates in return for the ride. Purna Maya Biswokarma, 88, is waiting for another free bus ride to her village in Sindhupalchok provided by the Maoists party. She has no plans to vote for anyone.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372178c9c7e80680e0ba9f2jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1132" height="755"><figcaption>Purna Maya Biswokarma has no sympathy for the parties and has no plans to vote for anyone despite a free bus ticket sponsored by the candidates in her village.</figcaption></figure>Biswokarma lost five of her children because of the lack of health care in her village, and she has no sympathy for the parties.“The five years of the local government term ended, but they could not guarantee even free medicines in the health post,” she tells us. “What are these candidates going to do for the poor like us? Nothing.”Biswokarma’s daughter-in-law Manju plans to return to Kathmandu the very next day after casting her vote, but is not sure if the party is paying for the roundtrip. “If they bring us back then it will be easy for us, but it is unlikely they will,” she says.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/turning-a-new-leaf-in-2079/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Turning a new leaf in 2079</a>, Santa Gaha MagarApsara BK and her husband Ram Bahadur BK are daily wage earners from Surkhet district working at a brick kiln in Lalitpur. The family is getting a free 18-hour bus ride from the party, but the family has no intention of coming back to Kathmandu.“Kathmandu is expensive and it is impossible to support our five children here, so we are using the election as an excuse to return to our village,” says Ram Bahadur. He now plans to go to India to find work.The BK couple has a house near Surkhet. It takes them half an hour to collect water from the nearest tap, and an hour to reach school. Not much has changed in their village since the last local election in 2017.“In the last election, the candidates promised us jobs and a better life, but five years later it is still the same,” says Apsara.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/6372178f9c7e80680e0ba9f3jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1236" height="824"><figcaption>The BK family waiting to board their bus to Surket in Balaju. The family doesn't plan to come back to Kathmandu after the election.</figcaption></figure>Ram Bahadur gets an urgent phone call from the party cadre in his village to board the bus. He says, “They remember us only when they need votes. They promised us drinking water, irrigation and a forest fence, but they forgot it all once they were elected,” he says.<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/we-are-treated-like-atms/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali voters</a> are disillusioned by successive governments who have failed to address their grievances time and again. Many say they will be voting for the candidates who will do a good job regardless of the free bus ticket.Tek Bahadur Khatri is 88 but age is just a number for him, as he prepares to board a bus for Okhaldhunga. Worried he might not make it till the next election, he is determined to cast his vote this time and make it count.“Voting is carrying out the duty of a good citizen,” says Khatri. “They may or may not work for the people in the future but we should vote for those we think are good candidates.”Politicians and their cadres can try all they want, buy bus tickets, distribute food and alcohol, or dole out lofty promises, but people hold all the power as they head to the polling booths across the country this Friday, and they will <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">reward performance</a> above all.Says Manju Biswokarma: “We are going to our village because we need to. Regardless of which candidate paid for the bus, we will cast our votes for those who will do a good job.”Translated by Aria Parasai from the <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/news/129736?fbclid=IwAR2LkYUuB7N7yI4cIQ_FqZPBMaIefrjJkLR7z4uCoskIYRrlg_czrfH1N3E" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Nepali original</a> in <a href="http://himalkhabar.com/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=http://himalkhabar.com/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1652490131766000&amp;usg=AOvVaw140MamqZvb84w4-Mzs7LW-">himalkhabar.com</a>

On the road to vote

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217669c7e80680e0ba9e5jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>In an informal survey, Nepalis in the United States were asked about <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">elections back home this year</a> to three levels of government.Most replied that they do not care much about politics either in Nepal or the United States, they just want to finish their studies, or save enough to send to families in Nepal.Most had no plans to return to Nepal any time soon, among common reasons like quality of life, financial security, and the need to support families back home.But there was one response that seemed to go to the heart of it: "Nepalis do not have equal rights."Although Nepal ranks fairly high in gender equality because its reservation laws for elected representatives, and is above many other Asian countries in the Human Rights Index, there are persistent gaps. Caste, ethnic and gender discrimination are still rife, and socio-economic inequities hold the country back.What rankles Nepali students here is that, like the other 4 million or so compatriots overseas, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/our-notes-count-but-our-votes-dont/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">they cannot exercise their right to vote</a> in local elections on 13 May or in provincial and federal elections later this year.Some saw their Filipino classmates or colleagues voting in this week’s elections, and are puzzled why Nepal cannot do what the Philippines does. Non-resident Indians may even be allowed to vote by post in the 2025 elections.The United States allows overseas voters to cast ballots after filling in a Federal Post Card Application. The UK allows nationals abroad to cast postal votes or even delegate someone else to cast a proxy vote.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111124/637217699c7e80680e0ba9e6jpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="427"><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI</figcaption></figure>Despite a Supreme Court verdict in 2018, Nepal’s Elections Commission still has not got its act together to allow the diaspora to cast their ballot.The Nepal Supreme Court’s six-point directive four years ago ordered the government to make necessary arrangements to allow Nepali citizens living and working in foreign countries to vote in elections at the country’s diplomatic missions and universities abroad. It also directed the government to prepare a list of Nepalis who have not renounced their Nepali citizenship, or obtained citizenship of the countries they are living in.To be sure, only 45 out of more than 200 countries currently have procedures to allow absentee mailed ballots. But for a country with a Constitution that is regarded more progressive than previous ones, this is a glaring omission.As many as 14% of Nepal’s total population is abroad. Many are migrant workers in India, the Gulf, Europe or East Asia. Others are students in Australia or the United States. The estimated $7 billion dollars they send home every year is keeping Nepal afloat through its current economic crisis. In fact remittances from Nepalis abroad accounts for nearly a third of Nepal’s GDP, second only to Kyrgyzstan in Asia.Overseas Nepalis are also exposed to a <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/between-home-and-the-deep-blue-sea/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">diverse, global perspective from work experience</a> and education. They have more data points to know what Nepal needs, how possible solutions might be viable, who can implement solutions, and vote as informed citizens. And yet they are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/mirage-of-migrant-rights/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">not allowed to cast their ballots</a>.“It's not that Nepal’s parties are not aware of this situation,” says one student whose family members work for the government back home. “But they are afraid that our votes will be against failed politicians who have ruled Nepal for so long.”Officials in Nepal admit privately that they fear there will be a lot of cheating if absentee ballots are allowed. But if the Philippines can do it there is no reason why Nepal cannot, and this indicates a lack of political will.Overseas Nepalis all have access to the internet, so e-voting would be an easy, effective and fraud-proof solution. All it needs is a law allowing mailed ballots.“Our contribution to Nepal has been ignored, we do not want to return to Nepal as long as our hard work is not valued,” said a Nepali worker here, who like others, did not want to be identified. “The government just sees us as ATMs.”Back home, Nepali Congress leader and former foreign minister Prakash Sharan Mahat has indicated that voting by mail may not be possible in the foreseeable future. He was quoted as saying recently: “It may not be possible in local elections, nor in the upcoming parliamentary elections. It would be a great achievement if we succeeded to make it possible in the coming five years.”Despite that inability to exercise their franchise, most are worried about political disarray and the economic crisis in Nepal. They follow developments in Nepal closely and constantly on the internet, and express worry and frustration.

“We are treated like ATMs”

