This week, all seven of Nepal’s provincial governments announced their annual budgets even as debate in the federal parliament over the central budget has been stalled for two weeks due to obstruction by the opposition RSP. There are no big surprises in the provincial Red Books — they are all in the red with reduced allocations from the centre. Even so, while Gandaki and Lumbini have slightly reduced the size of the budget compared to the preceding fiscal year, the budget for the other four provinces are marginally bigger. Even though revenue is short, the central and provincial governments have chronically been plagued by their inability to spend what has been budgeted, especially under capital expenditure. Five out of the seven provinces have in fact spent less than half of their allocated budget, the other two have fared only slightly better. The provinces’ underspending, as well as the flurry of last minute budget dispensation across projects (known as ‘असारे खर्च’ after the current Nepali month) has been attributed to competing political interests, mismanagement and kickbacks on projects. For instance, while Lumbini has been able to spend 59.1% of its allocated capital expenditure, Madhes Province has managed to spend just 16% of its development budget even though it has the second biggest budget among the seven provinces for the upcoming year. Even as provinces struggle to spend their budgets and implement development projects, the federal leadership in Kathmandu continues to display its reluctance to decentralise power to the provinces, and to hold tightly to the purse strings, rendering the provinces largely functionless.  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025062001064_0ccb183b0c1f65fcd798ecb826c5d11f04d0a381c78f864bf00698041ad74450.jpg" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="2025062001064_0ccb183b0c1f65fcd798ecb826c5d11f04d0a381c78f864bf00698041ad74450" data-rendition-name="original" width="1337" height="1500" loading="lazy" alt="Federalism express NT"><figcaption>Photo: @PHALANO</figcaption></figure>  August marks the tenth anniversary of the promulgation of the 2015 Constitution and the establishment of a three-tiered system of government that envisioned the devolution of political power from Kathmandu to provinces and local municipalities. In the decade since, local governments have been lauded for their performance as the country’s municipal units saw multi-sectoral grassroots development. Rural municipalities and elected ward councils were forced to be more accountable to voters since they were in close proximity. However, the mainstream political parties and their leaders have continued to override the authority granted to provincial governments by the Constitution – especially when it comes to revenue collection, policy-making, and decisions on development projects. Earlier this month, Gandaki Province decided to suspend its newly-introduced Ride Sharing regulatory guideline after the Prime Minister’s office sent a letter instructing it to temporarily halt implementation following nationwide protests by public transport entrepreneurs associations who oppose the new regulation, and many of whom are affiliated to the ruling parties. The federal government’s circular overriding a provincial decision on local transport went against the Constitution and infringed upon the rights of the provinces. “Our federalism was supposed to be a cooperative system,” explains federalism expert Khim Lal Devkota. “But citizens and civil society, the political leadership and bureaucracy across all three levels of government have not yet let go of their Kathmandu-centric mindset.” The dissatisfaction with dysfunctional provincial governments has contributed to the perception that federalism is wasteful and should be scrapped, a narrative that the pro-monarchist parties have used in their rallies to get rid of the 2015 Constitution. It is true that federalism was an outcome of the peace process, and a demand the Maoists wanted fulfilled in exchange for giving up arms. But devolution was never allowed to deliver at the grassroots. “Nepal’s three-tired government was the result of our vision not of a limited government, but one with maximised capabilities of looking over all affairs of the state,” explained political scientist Sanjeev Humagain at a recent event discussing the rise of right-wing populism in Nepal and globally. “But perhaps we have not fully understood the concept of this political system, or we think of federalism as a transitional idea until we eventually adopt another form of governance,” he added. A recent survey by Social Science Baha gauged how Nepal’s ‘local elite’, people who wield socio-political influence at the subnational level, view federalism. As expected, the survey found that a majority of the respondents feel positively about the performance of local governments. The survey also showed support for federalism, but there was dissatisfaction with the functioning of provinces, along with recognition that there was too much interference from political parties and their leadership in Kathmandu reluctant to cede authority to them. ‘The state of federal and regional party politics marked by ever-changing alliances leading to frequent changes in government at both levels has eroded confidence in the provincial governments being able to perform efficiently,’ read the report. ‘Government officials and civil society representatives alike also viewed provincial governments as passive recipients of the federal governments’ plans, policies and projects contradicting the very purpose of creating provincial governments in the first place.’ But not everything can be blamed on the central government. Many provincial leaders are happy to be proxies of their parent parties, and lack initiative to use their constitutionally mandated right to self-governance. Opposition to federalism is also fueled by the idea that it has merely decentralised corruption, that it unnecessarily triplicates overhead costs of government and is wasteful. The general feeling is that it is an expendable and costly second tier of government. But data contradicts this. Nepal’s Economic Survey 2024/25 shows that the share of provinces in the total national expenditure last year was just 10%, and has remained consistent since the first elections under the federal system in 2017. Says Khim Lal Devkota: “Federalism is still nascent in Nepal, and we must give it a chance to stand on its feet. Nepal must not be a laboratory to experiment with new systems of governance just because the existing one is not working fast enough for our liking.”

