Although US President Donald Trump’s protectionist trade policies dominate news headlines, they are far from the only forces shaping global production. New investment patterns have been reshaping the global economic landscape since well before Trump’s tariffs. 
Nowhere is this more evident than in flows of foreign direct investment. According to the latest <a href="https://unctad.org/publication/world-investment-report-2025" target="_blank">World Investment Report</a> from United Nations Trade and Development (UNCTAD), FDI inflows to Europe, South America, and much of Asia declined in 2024. By contrast, FDI flows to Africa surged by 75%, to $97 billion, while those to Southeast Asia increased by 10%, to $225 billion. 
Behind these trends lies a broader restructuring of multinational supply chains, which are steadily shifting toward Southeast Asia, Eastern Europe, and Central America. Consequently, FDI patterns are also changing: while the United States, Japan, and China remain the largest outward investors, the Middle East has emerged as a major source of FDI. 
Flush with oil revenue, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – invested <a href="https://studies.aljazeera.net/en/analyses/gccs-strategic-footprint-gulf-investment-emerging-power-bloc-africa" target="_blank">roughly $113 billion</a> in Africa in 2022 and 2023, dramatically expanding their economic footprint on the continent. Most of this capital has gone into logistics and infrastructure projects such as ports, airports, and transportation networks, as well as oil and gas.
The center of gravity, however, is rapidly shifting toward China, especially when it comes to green investment. A <a href="https://www.netzeropolicylab.com/china-green-leap" target="_blank">new report</a> from the Net Zero Industrial Policy Lab highlights the scope of Chinese outward FDI, showing how China’s push into clean energy is boosting its economic influence. 
Drawing on a database of 461 China-backed greentech manufacturing projects announced between 2011 and mid-2025, the report finds that Chinese firms have invested more than $220 billion in 387 projects across 54 countries since 2022. These include solar and wind power facilities, large-scale battery plants, new-energy vehicles, charging infrastructure, and even early-stage green-hydrogen startups. 
According to the report, Chinese investments are largely driven by firms’ search for market access and reliable supplies of raw materials. While ASEAN countries remain the leading destination for such projects, the Middle East and North Africa’s share rose sharply to over 20% in 2024; Latin America and Central Asia also attracted a significant share of Chinese FDI. 
Importantly, this wave of Chinese FDI is not led by state-owned enterprises but by private companies that have relied neither on large loans from state-owned banks nor on subsidies from host governments. As one of the study’s authors <a href="https://www.phenomenalworld.org/interviews/the-belt-and-road-2-0/" target="_blank">observed</a>, “Chinese government officials themselves may not be aware of the full range and aggregated total of these private-sector green investments overseas.” 
Taken together, these developments signal a new phase in China’s global economic expansion. Unlike President Xi Jinping’s state-led Belt and Road Initiative, profit-oriented investments reflect both supply-side pressures – such as industrial overcapacity within China – and demand-side dynamics, with recipient countries increasingly tying market access to value-added processing rather than natural-resource extraction.
Given that the full impact of these projects will become clear only years from now, many observers – particularly in advanced economies – could be caught off guard. While Chinese exports and extractive investments have often been viewed as threats to industrialization in recipient countries, the current wave of manufacturing FDI has the potential to strengthen domestic production, create jobs, and promote broader development goals. Even limited technology transfers could prove transformative, accelerating the clean-energy transition and reshaping global trade. 
To be sure, China is not in the business of philanthropy. FDI – whether from the West, China, or the Gulf – is profit-driven, and sometimes motivated by rent-seeking. It can deliver significant benefits, but it also carries risks: environmental degradation, displacement, labor exploitation, foreign-exchange losses through profit repatriation, and costly technical fees or royalties. And when expected linkages and spillovers fail to materialize, the benefits remain highly localized. 
As always, much depends on the policies adopted by host countries. Encouragingly, some export-oriented developing economies appear to have learned from Indonesia, where the government compelled Chinese firms to generate more domestic value-added production (particularly in nickel processing) as a condition for investment. 
Inspired by this, several governments are seeking to impose similar requirements on foreign investors, with greater emphasis on local production and knowledge transfer. For example, in <a href="https://www.china-briefing.com/news/china-brazil-economic-ties-trade-investment-and-opportunities/" target="_blank">Brazil</a>, the consumer-electronics company Lenovo has established a joint research and development department to enhance its local digital intelligent manufacturing capabilities. 
That said, even Indonesia’s relative success has not translated into higher real wages and better working conditions. Welcoming FDI is not enough; host countries also need stronger domestic regulation, public intervention, and regional cooperation to ensure that the gains are broadly shared. 
A similar demand was at the heart of the 1955 Bandung Conference, hosted by Indonesia, which called for a fairer global economic order and greater cooperation among Asian and African countries. Notably, the resolution is <a href="https://eng.yidaiyilu.gov.cn/p/0R9VRTB6.html" target="_blank">still cited</a> on Chinese government websites. 
But fulfilling the Bandung Conference’s call for a fairer international economic order requires more than profit-driven investment. It requires governments that are willing to work together to develop markets that serve societies, not just shareholders. © <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/">Project Syndicate</a>
Jayati Ghosh, Professor of Economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, is a member of the Club of Rome’s Transformational Economics Commission and Co-Chair of the Independent Commission for the Reform of International Corporate Taxation.

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Opinion

The Changing Face of Foreign Direct Investment

This article discusses suicidal behaviour. If you have questions on self-harm or feel suicidal, Nepal’s national Suicide Prevention helpline is 1166. Use this link to find an <a href="https://findahelpline.com/" target="_blank">international helpline</a>.
Last year, my phone rang late at night. A colleague from a Kathmandu hospital was on the line, his voice sounded urgent. The patient was a 17-year-old boy who had ingested enough lethal pesticide to end life.
What was more shocking was not just his age, but the fact that this pesticide was banned in Nepal four years ago. On paper, it should no longer exist in the market. In reality, the banned substance is still available, sold discreetly to avoid regulators. But it is within easy reach of those in despair.
Despite the doctors’ best efforts, the boy could not be saved. His death left a family shattered, a community grieving. Another life lost to a poison that should not even be on the shelves?
The pesticide in question is aluminium phosphide, commonly sold in tablet form to protect stored grain from pests. It releases highly toxic phosphine gas when ingested, and it is this lethality that makes it one of the most common agents of self-harm in South Asia, including Nepal.
A 2021 study supported by the <a href="https://centrepsp.org/)" target="_blank">Center for Pesticide Suicide Prevention</a> at the University of Edinburgh showed aluminium phosphide as one of the most common agents for pesticide deaths in Nepal.
Recognising the negative effect of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/playing-with-poison">highly hazardous pesticides to the environment and human health</a>, the Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock Development has banned 26 pesticides since 2001, including small aluminium phosphide tablets and dichlorvos in August 2019, and paraquat and chlorpyrifos in December 2024.&nbsp;
However, enforcement is weak.&nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/suicide-by-pesticide-in-nepal">Pesticide poisoning </a>is not an isolated health issue, it is a national crisis. In 2023-24, the total reported deaths from suicide in Nepal peaked at 7,223 — the highest number ever recorded. On average, 20 Nepalis die by suicide every day.&nbsp;
Some 15% of these deaths were caused by the ingestion of toxic substances, and nearly 95% of those involved highly hazardous pesticides. In rural areas, where most cases occur, pesticides are often more accessible than healthcare or counselling.
To be sure, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/breaking-the-pesticide-suicide-link">pesticide-related suicide deaths</a> have generally declined over the past few years, falling from 1,276 in 2020-21 to 932 in 2022-23. Last year, there was a slight increase to 952, but the overall trend shows a significant and sustained public health improvement.&nbsp;
Deaths from dichlorvos poisoning have decreased markedly, research shows. However, fatalities linked to aluminum phosphide have not declined significantly.
Behind every number is a story: a young student overwhelmed by exam pressure, a farmer drowning in debt, a mother caught in a family dispute. In moments of despair, access to a lethal poison often determines whether a person survives or dies.
<a href="https://centrepsp.org/country-success-stories" target="_blank">Research worldwide</a> shows that restricting access to highly hazardous pesticides significantly reduces suicide deaths, without increasing the use of other methods.
Suicide is complicated, influenced by mental health issues, family problems, and financial stress. But the method makes all the difference. In Nepal, many pesticide-related suicides are impulsive, carried out in moments of crisis when lethal pesticides are within reach.&nbsp;
When a deadly poison is easy to get, survival is unlikely. If it is removed, people may still try to harm themselves, but their chances of survival are much higher. This chance can be the difference between life and death, despair and recovery.
Preventing suicide in Nepal requires action on many fronts: strictly enforcing pesticide bans and holding violators accountable, closely monitoring pesticide sales and stocks, supporting poison centres to help doctors treat poisoning cases quickly, providing community mental health services to find and assist people at risk, and raising public awareness to reduce stigma around mental health and encourage families to seek help.
The crisis in Nepal reflects a broader global challenge. The World Health Organization estimates that pesticides account for nearly one in five suicides worldwide. Low-and middle-income countries bear the heaviest burden, particularly in agrarian societies where pesticides are stored in homes.
As we mark the World Mental Health Day on 10 October, Nepal has both an urgent responsibility and an opportunity to show leadership. By committing not just to policy but to real enforcement, Nepal can save thousands of lives in the years to come.
It is unacceptable that young Nepalis continue to die from poisons that should no longer exist in our communities. Regulators, policymakers, health workers, and civil society must work together to close the gap between law and practice.
The 17-year-old boy from Bagmati should have had his whole life ahead of him. Instead, he is now just another statistic in Nepal’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/suicide-watch">preventable tragedy of pesticide suicides</a>. For him and countless others like him, we must ensure that deadly poisons are truly off our shelves.
Rakesh Ghimire, MD, is a clinical pharmacologist and assistant professor at Institute of Medicine in Kathmandu. He is the recipient of the 2025 Mrigendra Raj Pandey Young Health Research Award.