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637217149c7e80680e0ba9ccjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1136" height="1168"/><figcaption></figcaption></figure>The use of the social web has found a dominant <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/election-campaign-on-social-media,3712" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">role in campaigning for local elections</a>, especially as the countdown to the 13 May local elections ticks away.Wall posters have been replaced by Facebook posts, loudspeakers on jeeps by jingles, and soundbites from candidates on YouTube, and even <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/huge-uptick-in-tiktok-during-nepal-lockdown/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">TikTok</a> music videos.More than in the previous election in 2017, Nepal’s political parties, activists, and the general public have gone online to campaign or promote their preferred candidates. And like in elections of old, this new medium is also used for calumny, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-the-people-cannot-be-fooled-all-the-time/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">fake news</a> and personal attacks.In April, a video went viral on social media of K P Oli and Bishnu Poudel of the UML apparently being chased out of Butwal by angry locals. The story of the video was that two leaders had gone to Butwal to inaugurate a view tower that had been built instead of a hospital.<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637217179c7e80680e0ba9cdjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="640" height="698">But the watchdog group Nepal FactCheck flagged the video as being from a protest in March 2021 when then Finance Minister Poudel was laying the foundation of an industrial zone in Butwal.Another video showed Nepali Congress leader <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Policies-for-the-people,3640" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Gagan Thapa</a> being harassed by crowds, interspersed with out-of-context clips of him poking fun at the government headed by his own party.Targeted content such as these show that Nepal is also suffering from the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/digital-discrimination/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">misuse of social media platforms</a> by political parties at election time to further their populist agenda. In the 2013 Constituent Assembly elections, only a quarter of Nepalis had access to the internet, and smartphone use was still very low. Things picked up in the 2017 federal elections, but in 2022 mobile telephony has changed the election landscape.Deepak Adhikari, editor of South Asia Check, sees an increased impact of social media on elections. Political parties have woken up to its power and are using it to the fullest for propaganda as well as slander on opponents.“Increased effort by parties to influence voters through social media in campaigning also means that there is a greater risk of the public getting false and misleading information,” says Adhikari, adding that political parties, activists, hate groups, foreign powers, as well as <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/internet-in-everything/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">digital portals</a> are active participants in the process.Last July, UML leader Prabhu Sah set up the ‘IT Army’, after Mahesh Basnet of the same party and former disgraced Information Minister had announced plans to form a ‘cyber army’. These troll factories were designed to support Prime Minister K P Oli when he was under attack from Pushpa Kamal Dahal from within his own NCP in a power struggle.The <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/mobile-nepal-is-hooked-on-youtube/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">digital media landscape has changed dramatically</a> since 2017, with 65% of Nepalis connected to the worldwide web and 91% owning mobile phones, 65% of which are smartphones (see graph below). Parties are now delivering speeches and holding public meetings on Facebook Live, releasing election songs and campaign materials on YouTube, and lobbying on Facebook and Twitter.The Sharecast Initiative survey put the number of Facebook users in Nepal at nearly 13 million. Twitter and Instagram accounts are far fewer, but continue to grow. One-third of Nepalis now use Wi-Fi to access the net and 91% mobile internet. Half of Nepali mobile phone users have 4G services, while three-quarters of the population has access to some form of the internet. Nepalis are therefore <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-message-is-the-medium/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">relying less and less on the mainstream press</a> for information.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/637217199c7e80680e0ba9cejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1898" height="816"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>The two major parties have racked up a significant digital media following since the last election. The UML’s Facebook account has 357,000 followers while the Nepali Congress has 308,000. Independent mayorial candidate Balen Shah boasts 465,000 followers on Facebook.The Maoist Centre has lagged behind, and has even fewer followers on the platform than the newly-minted Unified Socialists.The UML has seven IT experts employed full-time at its headquarters in Kathmandu. The party’s official website contains a systematic documentation of its history in government and Parliament, other relevant documents, up-to-date information on party events, while its social media accounts regularly share interviews and live speeches.It has also launched a separate app for its cadre after <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/unconventional-party-conventions/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">last year’s general convention</a>.“The app is designed so that communication among party cadres is centralised,” explains Bishnu Rijal, head of the UML’s publicity department. “More people on social media prefer to watch short videos or live speeches, to reading long content."The Nepali Congress is not as prolific but has also ramped up its social media campaigning as election day closes in. The party used to put up paid advertising on Facebook, but is now concentrating on its ‘Let’s go door to door’ voter campaign on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/press-for-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">social media</a>.The alternative Bibeksheel Sajha Party has 107,000 followers on Facebook and 35,000 on Twitter and also uses social media extensively for campaigning. Says IT expert Prakash Jha: “Use of social media has contributed significantly to the political success of Bibeksheel Sajha Party.”Rabindra Mishra (Bibeksheel Sajha), Baburam Bhattarai (JSP) and Gagan Thapa (NC) all prefer Twitter to Facebook, and have more than 1 million followers each. On the other hand, the UML’s K P Oli who is known for his pithy repartee, is popular on TikTok. His personal account has 17,000 followers, and his videos have received more than 1.2 million likes.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111120/6372171c9c7e80680e0ba9cfjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Subash Adhikari, an <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">election</a> strategist for the NC in 2017, says  targetted Facebook advertising yielded dramatic results, especially as the NC reached out to Facebook consultants in India.“We took his advice to form our election strategy with Facebook at the centre,” Adhikari recalls. “We were able to target demographics in specific geographical areas.”Samriddha Ghimire, who has worked on Indian elections with noted strategist Prashant Kishore, says party leaders in Nepal have no idea or vision on how to conduct an effective <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Campaigning-in-cyberspace,864" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">digital election campaign</a>.“All they know is how to spend some money in order to boost Facebook posts,” says Ghimire. “There is no election strategy in general, and specially in using digital platforms.”No matter how much social media is used for electioneering in Nepal, Ghimire adds, much of the work is in vain without the collection and analysis of data on voters crucial to charting a strategy.Says Ghimire: “Statistics is the raw information that drives an electoral strategy, as it is planning on what kind of message to send to potential voters.”<a style="font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/social-movement-through-social-media/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Social media</a>, after all, he adds, is just a medium.“Prashant Kishore’s team chose to categorise their target voters from specific communities in a way that the election-related messages were catered to voter’s interests and opinions,” he remarks. “It is a successful exercise in influencing the vote.”Prakash Jha of GAMA Nepal agrees, adding that most of the candidates and parties lack even the basic skills to listen to voters, or even write up election manifestos.“Electoral and political communication in Nepal lack the professionalism required to influence voter behaviour,” says Jha.Because of this, electoral communication falls back on <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/the-social-media-contagion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">misinformation and fake news</a> to attack rivals, rather than to highlight the party’s election agenda.To this, adds Kundan Aryal at the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication at Tribhuvan University: “Although social media has provided an opportunity for a two-way communication, dominance of certain groups has led to the misuse of the platform,”When social media is used as a propaganda tool to spread false information, it <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/online-trolls-bots-snoopers-imperil-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">threatens to undermine the very fabric of a liberal democracy</a>, he says.According to Madhu Acharya of Sharecast Initiative social media has been <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/indias-new-social-media-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">misused to spread misinformation</a> because mainstream media has not done enough to inform public opinion, making way for the likes of ‘reporters’ on YouTube to fill the information gap by making a mockery of serious public issues.“Not everything that one sees on the internet is to be believed,” Acharya says: “If media users consider their source of information, it could stop the spread of misleading and false content to a great extent.”

Election infowar goes digital

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111144/63721cca9c7e80680e0bd4adjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1500" height="1000"/><figcaption>Photo: NEPALI TIMES ARCHIVES</figcaption></figure>Some members of the ruling coalition are still trying to postpone <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local elections</a> slated for 13 May citing the country’s economic crisis, but preparations are too far done to put it off now.The main contest will be between the Nepali Congress (NC) and the opposition UML. Which is why the smaller members of the governing alliance are getting <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/dance-of-democracy/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">cold feet</a>.The UML and Maoist alliance swept the 2017 federal and provincial elections, but the Nepal Communist Party has since splintered, with the UML also breaking in two. All this is good news for the NC.Party alliances are less important in local elections, which is why <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women and new voters</a> who are not loyal to any parties will be making their presence felt in May.“We have seen that 75-80% of voters close their eyes and cast their ballots out of party loyalty, but 25-30% vote independently,” says former Chief Election Commissioner Bhojraj Pokharel. “These silent voters will be decisive in a close election.”There was an indication of this trend in the 2017 Kathmandu mayoral race, when the relatively unknown <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/blogs/thebrief/2017/05/19/the-ranju-darshana-phenomenon/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Ranju Darshana </a>of the alternative Bibeksheel Party came out of nowhere to get the third highest number of votes.“I think there are more and more voters who do not fall for the false promises of established parties and feel free to vote with their conscience,” says Kishor Thapa, also a mayoral candidate from the Sajha Party in the Kathmandu polls in 2017.The trend has always been that while political parties command vote banks during national elections, many vote independently during local polls. There were many cases in the municipal and ward voting in 2017 where party alliances did not ensure victory for candidates.“Political parties are making grand nationwide alliances, but in local elections <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/local-government-by-the-people-for-the-people-of-the-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">voters look at their own towns or cities</a> and decide who can best serve them,” explains social scientist Suresh Dhakal.Next month’s local elections will be the second under the federal system, and voters have had the past five years <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/">to judge the performance of mayors and municipality chairs</a>. If they have done a good job and are standing again, this time they may be rewarded with votes from supporters of other parties.The make-or-break issue in this election could be that there are 220,000 new young voters compared to 2017, with a total of 17,733,726 registered voters. While many of these Gen Z voters are expected to vote against established parties, they also tend to be disillusioned with politics and many do not vote.Which is why the predominant narrative against the main parties on the social web may not be reflected in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">voting patterns and election results.</a> Voters younger than 23 therefore need to analyse the performance of parties, and not just believe the campaign speeches of candidates.<a style="background-color: #ffffff; font-size: 15px; letter-spacing: 0.01em;" href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Between-the-lines/Bibeksheel-Nepali-work-post-earthquake-nepal,490" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Alternative parties like Bibeksheel Sajha</a> targetted young voters and tried to imitate the success of the Aam Aadmi Party in India. However personality clashes within them, and their alignment with royalist-religious forces may turn many young voters off.“Despite all their problems, the established parties did<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> struggle to restore democracy,</a>” explains political analyst Puranjan Acharya. “The so-called alternative parties turned out to be regressive and traditional.”The most dramatic change in forthcoming elections this year could be the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/reward-performance/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">confidence of women candidates for local governments</a>, as well as the empowerment of women voters throughout the country. Women who had been involved in community forestry user groups, drinking water supply, against domestic violence and other social issues are now active in local politics.“It is not just happening in urban areas, women are now much more aggressive at the grassroots and are demanding accountability from leaders,” says Suresh Dhakal.The 2015 Constitution mandated that the deputy mayor had to be a woman if the mayor was a man, and there had to be women and Dalit women members of elected ward councils.In 2017, many women voters said they cast their ballots for women candidates no matter which party they were from. Although this trend is expected to spread, there may be fewer women candidates this time because of the electoral alliances to field common candidates.There are now seven women mayors out of 293, and 19 female chairs of municipalities out of 460. Out of 6,743 wards, only 61 chairs are women. This shows that even though female membership of local councils has gone up, the executive positions are still predominantly male.Political analyst Indra Adhikari says that women have shown in the past five years that they can be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/clean-up-elections-to-clean-up-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">accountable leaders</a> responsive to public needs, now they need to be re-elected to head at least one-third of the municipalities and wards,” she adds.Devolution expert Krishna Prasad Sapkota agrees: “The election of women to municipalities and wards has had a positive impact on local governance, parties have to be careful to include women candidates in their ticket list.”