Shristi Karki

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Federalism Express

Despite the contemporary narrative that Nepalis are giving up on their country and are migrating in droves, a recent public opinion poll shows that nearly half the Nepalis are still positive about the direction the country has been going since the last election in 2022. Asked if they feel that the situation has worsened, improved, or remained the same in the past two years, 45.4% of the respondents in the nationwide survey said they were satisfied about the way Nepal is headed. Of them, 13.9% of respondents said they were ‘significantly positive’, while 31.5% said they were ‘somewhat positive’ about the situation in Nepal over the past two years. Although 34.6% of those answering the question believed that the socio-political situation in the country was ‘unchanged’ since 2022, Sharecast Initiative in its analysis of the results, said there was ‘a notable sense of optimism about the current state of affairs’. Even so, about 18% felt the situation was either ‘significantly negative’ or ‘somewhat negative’. And most respondents (35%) felt there had been no change in the country’s situation in the past two years.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241201111212_f1ec1009533e9c1e6847672142da4688694159bb5ff0e5dc9088007cb6d995a1.png" data-media-id="editor_0" data-image-id="20241201111212_f1ec1009533e9c1e6847672142da4688694159bb5ff0e5dc9088007cb6d995a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1192" height="1030" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis not so unhappy"> </figure>  “If we count those who say ‘no change’ as not being satisfied and add that to those who had a negative view of the way the country is going, then we have 55% of the people not happy,” says Madhu Acharya of the research organisation Sharecast Initiative Nepal, which conducts annual public opinion polls. Still, 45% of the people being positive means the national mood is not as pervasively cynical and despondent as Nepal’s public sphere believes it is. Even more unexpected, and also contrary to prevailing perceptions, is that disaggregated data of the responses showed that the level of optimism is highest among young Nepalis, especially women. It was also higher, not surprisingly, among those in the higher income brackets. A higher percentage of female respondents (15.6%) thought Nepal’s current situation was ‘signficantly positive’ while only 12% of males felt that way. More men (11.5%) also had a ‘negative’ view of the past two years, compared to only 7% of women feeling the same way. Provincewise, most of those surveyed in Bagmati and Gandaki said there had been no change, while in the Madhes Province respondents held strong views with 26.5% saying they were ‘signficantly positive’ and 15.7% feeling things are ‘signficantly negative’ — both positive and negative responses were higher in Madhes than any other province. Because Nepal’s migration pattern is blurring the lines between city folk and those residing in villages, the level of positivity was at equal levels in both urban and rural areas of the country, with nearly half the respondents in both areas feeling ‘somewhat’ and ‘significantly’ positive about their circumstances. Literacy appears to play a significant role in determining satisfaction with the state of affairs. Generally, those with higher education were happier than those with less education. Illiterate respondents had the most negative view about their status. Even though understanding among media commentators is that Nepali youth are frustrated and cannot wait to leave the country, the survey showed that 54% of those in the 18-24 age group were either ‘somewhat’ or ‘significantly’ positive about the state of things. In general the older people are, the less happy they seem to be about the way things are. The survey results showed that even though those with higher incomes are generally more satisfied, one-tenth of them felt ‘significantly negative’ about the way things are going in Nepal. The scientific poll was conducted face-to-face earlier this year among 4,267 respondents from all seven provinces and three ecological zones. Nearly 70 supervisors and enumerators fanned out across the country to interview Nepalis selected by domicile, gender, walks of life, socio-economic strata, ethnicity in the ratio of their representation in the population. Most Nepalis see progress in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/beijing-30-zak6iu1w">gender equality</a>, but cite problems: 1. Violence against women 2. Lack of say within households 3. Political representation 4. Societal restraints  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241201111224_faf741ca7a1187cb971b468eca573c8c3ee756f585d6a72e0dc1bd99114f4088.jpg" data-media-id="editor_2" data-image-id="20241201111224_faf741ca7a1187cb971b468eca573c8c3ee756f585d6a72e0dc1bd99114f4088" data-rendition-name="original" width="6720" height="4480" loading="lazy" alt="gender equality"> </figure>  As the world marks 16 Days of Activism against Gender-Based Violence from 25 November–10 December, a recent public opinion poll in Nepal has shown that both men and women respondents place ‘safety from violence’ as their number one concern. Asked ‘What are the primary issues facing women in Nepal today?’ more than one-third of the respondents felt it was safety and security. Both genders – and especially younger respondents -- identified protection from violence as the main problem facing Nepali women. Geographically, people in Bagmati, Sudurpaschim and Madhes prioritised safety as of women as their main concern.&nbsp; Societal restraints against women was seen as the second-most important problem, especially in regions of the country considered to have more entrenched patriarchal norms like the Karnali. ‘Lack of household decision-making’ was the third main issue respondents said women in Nepal face, and this was especially pronounced in rural areas. It could be a significant pointer to the feminisation of Nepal’s hinterland, with the outmigration mainly of young men from households.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241201111216_79f09832d11b27679a1cbeb8a8f9189d28afdd3b91a52df4c143d876e23d06f8.png" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20241201111216_79f09832d11b27679a1cbeb8a8f9189d28afdd3b91a52df4c143d876e23d06f8" data-rendition-name="original" width="1420" height="858" loading="lazy" alt="gender equality in Nepal"> <figcaption>All graphs: SHARECAST DATA INITIATIVE, THE STORY KITCHEN</figcaption> </figure>  This was among seven questions asked in a recent nationwide survey ‘General Perceptions of Gender Issues in Nepal’ by Sharecast Data Initiative and the Story Kitchen. The poll was conducted by enumerators in face-to-face interviews with 4,267 respondents selected for a balanced representation of Nepal’s population.&nbsp; In answer to questions if Nepal has been making progress on gender equality, most respondents had positive outlook about female representation, constitutional and legal safeguards and cultural norms. Asked about Nepal’s socio-political and cultural changes affecting women, nearly 62% had a positive response while about 15% said they had noticed no change and about 16% said the country was moving in a negative direction. Younger respondents of both genders, urban residents and those with higher education and income levels tended to have a more optimistic view about socio-political and cultural changes that affected women.&nbsp; In response to a question about new constitutional and legal provisions safeguarding women’s rights and gender equality, nearly three-quarter of respondents (both men and women) felt they had benefited women. Only about 10% felt the laws had negatively affected women.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241201111216_b359ef289ca228753e83564c3d5a278c650aa8a13dff93a2d49fffff7305646c.png" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20241201111216_b359ef289ca228753e83564c3d5a278c650aa8a13dff93a2d49fffff7305646c" data-rendition-name="original" width="1212" height="804" loading="lazy" alt="gender equality in Nepal"> </figure>  Again, it was younger men and women, city-dwellers and better educated people who were more optimistic. In its analysis of the results, Sharecast says: ‘However, there are areas of concern, particularly among less educated and lower income groups, indicating a need for targeted interventions to address these disparities.’&nbsp; In response to the question about which areas Nepali women have not yet received equal opportunities with men, a surprising 35% said they could not answer, while 20% felt there was no inequality anymore.&nbsp; But among those who said there was inequality, the highest number (12.8%) said it was within in the household. Almost as many cited unequal representation in politics, while education, high-paying jobs and protection from violence were also of concern to respondents.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241201111220_59198bf078425a63f4a27fe6f6910170fd22ded6da77824de2bdd3c5ebbb337a.png" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20241201111220_59198bf078425a63f4a27fe6f6910170fd22ded6da77824de2bdd3c5ebbb337a" data-rendition-name="original" width="1430" height="928" loading="lazy" alt="gender equality in Nepal"> </figure>  More men (16.3%) cited unequal political representation, while only 9.5% of women respondents felt that was an issue and they pointed to not having enough say within the household (13.7%) as their main concern. Asked about the problems faced by Nepal’s men, the highest number of respondents (27%) said men had ‘no problems’, and a significant number (14.4%) said they had no idea. Most of those who chose to answer (15.4%) said it was lack of jobs and wages.&nbsp; To a question about the problems faced by adolescent girls and boys, substance abuse and mental health topped the list (22.7%), while violence against girls (21.3%) and education came next. Nearly 30% said they didn’t know or couldn’t say.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20241201111220_a5ea2454f1462a05a50730a51450ffe99b06b53f58bf5e3db3414ca14338cabf.png" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20241201111220_a5ea2454f1462a05a50730a51450ffe99b06b53f58bf5e3db3414ca14338cabf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1710" height="1050" loading="lazy" alt="gender equality in Nepal"> </figure>