Preventing suicide by pesticide in Nepal

One July afternoon in Gaur, after weeks of drought, the long-awaited rain finally arrived. Children were splashing in puddles, laughing and dancing with their friends. But while rain in the plains brings relief, fear settles in when it pours in the mountains to the north for too long. That is when the floods are unleashed. Madhes Province suffered a prolonged drought in June and July — wells went dry, paddy fields were desiccated, and parts of the Tarai suffered a cholera outbreak because of contaminated water. When the monsoon rains finally came last week, it <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/more-dark-clouds-over-nepal?amp=1">arrived with a vengeance</a>. Aside from the physical scars of droughts and floods, these weather extremes also leave scars that are less visible: in the minds and mental well-being of residents here. Gaur is the capital of Rautahat district, close to the border with India. It is <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-tarai-learns-from-past-floods">prone to chronic floods</a> because it is astride the confluence of two rivers: the Bagmati and the Lalbakaiya. People here still remember the devastating floods of August 2017 when 70% of Rautahat was under water as both rivers overflowed their banks. Weather extremes caused by climate change combined with poorly engineered road embankments, blocked drainage basins, sand mining along rivers, and settlements along floodplains have increased the death and destruction. Floods are also exacerbated by flood control levees across the border in India and improper sluice gates that disrupt the rivers’ natural drainage. This causes floodwaters to back up, submerging settlements on the Nepal side. This past week, Rautahat received up to 330mm of rain in 24 hours — the highest in Nepal. Gaur was once again completely inundated. As before, people found themselves alone with little to no external support at the time of crisis. SURVIVAL MODE Aside from the physical impacts of floods, people suffer anxiety spikes, their decision-making falters as the brain enters survival mode. Fight, flight, or freeze becomes the norm, often leaving people unable to decide what to do when clarity is most needed. Nighttime floods are especially perilous: with power out and darkness setting in, one’s own village becomes a maze. While a few community buildings serve as temporary shelters, reaching them is often impossible. “At such times, you don’t even know where to get out from or how to escape,” a woman from Rajdevi told us. “There’s only my father-in-law at home, so we face the dilemma of whether he should focus on saving our belongings or the people and on top of that, we don’t know how to swim.” For generations, communities have relied on men’s decision-making even during disasters. But with most men away for work, villages are left predominantly with women and elderly men. This makes floods are as much a social crisis as a natural one, especially in a society where roles and responsibilities are gendered. Women face heightened stress managing childcare, domestic duties, household suppression and food scarcity, compounded by gender-based violence which is prevalent in the region.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251010081028_d453cb955b1574a1376ce5cb0f7055c0e210a1e6a70f1cad0ca7306842a006fe.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251010081028_d453cb955b1574a1376ce5cb0f7055c0e210a1e6a70f1cad0ca7306842a006fe" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1125" loading="lazy" alt="Flooded with memories of floods NT NT"><figcaption>Passengers board the only available boat to cross the Bagmati River; a second operates only when the water level rises.</figcaption></figure>  As for men, they feel intense pressure to provide and protect their family. When they cannot do that in situations like a flood, feelings of guilt, shame and failure can emerge, affecting their well-being. Those who survive face nights with or without shelter, swarmed by mosquitoes and struggling with food scarcity. “We survive on one day’s worth of roti for days when the flood comes, there are no vegetables, no firewood or gas to cook,” the woman added. For many families, daily subsistence is already fragile, and floods only deepen hunger and hardship, heightening stress, anxiety, and psychological trauma, especially among caregivers and children. Malnutrition further intensifies emotional strain and long-term mental health risks. Marginalised communities, particularly Dalits, bear the heaviest burden yet are often the most neglected. During the 2017 floods, around 40 Dalit families were displaced from their settlements, some forced to live under open skies. Some 15% of Rautahat’s population of 700,000 is Dalit. Many were excluded from relief distributions or discouraged from sharing shelters with other communities due to entrenched caste-based discrimination. For these families, floods are not just a disaster but an emotional scar. Dalit women face double discrimination because of caste and gender, fostering a deep sense of abandonment, helplessness, shame, and isolation. In Rautahat, where most families live off the land, the flood undos years of labour and livelihood. When fertile fields or blooming crops submerge and fish ponds are washed away, families lose not only their income but their sense of stability. Agriculture here is more than an occupation, it is tied to identity, dignity, and hope. Repeated crop failure, mounting debt, and uncertainty about the next harvest often lead to anxiety, sleeplessness, and hopelessness, which are silent stressors of Nepal’s agricultural belt. During these crises, villagers rely heavily on family, neighbours, and the limited boats available to cross rivers. Local government responses have often been delayed, and with roads cut off, help arrives late, if at all. That delay breeds distrust and helplessness, deepening the psychological toll long after the waters recede. The people of Gaur and across Rautahat do not have the capacity to deal with aftermath mental issues from the flood as access to such care remains limited. Most cases are often referred outside the district to Kathmandu and Birganj or even across the border to Patna and Delhi. Locals do not trust existing mental health units, they also feel unheard and unsupported. The government provides free psychiatric medicines but they should focus on establishing competent, well equipped mental health institutions with an adequate number of professionals for regular access and strong continuity of care for effective recovery. As floods continue to test the resilience of Rautahat’s people, the need for proper anticipatory action grows ever more urgent. Preventing loss of life and property must go hand in hand with protecting the community’s mental well-being. From a psychosocial perspective, expanding initiatives like giving Psychosocial First Aid training and projects like Sajag Samaj, an anticipatory action project launched in April 2025 can make a real difference. They help communities prepare before disaster strikes, fostering coping skills, awareness, and collective resilience. At the same time, the government and local authorities must strengthen mental health support within disaster response plans, build infrastructures that reduce flood risks and safeguard livelihoods, and ensure that disaster relief is inclusive reaching Dalits, women, and other marginalised groups who are too often left behind. Anek Rajbhandari is program and communication intern at the Institute of Himalayan Risk Reduction.