Turning a new leaf in 2079

<figure><img width="1500" height="1000" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111140/63721b8f9c7e80680e0bd445jpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Illustration: RABINDRA</figcaption></figure>“We are always proud about the fact that Nepal has a female President and Speaker, but do you think Bidya Devi Bhandari, Onsari Gharti Magar or MPs and deputy mayors would have been appointed if it wasn’t mandated by the 2015 Constitution?”This was one of many questions raised at a recent workshop on the role of Nepali <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/women-leaders-seen-but-not-heard/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">women in politics</a>. The participants, made up of young politicians, journalists, law students and other members of civil society, did not take long to answer: Of course not. If it was not for affirmative action in the Constitution, they would never have held office.  Nepal’s Constitution mandates that the country’s President and Vice-president, Speaker and deputy-Speaker of Parliament have to be of different genders and communities. Similarly, the Local Government Election Act 2017 introduced after Nepal became federal also requires at least one female candidate between mayor and deputy mayor, as well as between chair and deputy chair of rural municipalities. Two of four elected ward council members have to be women, one of whom must be from the Dalit community.This reservation system has ensured the largest participation of Nepali women in politics in the country’s history, with 14,329 female leaders being elected into local governments after the 2017 election.The political participation of women was initially a response against the patriarchy, says Bagmati Provincial Assembly member Rachana Khadka. But Nepal’s political parties predictably favoured men for the top leadership at all levels of government. This means that even though 93% of the deputy positions went to women, men made up 98% of mayors and municipal chairs. Of the 718 women elected to the 753 local structures, only seven were appointed mayors, and 11 chairs of rural municipalities. Meanwhile, 276 women were elected deputy mayors and 424 were elected deputy chairs. Even so, Nepal’s female deputies have outperformed male mayors in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">driving grassroots development</a>, delivering maternal and reproductive health services, combating social ills like chhaupadi menstrual sheds and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">providing prompt Covid-19 response</a>. Rachana Khadka put it eloquently: “Men are leaders by virtue of their position, women earn leadership through performance.”Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/periphery-within-the-periphery-in-nepal/">Periphery within the periphery in Nepal</a>, Kunda Dixit <img width="219" height="265" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114111140/63721b929c7e80680e0bd446jpeg.jpg" alt=""> Many women deputies are now eager to contest for mayoral and chair positions in local elections on 13 May. A survey shows that 80% of female elected officials holding deputy positions want to run for top leadership positions this time – even though their hopes may be dashed because male leaders of the ruling coalition government have decided to divide up tickets based on patronage. Prabha Baral, the elected mayor of Chitwan’s Rapti Municipality explains that although the presence of women in top positions is still negligible, Nepal’s political parties are trying to increase the presence of female candidates in this year’s election.  Baral’s constituency along with Syangja’s Putalibazar led by Mayor Sima Kumari Chettri were among seven local governments classified as ‘Excellent’ in a report card by the Municipal Association of Nepal. Their role in <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/local-government-by-the-people-for-the-people-of-the-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Judicial Committees</a> in mediating local disputes has been exemplary. Despite the optimism, there are challenges. Of the 13,311 female officials who joined municipal assemblies across the country as ward members, 6,569 were from the Dalit community. Yet, Dalit women are almost completely absent from the executive and decision-making positions. Their presence in local governments has been reduced to formality and tokenism.  Women are also less likely to secure <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">adequate election funding</a> than male candidates, one of the reasons being that many Nepali women still do not have independent control over financial resources. Many women who ran for office at the provincial and national levels in 2017 say they have not even been able to pay off their election debts, or may not run for office a second time, as they struggle to finance their campaigns while men are backed by contractors and the wealthy.  Additionally, now more than ever, women incumbents and candidates must navigate the upcoming election on social media platforms as political parties use the internet to campaign. The social web is also rampant with misogynistic expression and hate speech, online trolling and threats of sexual violence. Women in positions of power are judged more harshly, undermining their achievements and authority. Still, analysts are hopeful that more women will join the executive ranks after this May’s local elections. And hopefully there will be many more than the seven mayors and 11 chairs at present who are female. If voters cast ballots on the basis of performance, there certainly would be <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/can-nepal-elections-change-its-male-stream-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">more women leaders</a>.  Shristi Karki

Shristi Karki

Reward performance

<figure><img width="1400" height="1051" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f0e9c7e80680e0b794fjpeg.jpg" alt=""/><figcaption>Photo: BIKRAM RAI/NEPALI TIMES</figcaption></figure>Nepal is getting into full campaign mode for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">local elections</a> only a little more than a month away, and political parties have started to provide tickets to candidates.Nepal’s political parties are <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/old-wine-in-old-bottle-in-nepal-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">led by ageing leaders</a>, many of them discredited because they have not addressed voters’ real concerns in the past. The parties need to know the priorities and concerns of Nepal’s youth who make up a large chunk of eligible voters.  A new survey reveals that issues of health care, education, entrepreneurship, climate change, women and waste management are at the top of the list of what young voters want ahead of elections on 13 May. They will be voting for<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer"> mayors, ward chairs and other local officials </a>based on how much they feel the candidates can solve these problems.This is proven in results of a nationwide public opinion survey by the <a href="https://avnicenter.org" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Avni- Center for Sustainability</a> (ACS) from 4-12 March among 415 participants aged 18 to 35 from diverse socio-economic and educational backgrounds.Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/deputies-drive-development-in-rural-nepal/"> Deputies drive development in rural Nepal</a>, Laxmi Basnet <figure><img width="681" height="299" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f119c7e80680e0b7950jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="673" height="291" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f139c7e80680e0b7951jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><figcaption></figcaption></figure>The poll is one of many that proves that Nepali youth are worried about their future, and the state of the country’s governance. It shows that they want to be active participants in resolving Nepal’s <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/himalayans-on-the-frontlines/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">environmental</a> and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/urgency-about-nepals-economic-emergency/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">socio-economic issues</a> since the Covid-19 pandemic and lockdowns began two years ago. The Centre conducted online and offline surveys seeking to identify important issues for voters within different age groups in villages and cities. It has used data collected from the surveys to communicate the public sentiment to political parties, and engaged Nepali youth as local reporters to make <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">voters at the local level </a>aware about the issues ahead of elections. Respondents were asked if they were registered to vote, were aware of who their elected officials were and what issues they wanted addressed during the upcoming elections. Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/feudalism-to-federalism/">Feudalism to Federalism,</a> Editorial Almost all of the respondents were optimistic that they believed their vote would make a difference. As many as 79% of respondents confirmed that they would vote in the upcoming elections, with more than two-thirds of voters saying that they were willing to travel long distances to vote from their home districts.  This shows that rather than being cynical about Nepal’s democracy, they see it as a way to bring change in the future. The response is a relatively high figure for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/everything-is-political/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">political engagement</a> compared to what young voters say elsewhere in South Asia and the world. The survey also found that young voters are not particularly impressed by how their elected officials have performed in the last five years. Indeed, while more than 80% of respondents knew who their current mayors, municipality chairs, and ward chairs were, a large majority did not want to see the incumbents running for office again, and definitely not re-elected.   <figure><img width="639" height="644" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f159c7e80680e0b7953jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="723" height="324" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f179c7e80680e0b7954jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img width="765" height="342" src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f199c7e80680e0b7955jpeg.jpg" alt=""><figcaption></figcaption></figure>Nepal’s young people seem to be focused on issues of day-to-day concern rather than the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/battle-lines-drawn-for-nepal-elections/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">populist rhetoric, nationalism and religion</a> that are often whipped up by the political parties.Only less than 9% of participants answered that they will be voting for a political party, compared to two-thirds who preferred to <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/local-government-by-the-people-for-the-people-of-the-people/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">vote for candidates rather than parties</a>. This is agood sign that they will demand accountability from their local leaders.The survey also attempted to explore matters important to young Nepali voters. Three-quarters of the respondents believed that <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-change-is-a-disaster-in-the-nepal-himalaya/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">climate change</a> should be a political issue, and 60% wanted <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/clean-up-elections-to-clean-up-politics/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">capable non-corrupt political leaders</a> who would ensure jobs.  Almost half of the respondents felt that the <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/after-quantity-nepals-education-needs-quality/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">lack of quality education</a> as well as a supportive environment for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/new-daraz-md-seeks-to-make-an-impact-in-nepal/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">business and entrepreneurship</a> should be addressed in the upcoming elections. Nearly 40% of the participants wanted to see candidates committed to addressing problems like <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/vow-against-vaw/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">violence against women</a>, <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepals-humanitarian-emergency/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">affordable healthcare</a>, and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/no-smoke-without-fire-in-kathmandu/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">proper waste management</a>.The survey also asked respondents about the future of Nepal as a country, to which 81% of respondents answered that while progress was being made, it was not happening fast enough.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/power-to-the-periphery/">Power to the periphery</a>, Sonia Awale