Nepalis not so unhappy

While the rest of Nepal has gone cynical about federalism, it has <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Federalism-in-the-capital-of-Tarai,3449">opened doors here in Janakpur</a>, the seat of Madhes Province. Its Mithila culture has got new national and global exposure, footfalls have increased and there is a new visible presence of development agencies. Some of this has come at a cost to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/20-years-ago-this-week/birganj-is-the-prize">Birganj 70km away</a>, which was always the commercial hub of the central Tarai and a gateway to Nepal via the land route. In fact Birganj and Janakpur were rivals in the contention of which city would be the capital of Madhes Province. But Birganj also has a new vibrancy in culture, the arts and cuisine. Abhishek Jha is a lawyer and researcher from Madhes Province. JANAKPUR There used to be a time when <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-sita-ram-corridor">Janakpur was synonymous with the Janaki Temple</a>, dedicated to the birthplace of Sita. The temple is still a draw, but Janakpur now has a new set of footfalls, and there is a certain order to the chaos of this border city. As the capital of Madhes Province, there are government agencies, new institutions and a heavy presence of the development sector. There are now at least a dozen flights to and from Kathmandu every day, propelling the city’s socio-cultural dynamic. There is a pursuit for ‘uniqueness’ and at the heart of this is an active effort to make <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/vibrant-mithila-art-thrives-in-nepal">Mithila art</a> more palatable to the pan-Nepali public: with paintings, merchandise, cutlery, apparel, stationery items and other paraphernalia. A pioneer in this revival are the artists of Janakpur Women’s Development Center. The 800 year old Maithali folk-dance form called Jhijhiya has found new platforms and audiences at cultural events like the annual literature and theatre festivals held here. There is an attempt to make it more contemporary and address progressive issues like gender empowerment.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240727060728_ffcab59231faaf3a0ce4e68e7f97e6cb6ed1e76a185e91db1d5d6253136123f3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20240727060728_ffcab59231faaf3a0ce4e68e7f97e6cb6ed1e76a185e91db1d5d6253136123f3" data-rendition-name="original" width="2480" height="1647" loading="lazy" alt="Janakpur"> </figure>  The Mithila Thali has found fans, largely due to the culinary curation of Master Chef Santosh Shah and his popular new restaurant at Ramananda Chok. A trip to Janakpur nowadays is perceived as incomplete without a stop here. The choreographed spectacle of offering evening prayers at Gangasagar may not be as impressive as the one in Banaras, but it is quaint with ‘Yah chhai hamar Janakpur…Janak k gaam Janakpur…Sita k Janakpur…’ playing in the background. Janak has rebranded itself as a cultural hub that transcends Mithila and aims to encompass a new, inclusive Nepal. The local media and social media play an important role in disseminating this identity. There are six other federal provinces in Nepal, but only Madhes is a broadly ethnic enclave, and Janakpur stands only second to Kathmandu in the national discourse. Part of the reason for this could be Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi making it a point in 2018 to make a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/janakpur-to-janakpur">special visit to Janakpur</a>.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240727060728_867e16a8ec8f9d9cf8116e6854c1c3a3fe67f7287b2af4d90b15f6f30e4e5df9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20240727060728_867e16a8ec8f9d9cf8116e6854c1c3a3fe67f7287b2af4d90b15f6f30e4e5df9" data-rendition-name="original" width="4288" height="2848" loading="lazy" alt="Janakpur"> </figure>  Janakpur’s geopolitical status is now higher and many Kathmandu-based ambassadors make it a point to visit, adding to its reputation and importance. Madhes Province can showcase its development since the first federal elections in 2017 with greater women’s empowerment in a traditional patriarchal society. Government offices now have more women faces, there are more women shopkeepers in the market and banks, female participation in schools and colleges are higher. Some of this could be due to male outmigration, but there is no denying that the women of Madhes now have a stronger voice. Janakpur has become more liberal in accepting other languages of the province besides Maithali, like Bhojpuri, Bajjika, Tharu, Urdu and Nepali. Unlike during the Madhes Movement of 2015, there is a new acceptance and assimilation of other communities. There is now a proclivity in the public and government to demonstrate inclusion, both in principle and practice.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2024072704078_c960c809d218d58600b35803f5fbe4fd58a42165d8373aa55e01454404fd98c8.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="2024072704078_c960c809d218d58600b35803f5fbe4fd58a42165d8373aa55e01454404fd98c8" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="868" loading="lazy" alt="Siwalik"> <figcaption>White lines show the width of the Siwalik range.</figcaption> </figure>  BIRGANJ As a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/birganj-waits-for-the-boom">commercial hub and the road gateway to Nepal, Birganj</a> is brash. Its people seem to be in a perpetual hurry to get somewhere, and as a city through which 80% of Nepal ’s exports and imports pass through, it also has a strategic importance. Proof of that were the many road blockages during the 2015 Madhes Movement here.&nbsp; Unlike Janakpur, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/Nepali-Times-Buzz/Birganj-mero-saharko-katha,2920">Birganj</a> seems quite content not to have too much to do with politics. In fact, some of the statues of Bhanubhakta and G P Koirala have been reinstated, along with the Maithili poet Vidyapati. Along with Bhojpuri, the city is equally fluent in Nepali, Maithili, Nepal Bhasa, Bajjika, Bangla, Punjabi, Marwari and Hindi. Inclusion, it seems, is good for business. But it also means by trying to be everything for everyone, it lacks a cultural identity of its own. Birganj is astride the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-s-soft-power-is-its-heritage">ancient kingdom of Simraungad</a> which one time ruled over Kathmandu Valley before it was razed and pillaged by the Tughlaq ruler of Delhi in 1326. Today it is better known as the ‘Land of Astavakra’ and ‘Gateway to Nepal’. The faux-Newari Sankracharya Pravesh Dwar gate at the border across from Raxaul marks this attempt to straddle both cultures.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240727060728_b292c88080303b1a56efada9fe07c1096e90bb8867b91189501530a2045aeb8a.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20240727060728_b292c88080303b1a56efada9fe07c1096e90bb8867b91189501530a2045aeb8a" data-rendition-name="original" width="2480" height="1660" loading="lazy" alt="Birganj"> </figure>  Birganj was a hub of political dissidence during the Rana regime and late in the pro-democracy movement because of the culture of questioning in public and private discussions.&nbsp; As befitting a city that serves as a connector and the gateway to the industrial corridor to the north, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/holi-in-birganj">Birganj</a> has a new cosmopolitan ambience. The people of Birganj are now better travelled, and interested in eating out with family and are in search for diverse cuisines.&nbsp; Although the city has a variety of restaurants, new age cafes, pizza and burger eateries offer a variety in Adarshnagar, Gawaha Mai and Ranighat. Mouth-watering chaats, bhuja-pakora, dahi-chiura, sattu, lassi, kachori-tarkari-jilebi can be found here. Chiya pasal are the public sphere, with vibrant places for socio-political discussions and hangout spots for college goers.&nbsp; Try the Bhojpuria Thali. Starters (Mahi, bel sarbat, anandi-chawal bhuja, litti-chokha, pakora), Main Course (Manshuli/basmati bhaat, rahri daal, danauri-tilauri, sukhwat, chokha, tarkari, papad, machhari, dahi, mitha), Desserts (Dudh-puwa, bagiya, haluwa).  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240727060728_9691e252b5ce723b6922f88418caa3eda43e02fba1a65c19043b1fd6ea10c7e9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_13" data-image-id="20240727060728_9691e252b5ce723b6922f88418caa3eda43e02fba1a65c19043b1fd6ea10c7e9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2480" height="1715" loading="lazy" alt="Birganj"> </figure>  The art scene has been made vibrant by the likes of local artists like Azmat Ali and Mukesh Mahato. Bhojpuri art is at a stage where Mithila art was probably five-six years ago. Further there is lack of synchrony in blaring horns, whistles and DJs. There is no single sound to identify with the city.&nbsp; ‘Lollipop laagelu’ has transcended national boundaries and seeped into Nepali pop-culture. But this has created a limited understanding of Bhojpuri music. A large music space, besides few good attempts, awaits virtuous artists to build a different image of Nepali Bhojpuri Music. The music and art has to struggle and evolve in its ideation, identity and commerce. The Maha Aarati at Sano Pashupatinath Temple in Pipara tries to do what Janakpur has done with Gangasagar Arati. Indian Bhojpuri music still dominates over Chaiti, Sohar and Purbi of literary giants like Bhikhari Thakur and Mahendar Misir.&nbsp; Cities have a persona of their own, they have character, visual traits, distinct taste buds and utility. They get embroiled in symbolism derived from primary activities or major significance it holds. There is also history in Birganj with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/from-nalapani-to-kalapani">Sugauli</a>, where the 1815 treaty with the East India Company was signed, 30km from here. Today, most people from north India, west and east Nepal have been travelling by train to pass Sugauli station. The route became so prominent that India constructed the Raxaul Junction adjacent to Birganj border. On our side, we had Raxaul-Amlekhganj railway, Nepal's first, as early as 1927. Birganj was where Nepal’s first university, Nepal Rashtriya Vidyapeeth, was established with Ganesh Man Singh as Chancellor and Laxmi Prasad Devkota as Vice-Chancellor at one point. Furthermore, Thakur Ram Multiple Campus in Adarshnagar is a six decade old college and alma mater of many of Nepal’s who’s who. Littérateurs like Pandit Deep Narayan Mishra, Gopal Ask, Uma Shankar Dwiwedi, Dinesh Gupta, Mukund Acharya, Purshottam Sharma and Anita Shah are Birganj's literary torch-bearers.&nbsp;