Flooded with memories of floods

At least 52 people have been killed in Nepal due to landslides and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/more-dark-clouds-over-nepal">floods triggered by heavy rainfall</a> that started late last week along the Chure Hills and Madhes province before it moved to the eastern parts of the country. Kathmandu was spared this time unlike the 28 September 2024 cloudburst that saw over 200 deaths, many of them in the capital city and central Nepal.&nbsp; In recent decades, South Asia has witnessed increasingly frequent episodes of heavy rainfall, leading to recurrent floods in several major Indian cities which have lessons for Nepal too. For example, the Indian city of Chennai experienced major floods in 2005, 2015, and 2023. While every flood is distinct, the impacts have been devastating and appear to be worsening over time. The 2023 floods were the most severe in 47 years. Many times these floods are attributed to climate change, but fundamental questions are often overlooked. To what extent have human errors historically worsened flood impacts? Are we attributing too much to climate change while overlooking development blunders?&nbsp; How effective has the State’s conventional approach been in managing floods and droughts? What corrective measures have been implemented so far? What lessons can be drawn from past extreme events and floods? What strategies are needed to make cities more flood-resilient? How can disasters be transformed into opportunities—for instance, by securing a reliable and abundant urban water supply? As a coastal city, Chennai must also contend with coastal flooding and sea-level rise linked to climate change. The real challenge lies in decoding Chennai’s urban and peri-urban hydrology, understanding its ecosystem in its entirety, and making meaningful, science-based interventions for both flood mitigation and drought management. The key is to design and implement climate-resilient strategies for the city-region.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251006131048_9629bc03c2b04a9b14d1c3edc41ce0d620833f0900995516bbf7ff4784db4461.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20251006131048_9629bc03c2b04a9b14d1c3edc41ce0d620833f0900995516bbf7ff4784db4461" data-rendition-name="original" width="607" height="239" loading="lazy" alt="Chennai 2023 flood"> <figcaption>A flooded Chennai in 2023.</figcaption> </figure>  TANK WATERSHEDS: UPSTREAM AND DOWNSTREAM Kancheepuram, Chengalpattu, and Tiruvallur districts together once had 1,942 and 1,646 irrigation tanks, some of them very large. These man-made tanks were created by constructing earthen embankments across streams that carried monsoon floods. They were ingeniously designed so that surplus water from an upstream tank would feed into the next one downstream, creating a cascading system of water storage. Today, however, these tanks are neglected—silted up, with broken bunds and damaged control structures. Catchment areas, floodplains, feeder channels, and even the tank water-spread areas have been encroached upon and degraded. The result is a double blow: the tanks now store very little water, while surface runoff is extremely high (over 80%). Together, this has left Chennai highly vulnerable to both floods and water scarcity. To minimise risks, the following steps are critical: - Study urban and peri-urban water dynamics to understand interconnected hydrological conditions. - Map all water bodies (around 4,000) spread across the 5,904 sq km of the proposed city region covering Tiruvallur, Chengalpattu, Kancheepuram, and parts of Ranipet districts. These areas are increasingly urbanised, making protection from encroachment urgent. - Protect catchment areas, inlet and surplus channels, foreshore zones (tank floodplains), and bunds while restoring missing links between tanks. - Restore water bodies to their original capacity—and, where feasible, even double the capacity—so that excess monsoon water can be captured and stored, substantially reducing runoff. - Prepare a comprehensive hydro-elevation (drainage) map covering upstream and downstream watersheds, linking Chennai and the sea. Such a systematic approach can revive the traditional tank system, reduce flood risks, and improve water security for Chennai and its surrounding districts. NATURAL FLOOD CARRIERS Chennai is geographically unique, and this is truly a blessing. The city is traversed by three major rivers—something no other city in India or South Asia can claim. The Kosasthalaiyar runs through North Chennai, the Cooum through Central Chennai, and the Adyar through the South; further south, the Palar carries additional flows. Each of these rivers also feeds numerous tanks before emptying into the Bay of Bengal. Adding to this network, the Buckingham Canal cuts across all four rivers near the coast. Unfortunately, these vital drainage systems are in poor condition due to heavy encroachments, particularly on their floodplains. Sludge and silt deposits have reduced their natural gradient and flow velocity. Though there have been several attempts to restore the rivers and the Buckingham Canal, progress has been limited. What these waterways need is sustained, year-round care and maintenance—not cosmetic “riverfront” or “canalfront” beautification projects. Beyond the major rivers, Chennai also depends on a network of macro and micro drains such as Okkiam Maduvu, Mambalam Canal, Velachery Canal, Kodungaiyur Drain, Otteri Nallah, Virugambakkam/Arumbakkam Canal, Veerangal Odai, Captain Cotton Canal, Villivakkam Canal, and many more. These too require consistent upkeep, alongside the city’s 3,600 km of stormwater drains.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251006131044_22f8154105b0d533cfdff62a4164b9fa2caa4100fc1b6c56dcf6d32d3c031488.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20251006131044_22f8154105b0d533cfdff62a4164b9fa2caa4100fc1b6c56dcf6d32d3c031488" data-rendition-name="original" width="897" height="711" loading="lazy" alt="Chennai map NT"> </figure>  REDISCOVERING FLOODS At the same time, we must acknowledge that Chennai’s urban expansion has been among the fastest in the country. Expansion is irreversible, and if left unregulated, it can be disastrous.&nbsp; When the city limits were extended from 174 sq km to 426 sq km, and the Chennai Metropolitan Area (CMA) to 1,189 sq km, little attention was paid to protecting ecological hotspots in the newly added zones. As a result, many lakes and ponds have been lost, while most of the Pallikaranai marshland and coastal wetlands have been encroached upon. The Chennai Metropolitan Development Authority (CMDA) originally planned to expand the CMA from 1,189 to 5,904 sq km—covering the entire districts of Tiruvallur, Chengalpattu, Kancheepuram, and parts of Ranipet under the III Master Plan. But, now the CMA has decided not to expand the area but perhaps intends to go for vertical development with a higher floor space index (FSI).&nbsp; Increasing the FSI and opting to go vertical development will have very serious consequences for stormwater drainage as well as sewage management, mainly because of increasing population density.&nbsp; At the very least, and at least now, the CMDA must identify and notify ecological hotspots, protecting the existing 4,000 lakes, floodplains, forests, major drains, flood buffers, and wetlands is essential. Without this, the city will once again find itself hiding behind climate change as an excuse for accumulated planning and development failures Chennai city, like many other urban regions, can be permanently made less risky from floods while also ensuring round-the-clock water supply even in drought years—if the measures outlined above are implemented with utmost commitment. This is the essence of turning disaster into opportunity.&nbsp; Yet, such possibilities stand in stark contrast to today’s dominant model of global growth, which is not merely extractive but aggressively competitive, accelerating capital concentration and reducing elected governments to mere instruments of corporate power. In its wake, land, water, and air are ravaged, biodiversity is shredded, and human suffering deepens.&nbsp; These models hardly address the well-being of the people and the sustainability of development. As a result, what one encounters is the increasing economic inequality, erosion of natural resources, and increasing ecological imbalances. The catastrophic urban floods we now witness are thus part of this same trajectory, rooted in the mismanagement of key natural resources such as land, water, and ecological hotspots like forests, wetlands and riverbanks. Furthermore, there is an absolute lack of coordination among urban land use planners, real estate developers, municipal authorities, and key water resources departments. These corrective measures are most critical to save the cities from floods. Republished from the <a href="https://soanas.org/rediscovering-floods/" target="_blank">original</a> on the South Asia Nadi Sambad (SOANAS).

Lessons for Nepal from the Chennai floods

The annual United Nations General Assembly is always an occasion for taking stock of the state of the world. But this year, on the 80th anniversary of the UN’s founding, it was also an occasion to take stock of the organisation itself.
By any measure, the UN’s situation is dire. While Russian aggression against Ukraine and mounting tensions between the United States and China cannot be blamed on the UN, they do highlight a fundamental problem. The UN Security Council – where China, Russia, and the US each wield a veto – is locked in a permanent confrontation over one issue or another, blocking the rest of the organisation from moving forward on almost anything.
Consider the situation in the Middle East, where the UN has played a central role in conflict resolution and peacemaking ever since the State of Israel was established (under a UN resolution). Numerous UN peacekeeping operations in the region have helped to alleviate tensions, and massive humanitarian efforts, primarily aimed at Palestinian refugee communities, have saved countless lives. While the UN has not forged a lasting peace, it has certainly helped prevent some wars and shorten others.
In recent years, however, the UN has increasingly been sidelined. The so-called Quartet – the UN, the US, the European Union, and Russia – is now a distant memory, and numerous UN operations have come under direct attack, primarily by Israel. The Israeli government not only questions the humanitarian efforts of UNRWA (the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees) but now also blocks the organisation’s work whenever it can.
Before Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on Israel, the UN was essential to keeping the situation in Gaza relatively stable. Though it couldn’t overcome divisions among the Palestinians, especially after Hamas assumed power in Gaza in 2006, it could, and did, help provide the basic means of survival for the enclave’s two million people. But now Israel has questioned or attacked virtually every aspect of the UN’s work on this issue, and it could not have done so without America’s tacit support. US President Donald Trump, in particular, has proved willing to accept virtually everything that Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu’s extremist government does.
Meanwhile, the UN has struggled to mobilise an effective response in South Sudan, a semi-failed state, and in Sudan, where a devastating civil war is entering its third year. Similarly, from the Katanga secession in 1960-63 to the recent peace operations in northeastern Congo, Central Africa continues to preoccupy UN peacekeepers and mediators.
Around the world, there is no shortage of crises that demand UN engagement – from Gaza and Sudan to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Myanmar, and Afghanistan, to name just a few. But with the larger powers fixated on their confrontations with one another, and with the Trump administration withdrawing not only active support but also funding, the outlook for the UN appears grim.
The US provides 25% of UN funding, but it has <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/united-nations-must-adapt-or-die-by-adekeye-adebajo-2025-09" target="_blank">stopped</a> sending its contributions. It also traditionally accounts for an even larger share of voluntary financing for humanitarian operations, but these funds, too, have been cut. Making matters worse, China, the UN’s second-largest contributor, is also behind on its payments.
With its financial situation growing desperate, UN Secretary-General <a href="https://www.project-syndicate.org/columnist/antonio-guterres" target="_blank">António Guterres</a> warns that staff across the organisation will need to be cut by <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/sep/18/united-nations-un-2026-budget-job-losses-us-funding-cuts" target="_blank">one-fifth</a>. Morale is said to be low, as is the prospect of a change for the better. With his recent address to the General Assembly, Trump made clear that he has nothing but contempt for the organisation. The only role he seems able to see for it is to help him get a Nobel Peace Prize. The Trump administration’s forthcoming review of America’s multilateral commitments is almost certain to deliver more bad news.
Does the UN have any future? While the demand for it is as great as ever, its ability to deliver has obviously been diminished. There is no way for it to survive without scaling back its ambitions and abilities; precisely how it goes about this will be a central issue over the next few years.
With Guterres’s tenure ending in 2026, the process of selecting his successor will also have to feature a debate about ensuring the UN’s long-term survival. Moving the headquarters out of the US is a natural step, owing not only to the withdrawal of US funding and the need for cost savings, but also to the US refusal to grant visas to those attending UN gatherings (as it did with the Palestinian leadership this year).
Yes, a UN that is no longer headquartered in New York would be different in many ways. But relocation also may be the only way for it to survive. Dag Hammarskjöld, the UN’s second secretary-general, famously <a href="https://ask.un.org/faq/14623" target="_blank">remarked</a> that the body was not created to deliver Heaven, but rather to spare us from Hell. That task remains as important as ever. But for things to stay the same, everything must change. © Project Syndicate
Carl Bildt is a former prime minister and foreign minister of Sweden.