What Nepal’s voters most want in elections

<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720efe9c7e80680e0b794bjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4032" height="2268"/><figcaption>Deputy chair of Chaurpati Rural Municipality in Achham district Maya Kunwar has been working to reduce domestic violence, alcoholism and to mediate disputes. She now seeks another five-year term in local elections this May. All photos: KUNDA DIXIT</figcaption></figure>As Nepal prepares for <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/think-nationally-vote-locally/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1yJKEP_Qp4UYxj6d2MKsFx">local elections in May</a>, here in the far-western mountains, there is anticipation and hope about <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/nepals-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1uLWlBf1K4Sxx5n3gcNT8D">grassroots leaders</a> who are more efficient and accountable. This is in  stark contrast to Kathmandu, where apathy and cynicism about national politics is rife.When Nepal had its <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/political-power-of-the-ballot-local-elections-nepal" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/political-power-of-the-ballot-local-elections-nepal&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0uzQcG2v18HnEV9bOw3dYi">first local elections in 20 years in 2017</a>, the tiny settlement of Chaurpati had no electricity, no roads, and there was no doctor in the health post. Most men were migrant workers in India, and many of those who stayed behind would spend the days gambling and drinking.“Our main focus in the past five years was to improve infrastructure that had been neglected for decades,” says Harka Bahadur Saud, the elected chair of Chaurpati Rural Municipality. “The pandemic delayed things, but everyone can see that things have changed for the better.”This bucolic village clings to a mountain side surrounded by rhododendron forests in full bloom, a 360 degree panorama, and now boasts a brand new 15-bed hospital, motorable roads, an upgraded government school, and a football field sized pond to store monsoon rains and recharge ground water to replenish springs that have gone dry.Saud went over to the Unified Socialist (CPN-US) party after it split from the UML, and is confident that his constituents have seen the progress and will reward him with another five-year term as Chair.“There is so much still left to do, we need to asphalt the road, invest in cash crops and create jobs locally so people do not have to migrate anymore,” says Saud, who has leased terraces abandoned by migrating farmers for banana plantations.Saud’s deputy is Maya Kunwar, and although she is from the Nepali Congress (NC), the two complement each other. The fact that the CPN-US and the NC are partners in the coalition government in Kathmandu helps.While Saud focuses on physical upgrades of roads and buildings, Kunwar has concentrated on removing discrimination, exclusion and tackling social injustice. She is active in the village’s Judicial Committee that works to mediate local disputes so they do not escalate.Kunwar is <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/latest/women-leaders-set-example-for-rest-of-nepal/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1jz2nGUfUMNnbUk1ecCUCW">not one of those token women</a> that parties selected as candidates to fulfil the female quota for deputy chair. Before standing for election in 2017, she was active in the cooperative movement, campaigned to end the practice of menstrual banishment called chhaupadi, reduce domestic violence, and rampant alcoholism.<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f019c7e80680e0b794cjpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4032" height="2268"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f079c7e80680e0b794djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4032" height="2268"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>“You do not see any drunks on the streets anymore because we have banned the sale of small plastic sachets of alcohol, and increased police patrols to control people who are making a nuisance,” she says.Kunwar says her political career would not have been possible without a supportive husband and her in-laws. She would like to stand again, this time for the chair, but with elections only a little more than a month away, she has not got a ticket yet. A lot will depend on how parties in the governing coalition divide up candidates for municipal and ward constituencies.Here in rural Nepal, the notion of centre and periphery is blurred. Seen from Kathmandu, Far-west Province is remote, but Achham district is distant even by the standards of this isolated region. And within Achham, the village of Chaurpati is in the back of beyond.Blow-by-blow accounts of the internecine power struggles in faraway Kathmandu could not be more removed from everyday reality of these mountain settlements. Here, it does not matter which party a candidate for ward or municipal council belongs to — all that matters is whether they can <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/all-politics-is-local/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3i7QKy53GNGNvPzEq9fd2o">deliver what matters</a>.And what matters most to voters here are livelihoods, jobs, safer roads, a market for produce. They need affordable and accessible healthcare so they do not have to borrow money to take sick family members to hospital.Health is a primary concern of local people and candidates standing for elections know this. Even a minor injury can bankrupt a family because of lack of access to affordable health care.“In politics we have to compete, but in providing service to the people we have to work together,” says Saud. “Politics at the local level is all about meeting expectations, we cannot let our people down.”Kunwar nods in agreement, “It is not important who wins the election, if it is not me, it will be someone else. But whoever it is, the problem here will be the same.”<figure><img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20221114101148/63720f0b9c7e80680e0b794ejpeg.jpg" alt="" width="4032" height="2268"><figcaption> </figcaption></figure>Sanfebagar Rural Municipality, a two hour drive down the mountains, is better off than Chaurpati. It has an airfield with daily flights to Dhangadi, and its market is thriving because of the construction of the 20MW Budiganga hydroelectric project upstream.Sanfebagar is also where Bayalpata Hosptial is located. It provides free medical care to more than <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/aim-for-fewer-patients-in-achham-possible-hospital,2022" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/aim-for-fewer-patients-in-achham-possible-hospital,2022&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw3hvmbxxn4p_XRYseR8VLlc">100,000 patients every year </a>from Achham and surrounding districts. Managed by the non-profit Nyaya Health Nepal (NHN), the hospital is a successful example of partnership with local governments which are now investing in affordable and accessible healthcare.“Bayalpata Hospital is what health care in the rest of Nepal should be,” says the mayor of Sanfebagar Rural Municipality Kul Bahadur Kunwar, who helps support the hospital through his municipality budget.<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/state-of-the-art-rural-hospital/">The hospital</a> has included <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/devolution-for-development/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/devolution-for-development/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw0b50B1pM2BL7ZO4A986xMv">surrounding rural municipalities</a> like Chaurpati in its community health program, helping with equipment and medical staff at its new hospital, training community health volunteers to go house-to-house to provide free basic care.Deputy Mayor of Sanfebagar Birmala Budthapa says being elected a people’s representative is not for the faint-hearted. “It has been five years, I am on call 24 hours, my phone is ringing constantly with people who need help. There is a lot of pressure to deliver.”During the pandemic Budthapa herself had to take patients who could not afford transport to Bayalpata Hospital for treatment. She says, “Bayalpata has been god-send. It is a model for free, high-quality medical care that should be spread all over Nepal,”<a href="https://www.nyayahealthnepal.org/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?q=https://www.nyayahealthnepal.org&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1648540172247000&amp;usg=AOvVaw1j_CxRK1JVJE0bWVMClr4w">Nyaya Health Nepal</a>