Tales of 2 cities

Nepal may have defused the population bomb, but its cities and towns are bursting at the seams. Federalism was supposed to improve rural living standards through more accountable governance. Failure to achieve this has accelerated rural outmigration. The 2021 census showed that Nepal’s population declined by 10% in the last decade. The total fertility rate has fallen below the 2.1% replacement level, and that could be a problem in the future. But for now, it is the continuous emptying of mountain districts that is assuming crisis proportions. None of the three levels of government seem to have internalised the gravity of this situation, let alone devised a strategy to reverse the trend. Most internal migration is to the Tarai, which already has 54% of Nepal’s population. Another 21% lives just in Bagmati Province which includes Kathmandu Valley. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/letter-from-sikles">Letter from Sikles</a>, Kunda Dixit  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301040316_c0efbe7eef4538830300b6aca776239a92c54c16fcb81cb28ac5f17380dadfff.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20240301040316_c0efbe7eef4538830300b6aca776239a92c54c16fcb81cb28ac5f17380dadfff" data-rendition-name="original" width="1937" height="1140" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis are voting with their feet NT"></figure>  One-third of Nepal’s population is in rural municipalities, and two-thirds is in urban centres. Three-fourths of Nepalis live in just four of the seven provinces: Kosi, Bagmati, Madhes and Lumbini. The trend is even more alarming if we look at the data at district and rural municipality levels. Nearly all hill and mountain districts have seen sharp population declines. Some towns have not just added population from the hinterland, but also sucked up its resources. Municipalities have not been able to keep up with demand for jobs, quality education, affordable healthcare, or water supply. After the first federal elections to local governments in 2017, there was finally hope that local candidates would be held more accountable because of their proximity to the electorate. The campaign slogan of ‘Singha Darbar in every village’ raised hopes that democracy would finally deliver genuine local development. Some city dwellers even returned to their ancestral villages. But hopes were soon dashed because grassroots governments once again failed to deliver. Feeling let down once more, people moved from villages to cities, from the mountains to the plains, and from there many continued abroad. Migration patterns have changed. It is not just young males who are leaving for the cities, entire families are. Houses are padlocked, villages are empty, fields are fallow. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/eastern-nepal-s-depopulating-mountains">Eastern Nepal’s depopulating mountains</a>, Gopal Dahal <div class="embed-block"><iframe src="https://flo.uri.sh/visualisation/16960977/embed" title="Interactive or visual content" class="flourish-embed-iframe" frameborder="0" scrolling="no" style="width:100%;height:600px;" sandbox="allow-same-origin allow-forms allow-scripts allow-downloads allow-popups allow-popups-to-escape-sandbox allow-top-navigation-by-user-activation"></iframe><div style="width:100%!;margin-top:4px!important;text-align:right!important;"><a class="flourish-credit" href="https://public.flourish.studio/visualisation/16960977/?utm_source=embed&amp;utm_campaign=visualisation/16960977" target="_top" style="text-decoration:none!important"><img alt="Made with Flourish" src="https://public.flourish.studio/resources/made_with_flourish.svg" style="width:105px!important;height:16px!important;border:none!important;margin:0!important;"></a></div></div> Elected representatives in fancy new municipality offices have not responded appropriately to the enormity of the demographic change taking place. There have been two elections after the new Constitution in 2017 and 2022, meanwhile internal migration into Kathmandu has increased. More than half the population of Kathmandu Valley was not born there. There is urban-to-urban migration as people move from cities like Biratnagar, Birganj, Bharatpur to Kathmandu. Five of the municipalities with the highest population growth: Kageswari Manohara, Karkeswar, Nagarjun, Mahalaxmi, and Suryabinayak are all in Kathmandu Valley. Census data shows where the people have left. Five towns in Gandaki and Sudur Paschim Province have had the most dramatic population declines. Sanfebagar Muncipality in Accham had an annual population decline of 2.55% between 2011-2021. Jamini in Baglung, Galyang in Syangja, and Phalebas in Syangja all lost nearly 2% of their population every year (see map). Urbanisation is driven by aspiration. People move to where there are opportunities and a better quality of life. The mass movement happening now in Nepal is because local governments have not created good conditions in rural areas. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-last-men-standing">The last men standing</a>, Daman Rai  <figure><img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20240301040320_63c86e52713ce1684b733409a9768dffd301489f561f267ba4a2968102138c21.jpg" data-media-id="editor_5" data-image-id="20240301040320_63c86e52713ce1684b733409a9768dffd301489f561f267ba4a2968102138c21" data-rendition-name="original" width="423" height="185" loading="lazy" alt="Nepalis are voting with their feet NT"></figure>  There is another change sweeping villages in Taplejung and Sankhuwasabha. Although their populations have decreased, the number of households has increased. This indicates a trend in rural areas to live in nuclear families instead of joint ones. The last census showed that of the 430 rural municipalities in Nepal, 250 had negative growth. In contrast, of the 293 urban centres, 224 saw population increases. Gandaki Province has the highest rate of outmigration, with 83% of rural municipalities decreasing in population. Only 3% in Madhes Province saw decreases. More than half of rural municipalities seeing population decline can only mean one thing – Nepalis are voting with their feet. Even though political power was theoretically devolved to municipalities and provinces, they were not allocated sufficient resources, and federal entities in Kathmandu still call the shots. Biratnagar, Janakpur, Hetauda, Pokhara, Surkhet and Dhangadi were chosen as provincial capitals, and all have seen a surge in population in the past six years. Perhaps what was needed was not just decentralisation away from Kathmandu, but locating provincial capitals in rural areas to boost job creation, trade and political opportunity. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">Nepalis moving from mountains to plains</a>, Shristi Karki