To survive, the UN must leave the US

Following the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-8-september-massacre">uprising of 8-9 September</a>, the Nepal Army commenced a series of consultations concerning the transition process, during which the potential reinstatement of the monarchy was reportedly under consideration.&nbsp; However, former King Gyanendra Shah declined to pursue this option without a consensus among the political parties. This information was conveyed by Madhav Kumar Nepal, a former Prime Minister and a notable critic of the monarchy, in a newspaper article. The former king, for his part, delivered his annual Dasain message to the nation on 28 September. He emphasised, among other points, that the younger generation constitutes the foundation of the nation’s future.&nbsp; ‘Only the patriotic spirit, energy, and innovative thinking inherent in them can guide the nation toward strength, prosperity, and self-reliance. Let us reflect upon ourselves in the mirror of our country,’ he said. ‘Our political endeavours have often focused on destruction. Now, our initiatives should aim not at ruin but at improvement.’ Seventeen years <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-ghost-of-monarchy-returns-to-haunt-nepal">after Nepal abolished its monarchy</a> and became a federal secular democratic republic, the monarchy still influences the country’s political scene, mainly because of the persistent weaknesses of democratic institutions. Throughout much of its modern history, Nepal’s political landscape was controlled by the monarchy. During the partyless Panchayat system (1960-1990), the palace was consistently criticised for its authoritarian rule. However, it presented itself as the defender of national unity and sovereignty, especially against Indian influence. The 1990 People’s Movement transitioned Nepal into a constitutional monarchy. However, this period was marred by persistent instability, including the outbreak of a Maoist insurgency in 1996 and a royal palace massacre five years later.&nbsp; By 2005, when <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/tell-me-what-the-common-man-is-thinking">the new king, Gyanendra</a>, assumed full control, detaining politicians and restricting press freedoms, the monarchy’s legitimacy was already under scrutiny. The mass movement of 2006 resulted in the end of royal rule, leading to the official abolition of the 240-year-old Shah dynasty in 2008. Supporters of a republic saw this as the outcome of years of activism. In contrast, royalists viewed it as the sudden dismantling of an institution they believed had united Nepal. The new political framework aimed to promote stability, prosperity, and inclusion. However, Nepal has seen over 14 different governments in 17 years. Divided by factionalism, political parties have often focused on overthrowing rivals instead of effective governance. Widespread corruption persists. Infrastructure projects frequently face delays. Millions of young Nepalis leave the country to find jobs, resulting in the loss of many of the nation’s most talented individuals. The common belief that politicians amass wealth while ordinary citizens struggle has caused deep disillusionment. This serious situation led <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/international-spotlight-on-nepal">Nepal’s Generation Z to protest</a> in the streets. Within this broader context, for many, the monarchy has reemerged as a symbol of stability. To some, the king signifies unity that goes beyond partisan divisions. To others, the last Hindu monarch represents cultural continuity amid secular and federalist upheavals. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-deja-vu-on-black-friday">Royalist demonstrations in Kathmandu</a> have mobilised tens of thousands. However, electoral support remains limited. The leading pro-monarchy party, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), secured merely about 6 percent of the vote in the 2022 elections.&nbsp; Major political parties remain steadfast in their commitment to republicanism, and Nepal’s younger, globally connected population broadly <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/a-new-dawn-for-democracy-in-nepal">identifies with democracy</a>, despite frustrations with its shortcomings. Remembrances of King Gyanendra’s authoritarian rule serve as strong reminders of why the monarchy was abolished. However, this memory is gradually being replaced by more recent events.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251002111020_c018307c7b7dda363d04be3d65f01d132c81c62bae7ed2aa1ea235a12719b251.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20251002111020_c018307c7b7dda363d04be3d65f01d132c81c62bae7ed2aa1ea235a12719b251" data-rendition-name="original" width="1500" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="monarchy in Nepal"> <figcaption>Photo: SAROJ BAIZU</figcaption> </figure>  PUBLIC IMPATIENCE Amid dissatisfaction with political parties, a question has emerged about whether the country needs an institution that can enforce discipline. As a result, calls for the reinstatement of the king are not just about Mr Gyanendra Shah, but also reflect a broader desire for government that is stable, accountable, and respectful. The influence of the monarchy extends into regional affairs. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/america-nepal-and-the-royal-coup-qedzifz9">During the Cold War</a>, the palace adeptly balanced relations between India and China, positioning itself as the guardian of Nepal’s sovereignty.&nbsp; It also carefully navigated pressures from the United States and the Soviet Union. Today, as Nepal faces pressures from New Delhi, Beijing and Washington, some royalists perceive the monarchy as a safeguard against external interference. The <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/editorial/autopsy-of-a-blockade%20,2863">2015 blockade imposed by India</a> impacted Nepal’s economy and led the country to seek closer comprehensive relations with China. As a result, India has adopted a more cautious approach toward Nepal’s republican leadership.&nbsp; China is viewed as supportive of centralised authority, in contrast to Nepal’s democratic institutions. There are perceptions that the United States, previously supportive of the monarchy, may once again consider it a stable partner. Officially, India, China, the broader international community, and major donors continue to support <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-story-so-far">Nepal’s post-2006 political order</a>. At the same time, they observe ongoing discussions among Nepalis about the possibility of a constitutional monarchy within a democratic framework. Following the recent unrest, some Nepalis believe that restoring the monarchy could create uncertainty for India and China, given Nepal’s complex political landscape. Others suggest that worries about perceived Western influence on the interim government through international NGOs might trigger serious soul-searching in New Delhi and Beijing. Despite its limited mandate to hold elections on March 5, 2026, t<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-pm-set-to-expand-her-cabinet">he interim government</a>, led by former Chief Justice <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/madam-prime-minister-of-nepal">Sushila Karki</a>, has an opportunity to start rebuilding public trust. Although the new government continues to enjoy popularity, there is evident public impatience regarding its delays in investigating corruption and misconduct by the previous leadership, as well as the incidents of killings, looting, and arson during the protests.&nbsp; The nation has been further unsettled by whispers of an impending and potentially more significant political upheaval prior to the upcoming elections. Republicans believe that demonstrating the effectiveness of democracy is the best way to mitigate calls for a monarchy. However, if the leadership fails to address key issues such as corruption, unemployment, and institutional strengthening, it could further boost the monarchy’s influence – and potentially lead to its comeback. Sanjay Upadhya is the author oand analyst based in the Unoited States. Originally posted <a href="http://originally%20published%20at%20https//www.linkedin.com/pulse/why-monarchy-still-sways-nepals-republic-sanjay-upadhya-pe4xe" target="_blank">here.</a>