Kunda Dixit

Periphery within the periphery in Nepal

One smoggy winter morning in February 2019, Ekta regretted coming to her sculpture class. It was the first day of her period, and the 19-year-old wished she was home, curled up in bed with a hot water bag to soothe her cramps.
Her class was at Kalapremi Ceramic Studio, a dark room on the ground floor of a house in Maharajganj, and Ekta’s teacher was the artist Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’, a noted sculptor.
Two other students were already there, using all their muscle strength to knead the sculpting clay. Ekta, now 24, recalls how Kalapremi asked her if she was feeling all right. She avoided him, as she did not want everyone to know she was menstruating.
Kalapremi repeatedly asked Ekta what was wrong. She finally muttered that she was having her period, after which he grabbed her hand and led her to a partitioned corner of the studio and sat her on a chair. Before she could stop him, he slid his hand under her dress, and started massaging her abdomen.
“I was horrified,” Ekta recalls. “I told him to stop, but he didn’t listen, asking me not to be shy, saying he knew how to relieve my pain. He stopped only after I protested furiously.”&nbsp;
The art tutor then said, “You’re like my daughter. I’m doing it out of love to make you feel better, but you’re so stubborn.”&nbsp;
“Instead of saying sorry he acted like I was the one having crazy thoughts,” remembers Ekta, adding that from April 2016 to August 2020 beginning the time she was 16, the artist sexually abused and harassed her on several occasions. &nbsp;
Now, Ekta and the artist’s other former students are finally sharing their experiences and some are pressing legal charges against him, hoping that others do not have to endure what they did.&nbsp;
Award-winning artist and teacher Gopal Das Shrestha ‘Kalapremi’ (the name means ‘Art Lover’) is known for his ceramic art, sculpture, and contemporary pottery. He was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/the-house-of-kalapremi">profiled in Nepali Times after a collaborative exhibition</a>, ‘Where the Wild Things Are’ at the Siddhartha Art Gallery three years ago.&nbsp;
His pieces, titled Gaalis, featured sculpted female figures with the heads of dogs, sheep, and donkeys (pictured) to depict derogatory terms for women. Some critics said the collection was a satire on feminists.
Kalapremi started his artistic and teaching career in 1983 and over the years taught at Bhanubhakta School, Kathmandu University School of Arts, Lalitkala Campus and at his private Kalapremi Ceramic Studio. He has also lectured at Jeonju University in South Korea and recently at Tabor Academy in the United States.
Seven of Kalapremi’s former students were interviewed for this story. Five female students said he touched them inappropriately in his studio or at Kathmandu University. Two male students said they witnessed him abuse and harass the women. In all cases, the students struggled to recognise the abuse when it occurred, and the lack of reporting systems left them to cope on their own for years.&nbsp;
Earlier this year, students shared a social media post hinting at Kalapremi’s history of abusive behaviour following which more students of the artist reached out sharing similar experiences. Some students spoke of abuse that happened as long as 20 years ago.
Kalapremi, 60, has denied the allegations. He told Nepali Times: “Some years ago, there was a movement encouraging people to hug and kiss. I used to do it purely out of friendship and love. But after seeing posts on social media last year calling out my behaviour, I realised my actions may have hurt some people. I understand now that I should have been more mindful.”
He added: “I am also an auxiliary health worker, so I know the exact points to massage to relieve menstrual pain. It’s not just menstruation, I take anyone who is ill to the hospital.”
Sexual abuse is much more rampant than reported given how difficult it is to prove it in court. The law defines sexual abuse as occuring when someone touches another’s private parts, coerces them into touching theirs, uses vulgar language, shows degrading images, or behaves indecently towards them without consent.&nbsp;
Ekta and her fellow students are consulting lawyer Suneeta Regmi Pokhrel, who says they know that even if the court decides in their favour, it is difficult to survive after speaking up, and influential men defend themselves saying they are being framed.&nbsp;
“They are in a lot of pain and weep when recalling how he abused them,” Regmi Pokhrel told us. “They are angry and have filed a case against him, but they are also terrified. They know he is a powerful man and they have seen how our society treats women who speak up against abusers. Unless people speak up, perpetrators will be emboldened.”
Art and academia in Nepal simply reflect the power imbalances in society where people with intersecting identities experience worse forms of abuse. Theatre actors Raj Kumar Pudasaini, Rajan Khatiwada, and Sunil Pokhrel were called out during the #MeToo movement in the Nepali theatre scene in 2019. Even after the allegations Pokhrel went on to receive national awards, while others continued to work without repercussions.
“If you speak up against abusers, you gradually get sidelined from projects,” explained a theatre artist who wished anonymity fearing professional setbacks. “The theatre scene in Nepal is quite small, you just have to make peace with the perpetrators and work with them if you want to sustain yourself.”&nbsp;
In academia there is a history of faculty members sexually harassing students and getting away with it. After Tribhuvan University (TU) lecturer Krishna Bhattachan was accused of harassing women students, the university said it would follow Nepal’s sexual harassment law and set up a reporting mechanism. But nothing happened to the professor, who had already retired. Instead, he counter-accused the students of 'attacking the indigenous people’s movement with baseless allegations' as <a href="https://kathmandupost.com/letters/2019/01/29/bhattachan-responds">he told the Kathmandu Post in 2019</a>. He continues to be featured as a prominent speaker including at TU.
Other faculty members previously accused of sexual harassment include Jagadish Murti Koirala from TU, Bishnu Prasad Acharya from Ratna Rajya Campus, and Bodha Raj Tripathee from Lalitpur Madhyamik Vidhyalaya. A woman staff member from TU also filed a sexual abuse complaint against Dambar Chemjong from TU.
Prominent figures like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">mountaineer Nims Purja</a> have been <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2024/05/31/sports/mountaineering-sexual-harassment-abuse-nims-purja.html">accused of sexual assault</a>, and cricketer Sandeep Lamichhane, actor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/celebrity-rape-case-spotlights-nepal-laws">Paul Shah</a>, and former speaker of Parliament <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mahara-arrested">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a> have been accused of rape, but society-at-large has let off the alleged perpetrators amdist a larger debate about justice for survivors and punishment of perpetrators.&nbsp;
‘Gaushala-26’ is the court name given to the 18-year-old who accused Sandeep Lamichhane, former captain of Nepal’s national cricket team and skipper of Biratnagar Kings in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/here-comes-the-nepal-premier-league">ongoing Nepal Premier League</a>, of rape. She left the country citing society questioning her character affecting her mental health while Lamichhane got an outpouring of support. In May, the Patan High Court overturned a prior verdict that found Lamichhane guilty of rape and had sentenced him to eight years in prison. During the 23-month legal battle to pursue justice, Gaushala-26 faced threats of gang rape and acid attacks.&nbsp;
Exhausted by the struggle, Gaushala-26 sought to “move to a new world” where she could live free without hiding her identity.
Actress Samragyee Rajya Laxmi Shah in an Instagram video now deleted detailed the harassment she faced from a filmmaker during a movie shoot. She did not name any name but veteran actor Bhuwan KC filed a defamation case against Rana, but the court ruled that the charge lacked sufficient evidence.&nbsp;
Former Kathmandu mayor <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/theytoo">Keshav Sthapit also mocked the #MeToo movement</a>, calling accusations against him by journalists Rashmila Prajapati and Ujjwala Maharjan “a rape of men’s rights”.
Serial Abuse
Back at the Kalapremi Ceramics studio, another former student, 24-year-old Rajiv, says he felt the need to speak out after seeing his female classmates being abused.&nbsp;
“He frequently kissed them on their cheeks,” he told Nepali Times. “Whenever they walked into the studio he flailed his arms like a child asking for a hug. They awkwardly hugged him from the side, but he pulled them closer, held their chin, and kissed their cheeks.”&nbsp;
Rajiv says he also saw Kalapremi pull the women’s bra straps, touch their breasts, and slap their buttocks. The young students would freeze, not knowing how to react, and if they protested, he would say it was “normal in art”. Rajiv, 19 at the time like his classmates, remembers thinking perhaps the well-respected artist was right after all.
Another student, Luna, who took lessons at Kalapremi’s studio from 2020 to 2022 did try to confront the tutor after he made an obscene proposal to her. She recalls: “One day when the other students had left the studio and it was just the two of us, he told me that God had given him special artistic talent and he could transfer those powers to me. But to do that both of us will have to be naked, inside a dark room, and have sex.”
Luna, who was 18 then, was livid and told him she did not want any of his powers, but she says he laughed at her as if he was joking. She did not tell her family about the incident because she thought no one would believe her.&nbsp;
“They were all in awe of this famous artist and felt I should be grateful that to be learning sculpting from him,” she says. “I was scared to be alone with him in case he talked about sex again. My coping mechanism was to be rude so he wouldn’t try to come close to me.”
Seeing how some classmates were standing up to Kalapremi, Ekta too tried to push back against his advances, but she said he found ways to coerce her. Since Ekta, Rajiv, and Luna could not afford Kalapremi’s Rs30,000 monthly fee for lessons, he had offered them all a stipend to assist him in the studio.
“He had spondylosis and took me to his therapy sessions to learn massage techniques, then he often made me and other students massage him,” says Ekta. Whenever she refused, he would feign pain to make her feel sorry for him. “He would insist that I put my hands under his shirt so that I could massage him better,” she adds.
The art tutor often tried to “seduce sympathy” from Ekta by sharing how he had never been loved as a child and was “sexually frustrated” as an adult.&nbsp;
“At 7PM, he would pour himself Signature whiskey and immediately go off again about how he was sex-starved. I didn’t know how to respond. It took me time to realise alcohol was just an excuse to talk about sex,” Ekta says.
If convicted, Kalapremi could face financial penalty and/or a prison sentence of up to three years according to Section 224 of National Penal (Code) Act 2017.&nbsp;
Data suggests that victims of child sexual abuse on average take nearly 24 years to tell someone about their trauma, and some may never disclose it at all.&nbsp;
“In our culture, children are rarely taught about boundaries. They often react, show anger when adults pinch their cheeks. But adults insist they did it out of love, and force the children to accept it,” says Sita Lama, a psychotherapist at Manka Kura. “And even when someone touches them inappropriately they struggle to identify and verbalise it.”
When perpetrators claim to be “acting out of love”, Lama says survivors are likely to perceive it as something safe, rather than recognising it as abuse.&nbsp;
“It may take years for them to realise they were abused,” she explains. "And even when they become aware, the power imbalance with the abuser and the associated shame often prevents survivors from speaking up."
Other former students from the School of Art at Kathmandu University have also come forward years later, saying Kalapremi sexually abused them. As young adults, they felt his behaviour was off but were uncertain if it was inappropriate, illegal, or they did not know how to respond. After having understood that it was indeed abuse, they say they are speaking out now to protect others.&nbsp;
Amina Singh, a visiting faculty member at Kathmandu University, says there is no clause against sexual abuse in contracts of teachers, and there is no formal grievance handling mechanism for the students.&nbsp;
“So the only way students can to deal with sexual abuse is approach someone they trust,” she says.
Eight other former art students of Lalit Kala Campus and Srijana College of Fine Arts of Tribhuvan University and other private art studios in Kathmandu say they were also sexually abused by their art teachers. Three faculty members interviewed from these institutions said they saw the abuse, but felt it was futile to report it given how powerful the teachers were.
In the absence of a formal system, some longtime women artists warned each other about “problematic” artists. They shared &nbsp;a “heads-up” to be more cautious when collaborating with them, and avoided responding to their calls and texts after work hours.
To ensure art institutions are safe for all, galleries, museums, artist studios, and smaller art spaces need to develop policies on sexual harassment. This would include a code of conduct or studio policies that hold the leadership accountable and outline the principles of professional ethics.&nbsp;
Students and employees should inquire about accountability mechanisms for raising concerns, both formally and informally, advocates say.
Three years after Ekta left the ceramics studio, she learnt that Kalapremi had harassed many other women. Still trying to get a footing in the art industry, she attended a workshop in Kathmandu where women artists discussed ways to stay safe in the art sector.&nbsp;
Since it was a close-knit group Ekta opened up about how she felt violated and realised she was not alone, he had been abusing underprivileged students for years, and this was common knowledge among artists in Nepal.
Ekta says that even after she quit, Kalapremi continued sending her text messages like ‘I am thinking of you’, ‘Why have you stopped speaking with me’, or ‘I am waiting for your call’.&nbsp;
But what really forced her to act was when Ekta found out that he was sending similar texts to her younger sister.&nbsp;
“I’ve had enough,” she told us. “He abused me all these years but I won’t let him abuse my sister.” &nbsp;
Ekta, Rajiv and Luna are not the real names of the students.&nbsp;