Nepalis are voting with their feet

Khim Lal Devkota is Nepal’s foremost expert on local government, and is the person journalists and even politicians turn to find out why it is so difficult to decentralise decision-making away from Kathmandu.&nbsp;
He was summoned by the seven chief ministers of all provinces when they gathered in Hetauda last week to show them a way out.
“I told chief ministers that they need to come to Kathmandu and do a sit-in protest in front of Singha Darbar, nothing less will work,” recalls Devkota.
The Chief Ministers from all seven provinces have put up a united front against the centre with a list of demands that would devolve constitutionally guaranteed power to them.&nbsp;
Among their demands is the passage of laws on autonomy, the authority over the police to be handed over, transfer of property currently used by the provincial governments, cooperation in law-making, use of natural resources including the forests, revenue collection and federal grants. They are demanding 50% of the share of national revenue to provinces and local governments, up from the existing 30%.
Read : <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-f-word-9yauh6kl">The F word</a>, Editorial
“Sub-national governments have been constitutionally empowered but only on paper,” says Devkota, adding that the provinces do not have enough civil service staff, which are still mobilised by the centre making them accountable only to the federal government.
The three levels of the government all have their roles clearly defined in the Constitution. The federal government is responsible for defence, foreign policy, and guarding the national border, as well as setting minimum standards for education and health care.
The provinces are supposed to create new job opportunities, develop infrastructure and municipalities are tasked with grassroots service delivery.&nbsp;
But Kathmandu is still holding on to most of those powers and resources, not allowing provinces and local governments to actually function as per their mandate, says outgoing National Assembly member and former foreign minister from the UML Bimala Rai Paudyal.
“They do not have laws, they do not have enough civil service staff which means people cannot even access the little services they previously could. The centre is more in control than ever before, directing every move,” she adds.
Read also:<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/un-centralising-the-federal-structure"> Un-centralising the federal structure</a>, Chandra Kishore
One of the main reasons for public frustration with federalism is the increased cost of maintaining provincial assemblies, ministers, line agencies in all seven provinces.
“Nepalis had thought federalism meant better service delivery, direct access to leaders they elected, but what they see instead is more and more ministers, their security guards and fancy cars, houses, it is natural that they are frustrated,” Rai Paudyal adds.
This means that those who were at the bottom of the socio-economic ladder, like Dalits and Madhesis in the Tarai are still where they were, and have felt no difference in their lives.
The public disenchantment is being exploited by parties like the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) which has conflated an anti-federalism platform with a call for a restoration of the Hindu kingdom — even though it is the fourth largest party in provincial assemblies.
Even the technocratic Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) has been ambivalent on federalism. It did not put up candidates in the 2022 provincial elections, but says that is because as a new party they were not ready but will contest the next provincial elections.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">How decentralised is federalism?</a> Kiran Nepal
“Our line is very clear, we are for devolution of power,” explains Sumana Shrestha, a Member of Parliament who is with the RSP. “If you just look at the education bill, we are the only political party explicitly asking for teachers’ management at the local levels.”
She adds: “Politicians have depicted federalism as cure-all for everything but they are not living up to their own words as shown by the Education bill. There may have been improvements, yes such as the decline in maternal deaths but are they really sustainable given that such endevours have had quite a bit of support from development partners? They have abused both the system and power, they are not the people’s representatives.”
Many say the fault lies not in the system of governance but in the players at the very top of the game and the fact that they haven’t allowed federalism to really work. It is too early to judge the effectiveness of a system that has not been allowed to fully function, experts add.&nbsp;
Federalism has changed some things for the better: Nepal now has over 33% women MPs, higher than that of the US, India, China and most European countries, and 60% of civil servants are deployed at sub-national levels. Local governments that were previously not even on the radar of the centre now get budget allocations.
“Nepal has had seven constitutions, we can’t keep changing our constitution every time there is an issue with governance. We can reform it, and force leaders to be responsible, and accountable,” says Devkota.
He adds: “Besides it is not the system that people are frustrated with so much as with the same old, tried, tested career politicians.”
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/feudal-federalism">Feudal federalism</a>, editorial
Provinces have become a seven-way mirror of national politics, and a ruling coalition of parties with diametrically opposing ideologies.
The row over naming Kosi Province is a case in point with Prime Minister Dahal of the Maoist-Centre playing politics by supporting the Kirat nomenclature even though his coalition partners do not.
Madhes Province, which is where the demand for federalism first emerged after the end of the conflict, there is support for federalism but with a growing anti-secular movement influenced by faith-based pre-election politics in India. This has led to increased communal tension in the Tarai between groups which had coexisted peacefully in the past.&nbsp;
Back in Kathmandu, the National Coordination Council chaired by the prime minister with members from each province has met only twice in the eight years since the Constitution was promulgated eight years ago.
Says Bimala Rai Paudyal: “At the very least the federal government could muster the courage to hold these meetings with the provincial heads to sort out their grievances.”
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/federalism-rule-of-law-and-the-judiciary">Federalism, rule of law and the judiciary</a>, George Varughese and Iain Payne