Why the monarchy still sways Nepal’s republic

On the night of 10th August 2025– technically the 11th – I got out of Kathmandu airport and rushed to Thimi, where Prajita Shrestha was performing the Nagacha Pyakhaan. Woven around the story of Hindu mythological characters, Bhasmasur and Mohini, the dance is exclusive to Thimi in Bhaktapur.&nbsp;
Prajita is only the fourth girl to dance as Mohini. In the past, male members of the community played the role. In a move away from the traditional mode where men perform female roles in religious dances, women are now being inducted in some performances.
When Prajita was first asked by the guthi to perform as Mohini, she instantly said yes, before even asking her parents’ permission. “My heart leapt with joy the moment I was asked. I knew I was meant to do this,” she says.&nbsp;
She first performed in August 2022 and was nominated again in August 2025 to perform. Social media reels of her dancing that gained wide popularity seems to have endorsed her as the crowd’s choice, even though she was actually stepping in to fulfill a sudden vacancy due to unforeseen events.
When I arrived in Thimi that night, Prajita had already been on her feet for a long while. Her face lit with mischief, she went from alley to alley, flirting and motioning at Bhasmasur, the antagonist of Nagacha Pyakhaan.
The story has it that the Hindu god Visnu, disguised as the enchantress Mohini, enamours and prompts the demon Bhasmasur to self-destruct. The old dance form, exclusive to Thimi, was revived in 2019 and women dancers were gradually introduced. Some other cities like Bhaktapur and Kirtipur have also introduced women in religious dance and music, recently.
Prajita had seen Nabina Prajapati perform as Mohini ahead of her and says it worked as an inspiration when she was asked. Her parents did not disapprove of her intent because her brother, Kiran had already been performing the Bhaila dance and they were familiar with the processes. The Bhaila, dedicated to Hindu deity Bhairav, was revived about a decade ago, and is performed by young boys in Thimi.
All religious dances in the Kathmandu Valley were traditionally done by men. Prajita is one of the few women who have stepped into unchartered territory. The 24-year-old, a student and communication worker, has also set the stage for more girls to follow in her steps.
“I know they say that Newa women do not have freedom, but we have to understand that not letting women participate in these dances was also a way of protecting them,” she says.&nbsp;
As Prajita and the troupe stepped up on the raised stone platform daboo at Thimi thoroughfares that night, men in the audience cheered: “Wala, wala!” It’s here!
Unfazed, Prajita maintained her smile and her composure, her arms flailing in the night air, her feet tapping the ground. “When one performs as Mohini, the crowd jeers and teases. It might be because in the past men disguised as women to perform and they got teased. So when our grandmothers were saying no to this, they were trying to keep us from that exposure, which they did not think was safe or appropriate.”
Newa traditional dances are said to be exclusive to male dancers for many reasons. The weight of the headgear and masks is maintained as key, the others being the endless hours of practice, night time performances and long hours of fasting, and often drinking of alcohol and even blood in some instances, required as a part of tantrik rituals. And there’s menstruation taboo, and the distance women are kept at from Nasaa dyaa, the deity of charm and grace.
As I followed Prajita around that night, I was already starting to feel the night weighing down on me. But she sprinted from tole to tole, bells jingling, a pair of ankle brace hugging her bare feet, her green skirt flaring as she pirouetted. The red velvet blouse threw a blush to her face and the peacock feather on the crown of her head fluttered as she tilted her head to look into the face of Bhasmasur, the beckoning of desire.
Being in the role of Mohini has changed many things for Prajita, who is also a radio journalist with Radio Kathmandu, 92.1.&nbsp;
“I have newfound confidence to do my work after I participated in the dance. I also do cultural activism, so doing the dance helped me gain a new perspective and also connect with new people,” she says.&nbsp;
While the joy of dancing can be for oneself, Prajita says she also thrives in the adulation she receives from the audience, many of them her relatives and neighbours.
“From the time I took on the role, my father hadn’t been very involved in what I was doing. But the night of the performance, when I saw my father in the crowd, I felt elated,” says says. Like so many little girls who thrive on validation from the elders in the family, Prajita in that moment wanted to make sure she lived up to the new social responsibility she had embraced.&nbsp;
That act of being drawn into the circle because of presence and participation is an important experience. Men in patriarchal societies are already part of that circle, while women are on the margins because of the social status they are expected to maintain.&nbsp;
But breaking the boundary to be included in the circle requires the opening up of that circle up by the male members of the community. Arjun Shrestha, Nirajan Shrestha, Birendra Shrestha, Rabi Shrestha are some of the names Prajita mentions when speaking of her dance gurus. They are men who formerly performed the Nagacha Pyakhaan and are now transferring the legacy.
“In the past, I used to be like an outsider, a spectator to the dances that were performed in Thimi. But after I participated, people in the religious dancing circles knew me and I am allowed to watch practice sessions for other dances, even stay out late with the dancers, mingle with them,” says Prajita. “I feel accepted.”
Suburban Tales is a monthly column in Nepali Times based on real people in Pratibha’s life.

Pratibha Tuladhar

Suburban Tales

Dance like a deity

Like many, my heart sank as I heard news of protesters being shot in Kathmandu. Just a week prior, I had been there discussing approaches to urban peacebuilding.
The signs of unrest were already visible: police in riot gear, rumours of growing protests, and conversations about corruption and democratic accountability.
Two years earlier, I had heard young people across Nepal raising their voices about unemployment, stale leadership, environmental challenges, LGBT rights, caste discrimination, and more. At that time, it felt hopeful as protest and dialogue are vital signs of democracy. But last month it was clear pressure was building.
What was not clear was just how close frustration and marginalisation were to a violent tipping point. In hindsight, there was space for dialogue and more constructive action on the part of political leaders to address frustration, but that opportunity was missed.
Nepal and Kathmandu now stand at a crossroads. Nearly two decades after the armed conflict, the country has made remarkable gains: a new Constitution, stronger democratic institutions, and more inclusive representation. Few post-war states have built participatory institutions as Nepal has. Yet sustaining democracy is not the same as transitioning to it.
Old challenges such as regional inequality, social marginalisation, economic precarity, and limits on free expression have not vanished. A new generation, especially GenZ, is demanding reforms. They are not rejecting democracy, they are calling for its fulfillment.
The question is not whether Nepal changes, but how and whether reforms can be rooted in sustainable, democratic institutions and more inclusive economic models.
UNDERLYING DRIVERS&nbsp;
Kathmandu will need to play a central role in addressing underlying drivers of conflict while simultaneously navigating the pressures of rapid urbanisation: gentrification, loss of public space, and widening inequality. The ability to foster meaningful participation and greater equity in the city will play a pivotal role in shaping the success of Nepal’s democracy more broadly.
There are numerous examples of cities around the world that have enjoyed successes in dealing with these deep-rooted challenges. Colombia’s <a href="https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/22472117/" target="_blank">social urbanism</a> in Medellín played a role in dramatically reducing homicide rates and social marginalization.&nbsp;
In Porto Alegre, Brazil’s pioneering <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/publication/259125910_The_Effects_of_Participatory_Budgeting_on_Municipal_Expenditures_and_Infant_Mortality_in_Brazil" target="_blank">participatory budgeting</a> model increased democratic participation, even helping to reduce infant mortality. Each demonstrates how inclusive urban governance can reduce structural violence and strengthen democratic legitimacy.
In Nepal one critical step would be to design an urban peacebuilding plan not as a narrow conflict-resolution tool, but as a framework for participatory democracy from the ground up. Too often, peacebuilding is treated as something for post-war transitions. In fact, it is essential to democratic resilience: building trust, analysing shared problems, and continuing to develop collective vision. And it must come in large part from within.
Nepal has already proven it can do that. Building on existing infrastructure an urban peace plan for Kathmandu could accelerate social repair, develop models of solidarity economics, and strengthen participatory governance. The key for this plan’s success is to create a local, accessible, place-based peace centres which bridges democratic dialogue that young people are leading online into offline settings where citizens of all backgrounds can engage.
There is already a foundation to build on. Each of Kathmandu’s 32 wards has a mediation centre aimed at resolving disputes locally, and <a href="https://www.thewomencell.com/en/notice/oath-taking-mediators" target="_blank">women’s networks</a> have been mobilised to support and strengthen these efforts. Peace centres can be developed to help take on the deeper structural challenges facing Nepal’s youth which the current mediation centres are not equipped to address.
Peace centres could grow to include ward level local peace councils (LPC) that actively foster connections and dialogue across generational, caste, ethnic, gender, and religious lines. Peace councils in this new context could be adapted to build on lessons learned about LPCs during the post war period and to address a new context.
That could include facilitating meaningful conversations about how government resources are utilised through <a href="https://vimeo.com/107121298" target="_blank">participatory budgeting</a>, <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pHeRD-rr6wk" target="_blank">legislative forum theater</a> and other well established participatory mechanisms that move from consultation to active decision-making.
Importantly, they can also serve as hubs to facilitate experiments with economic self-reliance by providing resources to help facilitate planning and investment in cooperatively owned production, mutual aid, women’s enterprises, youth social enterprises and other systematically organised community-driven development approaches. This will help reduce exclusion that fuels anger.
This plan creates an important “in between space” between party politics and social media driven activism. Democracy does not require everyone to be a politician, but it does require that everyone have meaningful ways to shape public life and spaces conducive to doing so.&nbsp;
This needs to be nurtured and Nepal already has the human capital to support community-led development, dialogue and participatory democracy. Accelerating education rooted in civic responsibility could link schools and communities, preparing a new generation of young people for leadership in democratic dialogue, and community level development planning.
At this crossroads, Kathmandu can become more than Nepal’s political capital. It can model how cities anchor peace, democracy, and justice in everyday life. The future of Nepal’s democracy depends not only on how it responds to moments of protest and uprising, but on how it builds everyday institutions that address the tensions that make political and economic frustration explode.
The key question is whether leaders and citizens alike are prepared to take this next step and have the support to do so; moving from fragile democracy to a resilient, participatory peace.
Arthur Romano, PhD, is a faculty member at George Mason University’s Jimmy and Rosalynn Carter School for Peace and Conflict Resolution, where he directs the Program on Urban Peacebuilding. His research and practice focus on urban peacebuilding, restorative justice and the design of city-wide learning systems for violence prevention.