‘Art Lover’ accused of sexual abuse

It was 8:15 in the evening of 25 March 1968 when everyone in the village of Batulechaur near Pokhara heard a deafening sound like thunder as a bright flashing object hurtled down to land in a field.&nbsp; That field belonged to Kul Timilsina, and the next morning he retrieved a sheet of metal about 2m by 1m and carried it home with the help of a few others, thinking it would be useful for his buffalo shed.&nbsp; Before he died at age 83 three years ago, Timilsina had told photo archivist Sunil Ulak that the black metal sheet was not rectangular and had rounded corners. There are a few witnesses still alive who have a clear recollection of the object that fell from the sky that night.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2024120707128_75cc85aac56b9cc4a77366471f058d7b3eb6868776811b0923845c2d0a61f014" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="601" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>The field in Batulechaur belonging to Kul Timilsina where fragments of a flying object fell from the sky in 1968.</figcaption> </figure>  One of them is Timilsina’s wife Gyanu, who was 22 at the time. She had been at home, and remembers hearing the big bang and the sky becoming very bright. “We saw the thing in the field in the morning,” she told us. “It looked like a lid, a covering of some sort. The way it was stuck in the ground, it must have fallen from the sky. We thought we could use it to dry clothes on, and took it home.”&nbsp; Another witness is Kul Narayan Paudel. “I was only eight then. We ran to the field to see what had fallen. It was a four-sided metal sheet. The elders took it away, and I don't know what happened to it.” &nbsp; Ram Bahadur Baniya, a teacher at the local school, says he had heard the sheet had been brought to the school, and later handed over to the Zonal Commissioner at the time, Nanda Prasad Malla. “But that is all hearsay,” he says.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="2024120707128_0bf207a12063fb8155b3c8d9a00a94887b126380c9e0627527c84cf5e1101f54" data-rendition-name="original" width="1170" height="610" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Gyanu Timilsina, wife of Kul Timilsina.</figcaption> </figure>  There are two versions of what happened to Kul Timilsina’s metal sheet. One is that an American Peace Corp Volunteer teaching at the nearby Bindyabasini School took it, and another is that it was handed over to the government. Recently declassified Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and US State Department documents from the time say that the US Embassy in Kathmandu tracked down the object two years later and had it shipped back to the US. A telegram from the Department of State and Department of Defense tagged as ‘MOON DUST / Space Fragments’ dated 1 March 1972 stated: ‘1. Restored space fragment will be on board Embassy support flight 115 arriving Kathmandu on or about March 10. Fragment is packed in shipping crate (cargo no. 72-33365) marked in care of DAO.&nbsp; 2. State and Defense representatives examined fragments prior to shipment finding restoration acceptable.’  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df.png" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241207071212_929d903ee06d41baa4f6040e981cd7c7d7bd75cc9c37c9b617d307fc8538d2df" data-rendition-name="original" width="856" height="568" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> <figcaption>Declassified CIA documents about the investigation into the object sighted in Pokhara. </figcaption> </figure>  The documents show that the US government, military and intelligence agencies investigated this incident thoroughly when it occurred, and have continued to revisit it ever since, as recently as five years ago. What is even more intriguing is that the object that fell in Pokhara was not the only unidentified space object that fell to earth that year. There were similar sightings of objects falling from the sky in Ladakh, Sikkim and Bhutan between 19 February and 25 March 1968.&nbsp; These mysteries were the subject of a CIA investigation in 1968 titled ‘<a href="https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP81R00560R000100070007-8.pdf">Sighting of Unidentified Flying Objects in Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim and Bhutan</a>’, and the report is part of the recent online declassification of 800,000 top-secret documents from the period.&nbsp; &nbsp;Although unidentified flying objects (UFOs) have a connotation now of being alien craft, it could be pieces of satellite, missile, rocket or even aircraft. The CIA report documents six sightings in 1968 and quotes local sources as describing all of them having similar characteristics: bright blue or red streaks in the sky accompanied by loud sounds like lightning and thunder and objects falling to the ground. Aside from the metallic object that was found in Batlechaur, there were other items also found nearby in Tallakot, Tureypasal, Armalakot and Maidan. Whatever the object was, it seems to have disintegrated even before it hit the ground.&nbsp; The CIA report records the first sighting on 19 February 1968 in various parts of Sikkim and Olangchung Gola and Ghunsa in eastern Nepal. The light was said to be ‘long and thin’ and giving out ‘green and red light’. &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241207071212_c3c825027d966a2aedc846970390eebe063957503c7eacc8e01e0517843f9bbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="892" height="596" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara "> </figure>  Two days later on 21 February, a soundless blue object was seen traveling fast across the sky above Thimphu in Bhutan. Then on 4 March there were multiple daytime sightings or white streaks in the sky at Chang La Pass, Fukche and Koyul in Ladakh. There were more sightings in Ladakh on the very day fragments fell near Pokhara on 25 March 1968.&nbsp; After the sightings in Pokhara, rumours started flying in Kathmandu that these were aliens trying to land on Earth, it could be Russian or Chinese spy planes or satellites, and some even say it as a sign from heaven that the end of the world was near. This was at the height of the Cold War. The Russians and Americans were testing their thermonuclear devices as well as intercontinental ballistic missile delivery systems. The Washington-Beijing rapprochement had not yet happened, and China was making quick progress testing atomic bombs. Within two years after its first atomic test, in 1966 China exploded its first hydrogen bomb at the Lop Nur site in Xinjiang, 3,000km to the north from Nepal. After neary six decades, what is still intriguing is that all the sightings within a few months of each other in 1968 were along the Himalayan arc bordering Tibet: from Bhutan, Sikkim Nepal, to Ladakh. The US military intelligence seems to have concluded that this was not a coincidence and there were frequent research trips to the site in Pokhara by American officials in the months after the incident. With the help of the Royal Nepal Army, the region north of Pokhara was thoroughly searched.&nbsp; A confidential memo dated 25 June 1968 by Jerry C Trippy to a ‘Mr Farley’ mentions that the US Air Force’s Foreign Technology Division had decided that the debris could be important because it may be related to a Chinese missile test or a Soviet ‘Vehicle Venik’ rocket.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241207071216_feb5425692dc36b20187de4e4fcc2ce9fd12b6d9e1b8724398e50bcdbf9032fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  On 28 August 1968 the US Embassy in Kathmandu sent a letter to Washington DC saying that the object could be of Soviet origin, possibly from when the rocket carrying the ‘Kosmos 208’ satellite re-entered the atmosphere. But why were the fragments falling to earth several weeks apart, and in the same region? No one knows where the metal sheet that Kul Timilsina recovered is now. It was definitely packed in a crate and taken to the US, and although it is rumoured that it was returned that is not very likely. Archivist Sunil Ulak heard from the Timilsina family that CIA officials had returned to the site five years ago. &nbsp; Interest in UFOs peaked in the US in the 1950s, with the Cold War space race and tests of atomic weapons and delivery rockets. CIA and scientists were being sent to investigate sightings, both publicly and privately. Could the Pokhara fragments as well as the sightings in Ladakh and Bhutan actually be alien craft falling to earth? The renewal in interest in space travel in large part due to Elon Musk’s SpaceX, UFOs and sightings are again subjects of public interest.&nbsp; Even 57 years later, even if there was definitive proof about whether the Batlechaur fragment was from a Chinese missile or a soviet rocket, it has not been made public in documents declassified so far. We may never know.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241207071216_b6938795f40731e7657fd6dcbb3cf460a326186a15eb11d4f832f602201ff598" data-rendition-name="original" width="642" height="320" loading="lazy" alt="UFO over Pokhara"> </figure>  Sunil Ulak speculates if the debris actually came from an American aircraft, perhaps on an intel mission upon China. “Which could explain why they were so thorough in collecting the fragments in Pokhara,” he says. But that still does not explain the multiple sightings weeks apart in 1968.&nbsp; Indeed, US military aircraft were at that time flying frequent night-time missions from air force bases in India to supply weapons to Khampa guerrilla camps in Nepal located north of Pokhara in Mustang. It could very well be that the Chinese shot down one such aircraft. The other sightings could have been contrails of US spy planes, or Chinese anti-aircraft missiles.&nbsp; There were quite a few developments regarding UFOs in 2024. In a US congressional hearing in July, former intelligence officer David Grusch claimed that the government had long been involved in a program to investigate and retrieve non-human craft crashes, and then try to reverse engineer them. However Grusch did not show any evidence.&nbsp; The UAP Disclosure Act of 2024 was signed into law by Joe Biden in December 2023. It plans to oversee the public disclosure of UFO information. However, there is a clause in it that prevents disclosure if it would cause threats to military defense, intelligence operations or foreign relations.&nbsp; It is unlikely that the declassified documents about sightings in the Himalayan will cause any real surprise about definite evidence of alien life even if it was found. It seems humanity will continue, at least for now, to wonder about curious lights in the sky and whether there is anybody out there.&nbsp;