Sonia Awale

Federal express

The chief ministers of all seven provinces met last week in Hetauda to discuss their next step to pressure the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/federalism-rule-of-law-and-the-judiciary">federal government</a> to devolve political power to their provinces.&nbsp;
In a unique cross-party show of strength, the provincial leadership presented a joint memorandum to Prime Minister Pushpa Kamal Dahal in Kathmandu. Some of their demands were to transfer control of the police force, pass the long pending federal civil service law, hand over ownership of provincial infrastructure and natural resources, and last but not least, allow them to collect their own revenue. &nbsp;
This is not the first time the provinces have expressed their collective grievance. But Kathmandu, under various governments since the first elections under the new Constitution in 2017, has just been making empty promises.&nbsp;
Indeed, Nepal’s main political leaders who were themselves the architects of the federal constitution are <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/feudal-federalism">loath to devolve political power</a> that they have decentralised to local governments. Even their own party structure is wholly centralised not just in the central committee in Kathmandu, but in just one elderly alpha male in each party.
That Nepal’s leadership is lukewarm towards federalism is no big secret, they are unwilling to loosen their grip on power even to their own party leaders in the provinces and municipalities.
Eight years after the establishment of a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/feudalism-to-federalism">three-tiered system of government</a> following a prolonged deadlock over the style of federalism that delayed the passage of the post-conflict 2015 Constitution, Nepal’s provinces are largely functionless.&nbsp;
For many Nepalis, the perception is that federalism is a corrupt and costly experiment that has failed miserably. Indeed, they have spent a fortune building luxurious lodgings for the provincial leadership in the upscale Bhaisepati neighbourhood. &nbsp;
In Nepal, federalism did not just signify devolution of power, but also the people’s sense of identity and belonging, and the participation of those historically excluded from the political process. This fact was reflected in the opposition of the people to the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/kosi-now-kathmandu-next"> naming of Province 1 as Kosi</a>, and their demand for it to be renamed Kirat Limbuwan.
This is not a new struggle. The Madhes movement for federal restructuring after the decade-long armed conflict actually served as a catalyst for the establishment of the provincial system. The Maoists insisted on an ethnicity-based provincial model and the Nepali Congress was for a geographical delineation. The UML backed a hybrid model.&nbsp;
The Maoists have historically taken credit for the transformation of the governance system that allowed for the reflection of identity, while the UML and the NC have sought to maintain the status quo even after the establishment of federalism.&nbsp;
Prime Minister Dahal has directly interfered in provincial governance, which in this year’s case served to further inflame <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/east-is-east">social unrest in Kosi</a>.&nbsp;
For outsiders looking in who are removed from the nuances in Kosi, Madhes, and Sudar Paschim, and are only involved in Kathmandu-centred discourse, provincial governance and federalism have thus just become a burdensome extension of central politics.&nbsp;
Federalism will once more become an election issue in the 2027 polls as political parties succumb to the temptation to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/long-leave-the-king">adopt regressive, conservative</a>, and populist rhetoric to appeal to disenfranchised voters. &nbsp;
Bad mouthing federalism has become a favourite pastime for parties like the royal right RPP, which has simultaneously fed and fed off the public’s disenchantment with governance to call for the abolishment of federalism and the reestablishment of a Hindu monarchy.&nbsp;
Ironically, the party fielded the second-highest number of FPTP candidates to contest provincial elections in 2022.
Meanwhile, the new and independent Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) which did not field candidates for provincial elections in 2022, may not say it is against federalism in so many words, but has called it “useless” and “enabling corruption”. They have proposed to make the provincial assembly and parliament smaller.
The provinces today are indeed proxies of Kathmandu —seven mirrors which reflect the political incompetence of the central government instead of being fully functioning autonomous units.&nbsp;
Nepalis have been <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/year-of-reckoning">quick to blame federalism</a> when it is the politicians who have refused to let go of their control. The system of governance is not flawed, politicians that keep provinces on a tight leash are.&nbsp;
Nepal’s provinces are not incapable of fulfilling their function, they have not been allowed to explore their roles and responsibilities. Throwing out federalism is not the answer.&nbsp;
To dismantle federalism is to undo the years of work it took to promulgate the Constitution and to overlook the struggle, sacrifice and hard-earned achievements of countless people during the conflict that preceded the Constitution.&nbsp;
In order for Nepal’s democracy to truly function, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/un-centralising-the-federal-structure">federalism must be given a chance</a>.
Shristi Karki

The F word

These are the forgotten Nepalis, who do not seem to matter to anyone in all three levels of government. Elected members of ward, municipal or provincial councils should be listening to them, but they do not.&nbsp;
The demand for federalism was first raised from these districts which were always treated as peripheral by Kathmandu. Yet, even after the provinces were carved out in 2015 to devolve decision-making, these families on the margins still do not count.&nbsp;
They are not powerless, they were never given any power. They are not voiceless, they are not allowed a voice.
The state does not need to move mountains to meet their needs. Their needs are simple: make the citizenship process easier, provide a hand pump in the village for safe drinking water, make sure the health post has a nurse, protect them from persecution from powerful castes.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/fogbound-tarai">Fogbound Tarai</a>, Chandra Kishore
But the gap between Nepalis who have access to state services and those left out is widening. Grassroots democracy under federalism has not changed the fortunes of those at the grassroots. A new class of politicians is emerging who are riding identity-based provincial politics, but they have no time for the corner people who elected them.
The state’s legitimacy should stem from how much the perennially outcast, landless or Dalits are allowed to voice their concerns. Eight years after the Constitution, and two elections later, there has been no improvement in the condition of Nepal’s most underserved.
The problem of landless Dalits in the Tarai is different from others from this community in Nepal. Families are crammed inside mud and thatch huts come winter, summer or monsoon.
I ask them if the ward or municipality leaders they elected have ever visited, and they shake their heads. Provincial politics is just a proxy for Kathmandu’s bloated centralised system.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/feudal-federalism/">Feudal federalism</a>, Editorial
In these backwaters of the Tarai, political power comes out of the claws of excavators mining sand from rivers. Power is flaunted by hobnobbing with imported godmen, by ignoring the victims of loan sharks, or neglecting the neglected.
The Constitution guarantees freedom of expression. But that freedom means nothing to people not given the means to express themselves. Grassroots democracy was supposed to be the mechanism for them to be heard, but that channel has been muted by power brokers.
Local radio stations and media should have stepped in, but they are victims of self-censorship themselves. Media owners are hand in glove with the powers that they cannot hold to account. The social media sphere is too preoccupied with sharing selfies.
The local media should be the medium to amplify the concerns of excluded castes and classes, and be the solution. But it is a part of the problem. Local journalists are megaphones for the already rich and powerful, they have no time for those at ground zero.
Read also:<a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/un-centralising-the-federal-structure"> Un-centralising the federal structure</a>, Chandra Kishore
These are families so deprived and abandoned they do not even have the resources or connections to march to Kathmandu to press their demands. Small people have small wants, but multiply these with the expectation of millions and it becomes a wildfire of outrage that can engulf those in the ivory towers.
A recent visit to the hinterlands of Madhes Province was a chance for me to hear about local governments engaged in local plunder. In paddy fields and roadside shacks, there was talk of corruption, extortion and a sense of abandonment. These districts in the plains used to be ignored by Kathmandu, now they are ignored by the local officials they themselves elected.&nbsp;
The movers and shakers of the Madhes regard genuine empowerment at the grassroots with suspicion, afraid that freedom will allow the anger to erupt one day.
And to distract public attention from this failure to address the needs of the neediest, politicians use aggressive intolerance and refuse to even acknowledge that the people they were elected to serve do exist. &nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">How decentralised is federalism?</a>, Kiran Nepal 
 
<a href="https://twitter.com/Kishore_chandra">Chandra Kishore</a> is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times.