Urban peacebuilding for democracy

Less than 11 months into his term, Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto faces a stark choice. He can be remembered either as a leader whose presidency was defined by public anger and discontent, or as one who recognised the challenges facing his country and acted in the national interest.
The anti-government protests sweeping Indonesia over the past month are not fleeting outbursts but the culmination of long-suppressed grievances against abuses of power, the erosion of constitutional norms, and the violation of basic human rights.
The protesters are not seeking an apology or even sympathy from the president; they demand the chance to live a decent life in which their dignity and human rights are respected and upheld. That yearning for clean and effective government is now echoed in similar protests in East Timor, Nepal, Philippines and elsewhere.
Prabowo's administration has set its sights on making the country the world's fourth-largest economy by 2045 -- a goal that would require sustained annual growth of 8%. But with 68% of Indonesia's population living below the poverty line for upper-middle-income countries, such ambitions mean little if millions of citizens remain trapped in poverty and hardship.
Indonesians have experienced rapid growth before, most notably during the long dictatorship of Suharto (1967-98), Prabowo's former father-in-law. Given that history, they know that lasting and inclusive development gains depend on political and social reform, not strongman rule.
Blaming previous administrations or consolidating power among key parties -- which may provide short-term stability but weakens democratic resilience -- will not absolve the current government of responsibility for its decisions today. What Indonesia needs are concrete measures to reduce poverty, create employment opportunities, and restore trust in government.
To heal the country's deepening social fractures, policymakers must focus on four urgent priorities. First, they must enforce the separation of powers and eliminate conflicts of interest. Democracy flourishes only when the executive, legislative, and judicial branches operate independently, yet in Indonesia, power remains heavily concentrated. Many political parties operate as family-run enterprises, with leaders holding executive roles or wielding outsize influence across institutions.&nbsp;
This concentration fosters a culture of impunity and erodes public trust.
Clear ethics rules are essential. Public officials -- including the president, cabinet members, and parliamentary leaders -- should not hold party posts, positions in state-owned enterprises (SOEs), and private-sector jobs simultaneously.&nbsp;
Eliminating these overlaps would reduce corruption, ensure that policies serve citizens rather than private or partisan interests, and bolster the credibility of Indonesia's democratic institutions.
Second, fiscal transparency is critical to delivering better-targeted social assistance and accelerating SOE reform. For two decades, Indonesia's tax-to-GDP ratio has stagnated at 10-12%. While the 2026 budget projects revenues totaling 12% of GDP, early 2025 figures are lagging this target – a shortfall worsened by a decline in commodity revenues.
At the same time, budget pressures continue to mount, underscoring the need for fiscal discipline. The government's Free Nutritious Meals programme is a prime example. Though well-intentioned, it is prohibitively expensive, with a budget of 171 trillion rupiahs ($0.3 billion) that is expected to rise three-fold in 2026.&nbsp;
A more effective approach would be to pilot the programme in five underserved regions, at a cost of no more than five trillion rupiahs, while engaging with local communities. The remaining funds could be used to support teachers, health professionals, and waste-management workers, or finance programs that deliver tangible benefits to low- and middle-income households.
Similarly, the new Danantara sovereign-wealth fund, with its 300 trillion rupiah budget, is unnecessary. With public debt at 41% of GDP, new borrowing should be directed towards productive investment rather than bureaucratic expansion.&nbsp;
Reforming existing SOEs would be cheaper, faster, and more effective. While consolidation has reduced the number of SOEs from 118 in 2018 to 64 in 2024, the state still dominates sectors ranging from banking to hospitality, crowding out small enterprises.
Third, civil authority must be strengthened to curb military interference. Military or police intervention in civilian affairs tends to undermine democratic institutions.&nbsp;
In Indonesia, where the military continues to wield significant political influence, preserving clear boundaries is particularly important. That means codified institutional checks, stronger civilian oversight, and strict adherence to human-rights norms. Without these safeguards, Indonesia risks sliding towards the instability seen in Myanmar or in parts of Latin America and Africa.
Lastly, the long-delayed Asset Recovery Bill (RUU Perampasan Aset), which would empower the state to reclaim disproportionate wealth without waiting for a criminal conviction, must be enacted.&nbsp;
Crucially, its aim is not to seize assets arbitrarily but to ensure that stolen public assets are restored to their rightful owners -- the people. First drafted in 2008 and submitted to parliament in 2012, the bill has languished for nearly two decades, enabling corrupt actors to plunder public resources with impunity.
By establishing a civil process for recovering unexplained wealth (in rem asset recovery), the law fulfills Indonesia's obligations under the United Nations Convention Against Corruption and shows that the government stands with citizens in fighting abuses of power. If Prabowo channels this recovered wealth into education, health care, and social programs, he could leave a truly transformative legacy.
Indonesia's leadership can choose to deepen repression, or it can take a different path and strengthen democratic governance. Prabowo's legacy will not be measured by electoral margins but by whether his government respects human rights, improves health care and education, and creates more good jobs.&nbsp;
He can be remembered as the president who presided over Indonesia's largest protests since Suharto, or he can be celebrated as a leader who delivered political, social, and economic justice. The choice is his. © Project Syndicate
Lili Yan Ing, Secretary General of the International Economic Association, is Lead Adviser for the Southeast Asian region at the Economic Research Institute for Asean and East Asia.

Indonesian democracy on the brink

The protest led by digital-native generation is not a rejection of democratic norms but rather an insistence for the Constitution’s most fundamental guarantees to be taken seriously. What confronts us is not youthful defiance, but political impunity masquerading as governance.&nbsp;
The spreading narrative that our protests were about a fleeting social media ban insults our generation’s intelligence. The protest has exposed a deeper generational revolt. No longer will we pay for impunity, we are determined to confront it as a constitutional betrayal rather than an inevitability of culture.
We know what is enshrined in our Constitution. Article 17 guarantees us the right to freedom: a freedom to assemble peacefully and without arms. Yet when we exercised those rights, the state met us with bullets instead of dialogue. That betrayal forces us to ask if Nepal is capable of delivering real democratic substance, or will the upcoming generation be left to inherit yet another endless cycle of hollow symbols and the whims of the powerful?
We, GenZ, are not demanding reforms at the margin. We are asking for the future our Constitution promised. We look ahead with both clarity and urgency.
We envision a democracy true to its words, where the Constitution is honoured in practice; where digital freedom is not revoked when it unsettles entrenched power, where the judiciary upholds the law without fear or favor, and independent watchdogs strike at impunity with unflinching integrity, and where elections reflect the true will of citizens rather than the staged choreography of the elites.
We foresee a cultural transformation-connection being no longer needed for survival. We can only laugh when they label our demands as ‘utopian’, imagine living in a nation where fundamentals of democracy are themselves treated as luxuries.
What is new is our unwillingness to wait. Raised on digital democracy, well aware of the law and fluent in hashtags, we are unafraid to take our case to the streets when institutions have repeatedly failed us. The whole nation is watching the interim government closely, and so are we -- the generation determined to make a system which works for all, not just for the privileged few.
Sambriddhi Aryal, 21, is a fourth-year student at Kathmandu School of Law with a keen eye on constitutional law, civic rights, and the pulse of global change.