UFO over Pokhara

When Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) president Rabi Lamichhane was arrested in October on charges of defrauding depositors of cooperatives, the party’s vice president Swarnim Wagle gifted him Fareed Zakaria’s book, Age of Revolutions.
Since then, Lamichhane has been shunted around from Kathmandu to Pokhara to Chitwan and back to Pokhara to attend police investigations and court proceedings. He was being flown to Birganj via Kathmandu on Buddha Air on Monday. There is another pending case in Janakpur.
Human rights groups and civil society have criticised the government for hounding Lamichhane with inhumane treatment that borders on physical torture. The two parties in the coalition, Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML, see Lamichhane’s RSP as a potentially formidable challenge to their power.
Even if the fraud charges against Lamichhane are true, the Nepali public is increasingly looking at the government’s actions through the police and courts as political vendetta.
Despite all the travelling, sometimes by plane and often by road at night, Lamichhane appears to be in high spirits, waving to supporters who often gather if they know he is going to be driven around. A social media video shows him giving high fives to fellow passengers on a recent flight to Pokhara.&nbsp;
In the past weeks, streets in Pokhara have erupted with parallel protests by Lamichhane’s supporters as well as depositors of cooperatives who lost their savings to the scam.&nbsp;
Although family visits are allowed, prison officials in Pokhara told Nepali Times that not many people visit Lamichhane these days. He added, “When he does get visitors, he asks them to bring him books.”
Lamichhane is currently Nepal’s most high-profile public figure in custody, and highlights the stark difference between how influential prisoners are treated compared to ordinary inmates.
There are six prison cells at Kaski District Police Office’s two-story detention centre, three on each floor. And while authorities pack prisoners into already overcrowded cells, Lamichhane has an entire room on the second floor to himself.&nbsp;
He has also been allowed to call his family every few days. Other prisoners are not permitted phone calls except for emergencies.
Meanwhile, Lamichhane’s former business partner Chhabilal Joshi, an ex-Deputy Inspector General of Police with whom he established his Gorkha Media Network, is in custody under the same charges in the prison cell next to him.
Lamichhane is accused of siphoning off depositors' money to the tv network in which he was part-owner and anchor. &nbsp;
Both Lamichhane and Joshi are able to buy food from the police canteen instead of being served the regular meal like other prisoners. Joshi has also given his statement to authorities in Rupandehi and Kathmandu for his alleged role in the scam. Lamichhane is yet to be presented in Kathmandu for questioning.
While he was in custody at the Kathmandu District Police Complex, Joshi expressed his desire to sleep in a police officer’s office, reportedly assuring authorities that he would not run away and he was entitled to certain facilities as a former officer of the law.
“He seemed to be under the impression that he is still a police officer,” says a source at the Kathmandu District Police. “We made it clear to him that as someone accused of a crime, he was not entitled to special treatment.”
Former ministers Balkrishna Khand and Top Bahadur Rayamajhi, and ex-home secretary Tek Narayan Pandey, who were arrested in connection with the fake refugee scam last year, were similarly housed in the offices of law enforcement officials instead of prison cells. Khand has since been released after six months in jail.
While there is no legal provision to keep high-ranking officials in separate detention centres when they are arrested, authorities granting them special facilities is not uncommon. Law enforcement officials say VIP detainees expect preferential treatment while in police custody.
Among those is former Kosi Province minister Lila Ballav Adhikari, who was arrested from Biratnagar on 10 November over his alleged involvement in human trafficking and brought to Kathmandu. Adhikari had flown to Japan without government approval with three individuals on 29 October to attend a cultural conference, but had been sent back to Nepal from Narita.&nbsp;
His three companions were arrested at Kathmandu airport upon their arrival, but Adhikari was able to exit unscathed from the VIP lounge. Adhikari had resigned as the Kosi Province Minister for Internal Affairs and Law when it became public that his companions had been taken into custody, and was himself arrested shortly after. He has since been cleared by the courts.
Throughout his detention, Adhikari was kept separately from other inmates. Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP) Basant Rajouri, head of the Bhadrakali complex, says that while there is no separate detention area for VIPs, some detainees are kept separately depending on the nature of their crime.
However, sources say that arrangements were made for retired judges and others to visit Adhikari frequently worked at the office of a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP) during his time in custody.&nbsp;
“He used to constantly pester the authorities to let him sit outside in the sun, and to be able to use the police officer’s shower area,” added an officer.
Adhikari was released on 25 November after the government prosecutor’s office decided not to charge him in a move that was seen to expose the government’s double standards.
Over at Kathmandu’s Dilli Bazar Prison, former Kist Bank CEO Kamal Gyawali emerges from his prison cell into the courtyard of the prison’s ‘Ka (क)’ block every morning with a thick book in his hands, ready to give his daily sermon.
With his long beard, Gyawali, who is serving a prison sentence for banking fraud, looks the part of a religious guru as he implores his rapt listeners to “walk the right path, abandon bad thoughts and turn to scripture and spirituality”.&nbsp;
Afterward, the attendees gather to discuss politics and current affairs. Inmates at his daily sermons at the prison include other high-profile detainees, including former MP Ichchha Raj Tamang, who is in jail for money laundering and cooperatives fraud, former joint secretary Chudamani Sharma, who was convicted of corruption, as well as NC leader Chandra Bahadur Lama and Krishna Bahadur Upreti of the UML both of whom are on trial for embezzling billions of rupees.
Victims of the cooperatives scam that former lawmaker Tamang was involved in have made trips to the prison and requested visits, but he has refused to meet with any of them.
“Tamang often complains that the state has prevented him from returning the money to the victims by locking him up,” says a police officer at the Dili Bazar jail.
“All you hear every day from the VIP prisoners is that they have been framed,” adds the officer. “No one admits that they were involved in misdeeds.”
But while most high-profile prisoners complain about prison conditions, one exception is former provincial lawmaker Deepak Manange, who is serving a sentence at Dilli Bazar Jail for attempted murder.
“He is the happiest prisoner here,” says a warden. “Unlike the others, he doesn’t claim to have been framed, in fact he doesn’t seem to care that he is in prison.”
Manange is detained in the ‘Kha (ख)’ block of the prison complex, which he renovated at his own expense. The block previously housed female prisoners, but Manange used his influence to transfer them elsewhere. He faces no shortage of visitors, who range from political leaders to people from the underworld.
Along with Manange, other well-known prisoners in this block include Nepal Telecom Managing Director Sunil Poudel, and former executive director of the Surakshan Printing Centre Bikal Poudel, who are serving time for corruption.
Former prisoners at Dilli Bazar prison include ex-ministers Khum Bahadur Khadka and Shyam Sundar Gupta, NC leader Ganesh Lama, Maoist MP Balkrishna Dhungel, Nagarik Unmukti Party leader Resham Chaudhary, as well as former IGs Ramesh Chand Thakuri, Om Bikram Rana, and Hem Bahadur Gurung.
Section 54 of Nepal’s Prison Act assigns each prison’s internal administration the
responsibility of governing its prisoners, which means the more favourable the jail management is, the more comfortable it is for prisoners.
Dilli Bazar prison has been the prison of choice for many high-ranking prisoners, especially those convicted of white collar crimes, due to its more accommodating administrators. The prison, which has the capacity to house 700 inmates, is also less crowded than other jails.
Anuj Bhattarai, spokesperson of the Department of Prison Management, says that there is no legal classification in Nepal for felons to be assigned prisons based on the nature of their crimes.
“That Dilli Bazar Jail has a higher number of prisoners convicted of crimes like corruption is most likely a coincidence,” says Bhattarai. “There is no provision for influential people to be able to choose where they will be incarcerated.”&nbsp;
Translated by Shristi Karki from the Nepali original published in himalkhabar.com