Chandra Kishore

The outcasts

Swiss Ambassador <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/remit-for-remittances">Elisabeth von Capeller Oswald</a> has been in Nepal for over a decade and in that time, has seen the country undergo significant political and socio-economic change in real time. Von Capeller first came to Nepal in 2007 with the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC). She then served as Head of the South Asia Division of SDC in 2011, and was appointed the Ambassador to Nepal in January 2018.
Von Capeller is finishing her tenure in Nepal and will be leaving the Swiss Foreign Service. She spoke to Nepali Times about her experience here and Switzerland’s changing focus in Nepal’s development over the decades. Excerpts:&nbsp;
Nepali Times: What are some of the lasting impressions of Nepal that you will take back with you?
Elisabeth von Capeller: I have seen a country which has changed very fast in recent years, from a closed, rural society to an urban, global society. I have also seen Nepal go through many ups and downs, including being hit by many crises. But it also overcame them, which goes on to show a certain strength of the people. We have also seen the women, they have changed the most. They are so positive, their body language is so different than 10 years ago, and they are much more present in the public sphere and private sectors.
Yet there are many more changes Nepal needs to address, social injustice is still very much prevalent. Also, one thing that worries me is the rapid environmental destruction, and I hope there will be more sensitivity towards nature because Nepal is destroying essentially its wealth, beauty and future potential.
Switzerland has had a 70-year history of development cooperation with Nepal. How has the nature of Swiss assistance changed in that time?
I believe we have always been a consistent partner that Nepal could rely on. We started with technical assistance but during the insurgency, we got involved in service delivery because the state was not present. Also during the insurgency, we came up with a diplomatic instrument to accomplish the peace accord. After the peace agreement, we helped Nepal with the implementation of the new Constitution. We have always been able to adapt as per the context and situation. Nowadays, local and provincial levels are carrying out service delivery, and we support them as well as the federal level in the building of the institution.
What are some of the lessons Nepal could learn from Switzerland, another landlocked country surrounded by bigger neighbours?
When you are in this field, you always have areas where you are not satisfied, you also have failures. But what we have done is always try to adapt our programs relevant to the political as well as economic context. We have had technical solutions to political problems but we also need political solutions to political problems. As you know, development cooperation, even more humanitarian ones, are political. Our concern has always been that we do no harm which is why we always did a good analysis of the political context and reflected on what and how we did it.&nbsp;
<div class="embed-block"><div><div style="left: 0; width: 100%; height: 0; position: relative; padding-bottom: 56.25%;"><iframe src="//cdn.iframe.ly/api/iframe?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fembed%2FyRPQ75WDw38&key=87ca3314a9fa775b5c3a7726100694b0" style="top: 0; left: 0; width: 100%; height: 100%; position: absolute; border: 0;" allowfullscreen scrolling="no" allow="accelerometer *; clipboard-write *; encrypted-media *; gyroscope *; picture-in-picture *; web-share *;"></iframe></div></div></div>
Many Nepalis are now questioning if it can deliver true devolution through federalism. What are some of Switzerland’s experience in making federalism work?
The Constitution is a result of the peace process and Nepalis should be proud of it. There used to be districts with district offices but they were not working. There was also huge exclusion, development took place just around Kathmandu which meant the majority of the population was not included. These are the very reasons why the former model was questioned. And I strongly believe that in the short seven years, federalism is already showing results, especially at the local levels.
But what we have now is a dangerous narrative, a very Kathmandu centric elite-driven discourse. People have forgotten how it was, many of them have never been in districts, they don’t know what service delivery was like in there. I also believe that Nepal has not even started to implement the Constitution, important laws have not been passed like the Civil Service Act without which the local levels cannot fulfil their mandate. Province governments are criticised when they are the victims of the politics at the centre.
Nepal has a good Constitution and there is a reason why the new model was chosen. Please give this model a try, pass the much needed acts in order for this system to work. And the Constitution is a living document, you can change it, adapt it but this country cannot afford to have a total new change. I recommend people to go to Humla, Rolpa, Madhes, talk with people there, and see how federalism has changed their lives.
We knew from the beginning that it would be a bumpy road for the next 15 years. We need three cycles of elections at the very least, we have to give it some time. But while certain things can be given more time, important acts which will allow the mandate given to the local and provincial levels to be fulfilled, need to be passed. We blame provinces, we say they are unable to do the job, but the truth is they haven’t been enabled. I think the media is also very important to bring out a good narrative. It is easy nowadays to bash, but not so easy to construct.
We believe you are leaving the Swiss Foreign Service. Where does the Nepal experience fit in your career? &nbsp;
For me Nepal was the height of my career. I have seen where Switzerland could really make a contribution in Nepal, be it in the forest sector, technical and vocational education, building trail and motor bridges, or the peace process. Even now, we are very much engaged in helping Nepal address the Transitional Justice Bill. And I have decided not to go for the next post because I don’t want to have something less of what I had here.
So I’ve decided to stop here and look for other sectors where I think I will be useful. But having said that, all the experiences I had here including the wonderful exchanges, the people I met as well as the challenges and chaos, they will accompany me in my next journey. I am really grateful for and proud of my time here. We have a wonderful team. All of this goes on to show that people matter. And as long as there are wonderful people, I am positive and optimistic.
Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/here-now/it-is-now-or-never-to-devolve-power-to-local-governments">“It is now or never to devolve power to local governments”</a>

"Give federalism a real chance"

<img src="https://superdesk-pro-c.s3.amazonaws.com/sd-nepalitimes/20230208140216/63e3a0b79c7e80680e0d704djpeg.jpg" alt="" width="1400" height="807"/>Nepal’s 2015 Constitution took two elections and more than a decade to write. Even then, it did not address a groundswell of identity consciousness and demands for autonomy.Some of these were overlapping claims for ethnic, linguistic, religious, cultural and geographical belonging. During this sometimes-volatile process, the one factor that moderated the discord was the move towards inclusivity.There is a Maithili saying in Nepal’s plains “चले थे हरि भजन को, ओटन लागे कपास”. It means ‘No matter how lofty your goals, keep yourself busy with the small details.’Eight years after the Constitution was promulgated, and after the second elections under the federal system, we are still trying to make federalism work. It is a work-in-progress.It is not enough for Nepal to be declared a ‘federal’ republic. The essence of federalism is to include Nepalis who have historically been excluded in the political process. The people want devolution that grants their province autonomy to make their own decisions.Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Analysis/how-decentralised-is-federalism,776">How decentralised is federalism?</a> Kiran NepalYet, even after the November 2022 elections in which a sizeable section of the electorate cast protest votes against established parties — and despite affirmative action provisions in the Constitution — provincial governments are anything but inclusive. All seven provinces recently nominated Chief Ministers, but where are the women? Where are the Dalits and the Indigenous people?The movers and shakers in the provinces already have access to the corridors of power at party headquarters in Kathmandu. It is the people at ground level, those kept out, and those without connections who want grassroots government.The process of putting together provincial governments directly reflects the wheeling dealing and patronage at the centre. This means governance will once more be a challenge, and without it there is no hope for the neglected and left-behind.It is not just the Madhes that needs federalism. Having an autonomous local government brings representatives closer to the people — no matter which province. Party cadre also get to practice the exercise of power and show accountability.Read also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/banner/feudal-federalism/">Feudal federalism</a>, EditorialBut by far the most important function of federalism is that it is effective in delivering appropriate and locally relevant development with accountability.But November’s election threw up people’s representatives who do not like federalism, and some who want to abolish it. One cannot just turn federalism on or off with the flick of a switch. It does not work like that.The exclusionists reject principles and ideas of devolving decision-making to local governments, and want a shortcut to political power for themselves and their cabal by trying to make a self-fulfilling prophecy that federalism is an expensive white elephant.Rejecting devolution is rejecting democracy. After all, democracy is not just a state governing mechanism, it is a social ideology, even a philosophy of national life.The Constitution has tried to put the country on track to true devolution to provinces, but dog-eat-dog politics has been derailing this exercise.Read also: <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13361#.Y8yt4-xByrc">Ethnicity-based federalism?</a> Keshab Suryabansi MagarThis week is the anniversary of the Madhes Movement that allowed Nepal to move towards federalism. The second Movement was mediated by India, and in the third, it started showing who is boss.Indeed, India’s role in Nepal’s political evolution is hardly hidden. But lately, one sees a drop in interest in Madhesi sentiments not just in New Delhi but even in Patna or Lucknow.Recent political undercurrents are eroding the gains of the Madhes Movement. The relationship between Madhesi leaders and their electorate is being eroded fast, and unless there is new commitment to the cause, it could see a complete reversal.That is because there is now no relation between what is promised at election time and what is accomplished. An anti-incumbent wave is also sweeping the plains. Those who espoused extremist views, took up arms, or were separatists have decided that a middle political path is a better alternative.Those who used to be moderates have therefore had the rug pulled from under them. There is now only one kind of politics in the Tarai: one that reflects the interests and aspirations of citizens.Read  also: <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/opinion/safety-valve-politics/">Safety valve politics</a>, Chandra KishoreConservative forces are trying their best to roll back the gains of the Movement, and within the Madhes the big national parties are also elbowing their way into the fray. Both will ultimately undermine the Madhes agenda.What the Madhes wants is respect for its language and culture, genuine inclusiveness, sustainable development, streamlined access to state services. But the comforts of power have made Madhesi politicians status quo-ists, they are wallowing in the political muck of their own creation.In the coming decade, Madhesi politics is set to change. A new post-1990 generation is coming of age which has seen both struggle, and its futility. The new generation is aware of the factors keeping the region back, it has understood the geography of Nepal and the place of the plains in it.This new generation has a very clear idea about the political-economy of the borderlands. Their slogans are different, and so is the way they look at politics.The Nepali nation state is now at the crossroads. It cannot look back, it must forge a more progressive path ahead. For that, friends of federalism must work to make the provincial political structure deliver. And the pre-requisites are inclusiveness and good governance.Chandra Kishore is a Birganj-based political commentator. This is his second monthly column BORDERLINES in Nepali Times.  @kishore_chandra