GenZ constitutional awakening

<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/waiting-for-bipin-joshi" target="_blank">Nepali student Bipin Joshi</a>, who was taken captive by Hamas on 7 October 2023, was not on the list of those freed following the end of the bombardment and fighting in Gaza.&nbsp; On Monday morning, the Israeli military notified Bipin's family and Nepal’s ambassador to Israel Dhan Prasad Pandit, that there is no evidence of him still being alive. However, Nepal's Foreign Ministry is yet to be notified by Israel's government of Bipin's status. The news came three days after a US-brokered ceasefire between Israel and Hamas came into effect, and hostage and prisoner exchanges by the two sides started Monday morning.&nbsp; Almost 2,000 Palestinians held in Israeli prisions are expected to be released by Israel in exchange for the hostages during the next phase of the peace deal between the two parties, and the bodies of deceased hostages remaining in Gaza are also expected to be returned.&nbsp; Bipin Joshi was among a group of Nepalis who had arrived in Israel in 2023 just weeks before 7 October 2023 as part of a ‘learn and earn’ program to work and earn in kibbutz farms there.&nbsp; Along with other students Joshi had been working on a farm in Kibbutz Alumim in southern Israel near Gaza. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/war-in-israel-earthquake-and-grief-in-nepal">Ten Nepali students were killed </a>while taking cover in shelters near their farms in two separate attacks by Hamas fighters.&nbsp; Joshi’s colleagues, fellow Nepalis who survived the attack, recall gunmen lobbing two grenades into the bunker that they had taken cover in. Bipin hurled one of the grenades out, they say, but the other one exploded, killing and injuring Nepalis inside. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Shortly after, Bipin was captured by Hamas along with a Thai national and led away into Gaza. CCTV footage showed Bipin alive and at a hospital in Gaza on the day of the attack itself after he was taken hostage.&nbsp; Thirty-one Thai citizens, who like Nepalis worked in farms in Israel, were taken hostage during the Hamas attack, the highest number of foreign captives in October 2023.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/deft-diplomacy-freed-thai-hostages">Deft Thai diplomatic engagement</a> with officials from Iran, Egypt, and Qatar brought about the release of 23 of its nationals in 2023. Five more Thai nationals were released earlier this year.&nbsp; In August, Joshi’s family visited Israel at the invitation of the government and urged the international community to push for his return. Bipin’s mother Padma and sister Pushpa have been at the United Nations to lobby for his release.&nbsp; His family last week also released a video clip of Bipin briefly speaking on camera, reportedly obtained by Israel and said to be filmed in November 2023, around a month after he was taken captive. Joshi looks healthy in that video.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251013091028_d551c7f88204c52217152fb5db655bb5a5f8bf2cff1e6a055326ebf64453ff9f.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20251013091028_d551c7f88204c52217152fb5db655bb5a5f8bf2cff1e6a055326ebf64453ff9f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2848" height="1528" loading="lazy" alt="Bipin Joshi NT"> </figure>  More than 67,000 Palestinians have been killed during the last two years of the genocide in Gaza. About 1,200 people were killed during the Hamas attack on 7 October 2023, while more than 251, including Bipin Joshi, were taken as captives.&nbsp; This is the third ceasefire implemented in Gaza since 7 October 2023 after previous ones in November 2023 and January 2025. This 20-point deal facilitated by intermediaries US, Qatar, Turkey, and Egypt included terms for Hamas to give up its arms, and for a devastated Gaza to be governed by a Palestinian body of independent technocrats, while Israeli troops will withdraw in stages from Gaza.&nbsp; Hamas has agreed to relinquish control of Gaza, but has rejected the demand for disarmament, saying the group will demobilise but is prepared to resume fighting if Israel breaches the ceasefire.&nbsp; Following the ceasefire, Palestinians in Gaza have begun long journeys back to homes reduced to rubble by Israel’s two-year assault on the strip. The flow of humanitarian aid in the city has also increased following the peace deal.&nbsp; Israel's closure of humanitarian corridors in the past months had blocked the entry of food and medicine into Gaza, causing widespread famine. The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has said that the restriction of aid into the beseiged city has left as many as <a href="https://www.unrwa.org/newsroom/news-releases/gaza-unrwa%E2%80%99s-lancet-study-reveals-alarming-surge-child-malnutrition">54,600 children acutely malnourished</a>.&nbsp; Meanwhile, US president Donald Trump landed in Israel on Monday as hostages were being released, and world leaders are expected to head to Egypt for an international summit to discuss the next steps in Gaza, Israel, and West Asia.&nbsp;

Nepali hostage in Gaza not alive: Israel

Already trying to balance youth demands with legal provisions in the Constitution, Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s interim government faced yet another challenge over Dasain: a receding monsoon dumped unseasonal rain unleashing floods and landslides that killed at least 60, mostly in eastern Nepal.&nbsp; The government was rated positively for its early warning and the ‘visibility’ of its disaster response, with many comparing it to the inaction of the NC-UML coalition during last year’s floods.&nbsp; Government agencies and police proactively closed off hazardous sections of highways as Kathmandu was marooned from the rest of the country in the peak holiday season. Stranded passengers were taken care of, with police, army and local governments in Ilam coordinating rescue and relief efforts. Many of the problems were structural and inherited from decades of neglect and corruption in highway contracts. Shoddy bridges and encroachment of settlements along river banks have increased risk from more frequent extreme weather caused by climate breakdown. With Dasain over Tihar around the corner and the worst of the disaster behind, the Karki administration is trying to balance the separate demands of GenZ movers and shakers who installed her in office with constitutional provisions. It has not helped that the badly-mauled political parties are spoiling for a fight, and the three top leaders show little signs of stepping down. “Nepal’s movement did not happen in a democratic vacuum, so this government walks a very fine line in political legitimacy," says Bidushi Dhungel of the National Democratic Institute in Nepal. "In this fragile space, whatever the work done — or not done— by the interim government within its limited mandate, it may open up avenues for further dissent from old and new actors. They are &nbsp;caught between a rock and a hard place.” Civil society activists issued a statement on Wednesday calling on the main political parties to heed the writing on the wall and reform themselves. Signed by professor Krishna Khanal and former ambassador Keshab Mathema, the statement said: 'The main leaders of the main parties should say sorry, and voluntarily resign ... they must respect public sentiments and work to reform and transform their parties to be more accountable to the public, or risk being irrelevant.'&nbsp; Complicating matters further are the sometimes contradictory demands of various GenZ factions on punishing those responsible for the carnage and rampage of 8-9 September, Constitution and elections. Karki faces calls to immediately detain former PM KP Oli and Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak for their involvement in the massacre outside Parliament. Under pressure from GenZ delegates, Home Minister Om Aryal fired off a letter to the police to arrest Oli and Lekhak. But later at a confrontational midnight meeting at the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar, all four security chiefs advised Karki that arresting the UML and NC ex-ministers could unleash violent confrontation on the streets. The interim government is in a bind. It has formed a committee headed by Gauri Bahadur Karki to investigate the killings last month as well as the arson and vandalism that followed. The question is: should it wait for the committee to submit its report before punishing perpetrators, or let police arrest those who can easily be identified in social media posts setting fire to Singha Darbar, the Supreme Court and other sites.&nbsp; GenZ’s Sudan Gurung faction has gone beyond its original demand to submit an 8-point ultimatum that includes the sacking of the Chief Justice and officials of the anti-corruption bureau.&nbsp; The Prime Minister is caught in the crossfire between managing the expectations of a movement that appointed her, and working within the framework of her interim government’s mandate and Constitution. But it is not just the government that faces challenges. The lack of clear consensus among youth factions and their outspoken collectives is surfacing.&nbsp; &nbsp;“This has been a leaderless and decentralised movement, and the traditional variables typically seen in a political revolt seem missing here," notes political scientist Sucheta Pyakuryal. “There is no organised structure, nor any ideological pull factor, therefore a big question is how much bargaining power does a movement like this have, and how sustainable will it be.” GenZ leaders seem to be in two main camps. Demands like the one for a directly elected prime minister, and the constitutional processes that can make for such an outcome, have emerged as a major point dividing the movement.&nbsp; Nepalis both within and outside the youth movement are watching Hami Nepal’s Sudan Gurung closely — especially after his recent interview with Al-Jazeera during which he expressed his interest to run for Prime Minister and seemed to not accept a win by political parties in the March elections.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20251009201044_fcba7e92bb9a8812fd0ad4e9770d6f4d4189972de5229f91e9a832a26e388901" data-rendition-name="original" width="2916" height="1000" loading="lazy" alt="One month on NT"> <figcaption>GROUND ZERO: The destroyed centre of Nepal's government with Singha Darbar (in green scaffolding), the Attorney General's Office, Supreme Court, and in the distance, Parliament building. Also seen are the nearly finished new Parliament Complex and the new Supreme Court buildings. Drone shot taken on Thursday morning. Photo: SUMAN NEPALI</figcaption> </figure>  Gurung’s participation in the NDRRMA’s disaster management meeting and manner of his interaction with officials at the event was met with both bouquets and brickbats. Interestingly, some of the criticism was youth activists themselves. &nbsp;“There's a lot of self-involvement and self-importance that seems to be guiding a fragmented young leadership, as opposed to constructively engaging in how to concretise reforms,” says Dhungel. “There seems to be very little stocktaking of what's happened in the past, and what's happened in other countries to try identify where lapses could be before they occur."&nbsp; In the absence of unified positions and level-headed leadership, the youth who spearheaded post-protest negotiations, as well as the GenZ movement in general, risk losing public goodwill already dented by the destruction of state property on 9 September. This also leaves an opening for political parties which are on the defensive and licking their wounds to capitalise on youth discord.&nbsp; Says Pyakuryal: “Post revolution, the political landscape becomes extremely unpredictable and therefore there is a risk of co-optation from several Machiavellian political actors including political parties, monarchists, as well as other forces, and that is concerning.” The immediate and visible transformation that Nepal’s youth expect will not manifest right away, and while there is a need for long-term political planning, the caretaker government must also undertake measures that have a palpable impact on the daily life of citizens. &nbsp;&nbsp; “While youth frustrations must be addressed urgently, statecraft isn’t just about fulfilling short-term goals,”says Pyakuryal. &nbsp; Many, including the youth themselves, now see the need for GenZ to have a more united stance and to move beyond making demands that the interim government cannot fulfil and start mobilising for elections — even by forming its own party.&nbsp; A strong showing in elections can enable them to enact the changes they want to strengthen Nepal’s democracy, and make future governments more accountable.&nbsp; This week, the Election Commission announced 16 November as the deadline to register new parties for the 5 March polls.&nbsp; Youth representatives have said that they want to be active participants in the political process, particularly in national-level politics. The Constitution defines ‘youth’ as being between the ages of 16-40. In the 2022 elections, the Election Commission stated that over 41% of locally-elected representatives were from ages 21-40 years.&nbsp; If young Nepalis are to contest the election outside the banner of mainstream parties, this leaves electoral aspirants little more than a month to decide whether to form a loose coalition with existing parties, a separate political party, or to contest elections independently. “This is first of a kind movement, where political language is digital, not ideological, where organising is done through online platforms and where there is no one leader spearheading the movement,”says Pyakuryal. “I don’t know if ‘anti-corruption’ or ‘political reform’ have a strong enough ideological pull to band people together in the long run.” Indeed, the RSP was formed only four months before the 2022 elections and cashed in on anti-incumbent and anti-corruption sentiments of voters — mainly driven by social media. But controversy and strife within their party means it has largely lost its public trust.&nbsp; Nepal’s September Uprising and its aftermath have shown that a majority of young people are entirely disillusioned with establishment parties and politicians, even using ‘ex-political parties’ as a phrase of reference. Any new young political figures that emerge from this movement and this election will have to work with mainstream parties in a multiparty democracy.&nbsp; &nbsp;“The reality of politics is that change is not possible without engaging with existing political institutions and actors,” says Dhungel. “To say that they do not want to engage, negotiate, or identify allies or proactively seek out input from at least the reform-minded individuals within each of those outfits is political naivety, and may lead to a lack of institutionalised reform.” However, Dhungel notes that the youth leadership would have more agency if they are clear not just on what they want to change, but about whether they are interested in active politics or civic engagement. “The window of opportunity that is fast closing is to really negotiate hard and push for internal reforms within political parties and across the electoral system,” she adds. Pyakurel also adds: “GenZ are smart and politically mature, I hope they see these loopholes. I am optimistic about the direction they take.”

