Old vs new

The BRK (Balen-Rabi-Kulman) merger this week signified a generational shift in politics in the new year, but whether it will lead to a change in culture of patronage-driven strongman politics is looking doubtful.

Two 7-point deals this week brought together Energy Minister Kulman Ghising’s UNP and Rabi Lamichhane’s RSP, with Lamichhane remaining chair, and Ghising joining DP Aryal and Swarnim Wagle as the party's vice-chair. And Kathmandu mayor Balen Shah has been promised prime ministership if the party wins a majority in the federal elections under the RSP banner. So far so good. 

The merger was possible because the three men shared a common agenda to represent GenZ aspirations and the necessity of not splitting the vote in facing the vast organisational structure of the legacy parties. 

“It is too early to predict whether or not the three new leaders can address the challenges of the nation,” notes editor and political analyst Rajendra Dahal. “They have yet to prove how capable they are.”

All three are ambitious politicians with wide following on digital platforms, and combined they represent a significant challenge to the new by the old in 2026 and beyond. 

But are they really new? Political scientist Sucheta Pyakuryal does not think so: “What we are seeing is that the same political course is being charted by new political players, who are neck-deep in Machiavellian power-mongering and political horse trading, under the guise of bringing the alternative forces under one umbrella.”

Lamichhane, recently released on bail from jail for defrauding cooperative depositers and under scrutiny for breaking out of jail during the September protests, has put his own prime ministerial aspiration on hold to hitch his wagon to the popular Kathmandu mayor. For Balen Shah, the prospect of leading not just Kathmandu but Nepal itself appears to have been the deciding factor in agreeing to the deal.

News of the BRK alliance was initially greeted as a welcome generational change in politics that could finally break the decades-long Oli-Deuba-Dahal triumvirate. But there have been misgivings among some who see Balen-Rabi-Kulman already dividing up the spoils of their September movement, even from youth activists who had initially put their weight behind this partnership.

Then the RSP’s candidate list this week set off a digital firestorm. The proportional representation (PR) provision in the election designed to ensure inclusion of women and excluded groups, instead had celebrities, entrepreneurs, athletes, and performing artists. The party did conduct a primary to finalise its list, but it was heavily criticised for arbitrary ranking of public figures and ‘nepobabies’. 

To be sure, there were activists and GenZ members also on the list, but it is dominated by names from Lamichhane’s Chitwan constituency and reflects the accommodation candidates fielded by Shah and Ghising’s camps at the last minute. Uttam Bahadur Gurung and Bijay Jairu, who got the highest votes for indigenous male and Dalit male categories in the RSP primary, are missing from the list. 

PLUTOCRATIC

Pushpa Kumari Chaudhary and Khastar Hussain, who got the most votes for the Tharu women and Muslim men cluster respectively did not make it either. Former Kathmandu mayor candidate Ranju Darshana, despite securing the highest number of votes for the Khasa Arya women, appears 10th under the category on the list.

"RSP’s PR list that is supposedly churned out through a primary election, was a hogwash," says Pyakuryal. "The party leadership holds 50% of the decision-making power. Ranju Darshana was denied space despite overwhelming votes. They have completely turned the concept of primary elections on its head." 

No party, neither old or new, appears to have heeded the GenZ movement’s rejection of cronyism, nepotism and patronage. There have been scathing comments on social media as well as mainstream newspaper cartoons lampooning the selection.

“Under the cover of diversity and inclusion; they have onboarded Nepal’s rich and powerful elites – the 1%-- when the PR system was designed to onboard those in the periphery whose inclusion and representation retain the democratic essence of this republic," says Pyakuryal 

Even so, and despite being a three-way marriage of convenience, the BRK alliance is now set to challenge legacy parties. Lamichhane needs backing from Shah’s followers and on Ghising’s public goodwill, while Shah and Ghising both require a political platform. 

But they will also carry each other’s baggage. The shadow of the cooperatives scam and jailbreak hang over Lamichhane, Shah is known to be impulsive and erratic especially on social media, while Ghising did some iffy dealings while minister and head of Nepal Electricity Authority (NEA). If the RSP is able to secure a majority, the alliance could break apart because of the three egos just as what happened to the Oli-Deuba-Dahal trio in the past. 

Shah and Lamichhane have much in common. Both campaigned on social media, pushing a populist anti-corruption agenda and against the governance failure of the three establishment parties — the same logic that drove the GenZ protests in September that escalated into violence and brought down the UML-NC coalition.

As former tv anchor, Lamichhane championed the underdog and has a considerable following. Balen Shah’s direct, no-holds-barred style of communication and commentary has made him popular, especially among digital natives. Ghising is credited with ending Nepal’s prolonged power cuts when he headed the Nepal Electricity Authority NEA, and is regarded as a do-er. 

Lamichhane has let go of his ambition to offer prime ministership to Shah. Ghising had given up leadership of his newly-formed UNP. All three will have significant pull with the 837,094 young and first-time voters in March. 

The legacy parties are now galvanised for elections because of the Rabi-Balen-Kulman partnership, and contemplate an electoral alliance. They are relying on traditional vote banks among the rural electorate, and hoping against hope for internal rifts within the BRK alliance before polls. 

Ironically, Oli in the UML, Deuba in the NC and Dahal in the NCP all distrust rivals within their own parties more than each other. The NC’s list has some new faces, but is dominated by former ministers, family members, including the children of current and former presidents, as well as spouses of former NC ministers. The  Nepali Communist Party has also incorporated new names for its list. 

The UML has attempted to include younger candidates from a wider demographic this time, but the list includes many Oli loyalists. 

Concludes Pyakuryal: “What is worrisome is the old parties’ corrupt syndicates and new parties’ lack of principled politics and strong ideological bases that can explain their political vision and mission to the voters. Even more disturbing is the rise of strongman politics and their overt reliance on those who already have money, clout and power. The template remains, only the actors have changed.”