What Nepal’s VIP prisoners do in jail

If you were raised in Nepal, you must have picked up its unique set of vocabulary: आन्दोलन, चक्का जाम, बन्द, राँके जुलुस, आफ्नो मान्छे, हाम्रो दल, कर्फु and many more words connoting political protest.
We became familiar with the acrid smell of burning tyres, and eyes smarting from tear gas. And yet, everyone speaks of another revolution in the making. Not by desire, but by suffocation.
We heard speeches about नयाँ नेपाल, but the New Nepal never arrived. The governance system changed, but it did not reflect on people’s lives — except for those close to centres of power. The state is still unreachable and is not bothered about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/matter-of-life-and-debt">victims of loan sharks</a>, cooperative scams and other injustices.
Politicians continue to speak in sound bites, but fail to deliver. They have mastered the game of pointing fingers towards an external enemy and convincing people that they are never at fault. The political narrative is so disconnected from the actual analysis of the problem that suffocation doesn’t go away after every revolution.
No genuine effort has been made to deliver at all, which is why there is a palpable sense of disillusionment in the air forcing us to seek another revolution, even if Nepal may not be able to afford it.
How has the current system successfully held power, even if the public is deeply frustrated? How is it that for three decades we continue to be led by the same faces, who have time and again, proved to us that they may be great politicians but not national leaders?
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/improving-internet-governance-in-nepal">My experience at the epicentre of politics</a> has led me to identify three cultures that have enabled political parties to keep a tight hold on power: acceptance, silence and dependency.
We accept things the way they are. We use fatalistic phrases like “नेपालमा यस्तै हो” or “नेपालको कानुन दैब जानुन”. While this resilience enables us to rise back up from devastating calamities, it is also a reason for our compliance with the status quo.
Despite so many ‘revolutions’ that have led to significant reforms, these phrases keep getting reinforced, to the point that the upcoming generations have made it their lingo.&nbsp;
This acceptance is not a symbol of law-abiding citizens, but citizens living in fear of those in power, unable to ask the whys and why-nots.
Innovation suffocates in this culture of acceptance of the status quo. This is manifested in remarks like “but we don’t have any laws for this,” or “we don’t have the capacity to implement this”. An innovator or entrepreneur therefore has to spend that energy to become a political lobbyist, often educating and convincing the bureaucracy.&nbsp;
Remember when locally assembled <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/designed-and-made-in-nepal">Yatri motorbikes</a>, despite having willing customers, had to suffer to secure license numbers because of a lack of regulations? Instead of creating new laws, the government kept chanting the “We will promote Nepal-made goods” mantra, leaving entrepreneurs in a labyrinth of bureaucracy. The weight of acceptance of the law lies heavily on innovators. Fatalism is a tactic used by those in power to generate mass fear in society.
When we accept, we become silent. This is a pervasive phenomenon. We are trained to keep quiet, lest we ruffle feathers, burn bridges, or not get the help we need in future. We know, yet we don’t speak.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bureaucratic-hurdles-in-researching-nepals-bureaucracy">Bureaucratic hurdles in researching Nepal's bureaucracy</a>, Daniel W Edwards
Here is one example: the 2021 census shows that the number of baby boys born for every 100 baby girls is 112. This is a clear indication of female foeticide because of boy preference in society.
Despite such horrifying realities, there is finger-pointing within the government between the Ministry of Health and Population with the Ministry of Home Affairs. At the citizen level, we know those who are involved in killing girls. Yet, we don’t speak up. The Nepal Medical Council reports state that despite this gender imbalance at birth, there is no indication of any action.
But why would anyone speak against one's own fraternity, no matter how vile the act is?
When we accept and keep quiet, we become dependent on those who yield power. From getting our government procedure completed on time to getting transfers, to accessing any of our legally protected rights as well, we are forced to depend on our networks of चिनेको मान्छे people we know by blood, village, relations, political affiliation.
The culture of dependency has been the established way in Nepal. If you drive a two-wheeler or four-wheeler, and you get into a small accident, you will be asked to sort it yourself, dialing up the most powerful person you know. It becomes a competition of who knows who.
Recently I was told that there were calls from the Ministry of Health and Population and another from the Prime Minister's Office for just one medical position in a private hospital. Each was pushing its own candidate. Guess which candidate got the position.&nbsp;
The dependency of people is not on the laws or the state, it is with people in power, a reliance on the network of somebody who knows somebody, including those not officially in power.
These cultures are deeply ingrained in our heads, and in society. Collectively they form a vicious circle that helps those in power to retain power. This is not the society we want to live in.
Then, what do we do as a collective to break away from this? How do we break away from the cultures of acceptance and silence that have created this dependency? What can we do to ensure that our children do not have to learn the jargon of आन्दोलन before they learn about the state?
These are the cultures political parties need to shed rather than use them to perpetuate their power. This is what <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/an-alternative-to-alternative-politics-in-nepal">alternative politics</a> needs to be about.
Sumana Shrestha is a member of Parliament’s Education, Health and Information Technology parliamentary committee and represents the Rastriya Swatantara Party.

local-elections