One month on

The meeting called by Prime Minister Sushila Karki at Baluwatar on 4 October was supposed to be about completing the interim cabinet with GenZ representatives. But it ended with factions putting up rival demands.
It is ironic that a movement that voted for Karki on Discord is itself marred by discord.
But such jostling was to be expected. This was an amorphous and leaderless group of young Nepalis that was suddenly elevated to fill a national power vacuum, and is now expected to redesign the country from scratch. &nbsp;
At least two camps have emerged within the youth groups. One is led by Sudan Gurung of Hami Nepal with Barsa Raut, Anil Baniya, Purshotam Yadav and Ojaswi Raj Thapa, while the second under Rakshya Bam has Pradeep Gyawali, Aditya Karn, Yujan Rajbhandari and Dheeraj Joshi.
Just like it was at Nepal Army Headquarters on 10 September, there is distrust and dissent within these disparate group. For the sake of stability, and in memory of the 72 who lost their lives last month, Nepalis want these groups to be more united in their stances. &nbsp;
Prime Minister Karki did not attend the Baluwatar meeting last week, wanting the GenZs to first work out their differences. Home Minister Om Prakash Aryal and Finance Minister Rameshore Khanal were present, and entreated the young delegates to cooperate.
Sudan Gurung has demanded the resignation of the Chief Justice and the head of the anti-graft body, the CIAA. However, some even within Gurung’s camp are said to want constitutional provisions to be respected, and do not agree with some of his eight demands.
Rakshya Bam accuses Gurung of trying to do away with the Constitution and issuing arbitrary statements on governance. Her group also issued a statement warning against any attempt to deviate from the values of democratic change.
The conflict between various GenZ groups has exposed the nature and limitations of street revolt, proving that it is always easier to destroy than to rebuild. A revolution can bring rapid and transformative change, but then comes the task of agreeing on new structures and processes — while dealing with the ego and ambition of the protagonists.
TIGHT-ROPE WALK
One year after a similar student-led uprising, Bangladesh is struggling to stabilise the system and preparing for elections while dealing with extremism and geopolitical fallout. Sri Lanka held elections and brought in a new youthful leader, but it has not been smooth sailing.
Prime Minister Karki’s caretaker government is on a tight-rope walk. Moving too fast on arresting the previous prime minister and investigating others for corruption risks igniting renewed street violence, but delaying justice will anger the impatient youth, who want immediate results.&nbsp;
The longer the uncertainty and instability lasts, the more likely it will be for radical forces to take advantage of the fluidity. The communal clashes in Birganj and Janakpur over Dasain, inspired by what is happening across the border, should be a wakeup call. Hate speech and ethnic slurs on social media could be incendiary if left unregulated.
The Prime Minister has said her foremost priority is to ensure free, fair and inclusive elections on 5 March — mindful that various forces are out to sabotage it for their own interests.
Amending the Constitution to meet GenZ demands may have to wait for polls next year, and real change that improves lives, creates jobs and makes the bureaucracy cleaner and more efficient will take longer.
But till then, the interim administration could deliver tangible benefits to people with do-able improvements like speeding up the driving license process, removing middlemen from all levels of the bureaucracy, expeditiously completing highway repairs, controlling food prices.
The youth want immediate course correction, given how the old political parties, politicians and bureaucracy had plundered the state for years. But idealism alone cannot make a state machinery function. Every decision during this sensitive transition must be taken without undermining previous gains.
Factional friction within the GenZ will allow the old leaders in the old parties to regroup and plot revenge. Meanwhile, the three main parties, which fuelled the youth and class rage with their corruption and reckless disregard for the public good for the past three decades, do not seem to have learnt their lessons.&nbsp;
Despite being disgraced, K P Oli of UML, Sher Bahadur Deuba of the Nepali Congress and Pushpa Kamal Dahal of the Maoist Centre, are still not willing to retire. The tragic loss of life and the mayhem that followed does not seem to have opened their eyes to the writing on the wall. They are intent on blaming everyone but themselves.
The Election Commission has already set a deadline for party registration by 16 November. Some in the GenZs want provisions to vote for a directly elected executive head of the country by even changing the Constitution.
There is a lot of confusion about what exactly the mandate of the interim government is, what it can and cannot do. With the dissolution of Parliament, the interim government cannot amend the Constitution, its only mandate is to conduct elections to form a new government that would then work on amendments.&nbsp;
At most, it can pass ordinances but only for the peace and good governance of the country or when there is an immediate need to enact a law.
To make things murkier, Sudan Gurung in a widely-shared interview on Al Jazeera said that he would run for prime minister, and that he would not accept the old parties and their leaders even if they win the elections unless they completely reform their political stance. He is also willing to work with pro-monarchists if they are for the betterment of the country.
Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang has already registered a new party called Shram Sanskriti Party while the likes of Kathmandu Mayor Balen Shah, Energy Minister Kulman Ghising and for RSP Sumana Shrestha are expected to follow another corporate backer for a new party.
All parties, including any new ones representing the youth, must learn from the failures of the newer alternatives such as Sajha, Bibeksheel and more recently RSP. Parties go nowhere without a clear ideology, organisation and a vision and pathway post-elections.
The interim government is made of most capable technocrats and a Prime Minister with zero tolerance for incompetence and who says she has no intention of continuing in the position a minute longer than necessary.&nbsp;
We now have to move beyond destruction to rebuilding, and not be distracted by discord.
Sonia Awale