Un-centralising the federal structure

Feudalism noun /ˈfyudlˌɪzəm/
A social system in which people were given land and protection by a nobleman, and had to work and fight for him in return.
Federalism noun /ˈfedərəlɪzəm/
A system of government in which the individual states of a country have control over their own affairs, but are controlled by a central government for national decisions.
Nepal’s 2015 Constitution was the by-product of two constituent assemblies over nine long years of bitter negotiations. As this newspaper <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15383#.Y4PMrC9w2Lc" target="_blank">reported blow-by-blow</a> at the time, there was prolonged deadlock over the style of federalism that delayed passage of the Constitution.
Having a constituent assembly election was part of the package that was agreed upon in the Comprehensive Peace Accord of 2006. Federalism was to be the antidote to feudalism.
This was not an unreasonable demand, although whether the country had to go to war to achieve it was debatable even back then. Nepal had been a feudal state under the absolute monarchy of the Shah and Rana dynasties.
When B P Koirala, as Nepal’s first democratically-elected prime minister, tried to institute land reform and dismantle vestiges of feudalism, he was deposed and imprisoned by King Mahendra in 1960.
The partyless Panchayat system for the next 30 years perpetuated feudalism, with the palace ruling by parcelling out favours in return for unquestioned loyalty to royalty.
The 1990 People’s Movement and the advent of a constitutional monarchy and restoration of multi-party democracy was supposed to change all that. But feudalism was not so easy to uproot — it continued within political parties, even as Singha Darbar replaced Narayanhiti as the centre of power.
When the Maoists launched their armed struggle in 1996, it was ostensibly to demolish feudalism once and for all and replace it with a dictatorship of the proletariat. The feudocracy was not going to hand over power willingly, they reasoned, which was why violence was needed to counter the structural violence of the state.
When the war got mired in a military stalemate after 10 years, the Maoists needed a face-saving achievement to show. Devolving Kathmandu’s &nbsp;centralised power through federalism was one of them.
But the Maoists insisted on an <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13361#.Y4PN5y9w2Lc" target="_blank">ethnicity-based model</a> of federalism with <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16674#.Y4PRBS9w2Lc" target="_blank">at least 14 provinces</a> named after Nepal’s <a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15669#.Y4PPBi9w2Lc" target="_blank">various racial groups</a>. The Nepali Congress batted for a <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/As-It-Happens/bring-Madhes-Tharus-Janajati-on-board-and-be-done-with-it,548" target="_blank">territorial form</a> of federalism not much different from the Development Zones of the day, while the UML backed a hybrid model.
One of the ethnicity-based province demands was the case for ‘<a href="http://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15775#.Y4PQlC9w2Lc" target="_blank">One Madhes One Pradesh</a>’ to address the long-standing struggle of the Nepal Tarai for autonomy and respect from the state. This was a demand backed at one point by India, but fiercely resisted by the dominant parties in Kathmandu.
In the end, the Constitution was hurriedly promulgated after the earthquake in July 2015 that had a truncated Madhes province in the eastern Tarai. Even the naming of the seven provinces was so contentious that they only had numbers. New Delhi was not happy and punished Nepal with a 6-month blockade.
The first elections under the new Constitution for three tiers of government were held in 2017. The idea sounded great: power would be devolved from Kathmandu to provincial assemblies and local municipalities with the central government only acting as a facilitator and handling national needs like infrastructure.
But practice was far removed from theory. Provincial governments became proxies of Kathmandu, provincial assemblies were franchises of the main political parties. The bureaucracy and politicians at the centre were reluctant to yield political decision-making, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/federalism-jeopardy,981" target="_blank">revenue collection</a> and control of police to provincial governments.
The provinces just became a mechanism for the centre to dispense jobs and patronage. The high cost of maintaining seven provincial governments and assemblies was a waste, and corruption got decentralised as well.
Except for Madhes-based parties and those in the provinces who benefit from patronage, there is not much public support for federalism. Public opinion appears to support the idea that it is an expendable and <a href="https://www.nepalitimes.com/editorial/feudalism-to-federalism/" target="_blank">costly second tier of government.</a>
On 20 November, Kathmandu mayor Balen Shah pointedly refused to cast his provincial ballots. The Independent Party’s Rabi Lamichhane did not either, and his party did not even field candidates for provincial assemblies.
However, the problem is not with federalism. It has become an ‘F’ word because it was never allowed to function as designed. And in that respect, Nepal is still a feudal state.

Feudal federalism

The sudden and massive flood on the Bhote Kosi early Tuesday morning washed away a strategic bridge on Nepal’s main border crossing with China for trade, tourists and pilgrims. Slurry from the nearly 10m high debris flow left 9 dead and 20 missing, 12 of them Nepalis and six Chinese nationals, and 150 others were rescued by helicopter.&nbsp; Four <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/climate-smarter-himalayan-infrastructure">hydropower plants</a> Rasuwagadi, Trisuli III, Trisuli, &nbsp;Benighat and the Trisuli substation sustained heavy damage, knocking &nbsp;out 230MW of Nepal’s power supply – approximately 8% of the total. Over 100 cargo trucks and new electric vehicles parked at &nbsp;Timure Dry Port were swept away. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mapping-kangchenjunga-glacial-flood-risk">Mapping Kangchenjung glacial flood risk</a>, Gabe Allen Officials had initially thought &nbsp;the Bhote Kosi had flooded due to heavy rain in Tibet. However, the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology (DHM) and the National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Authority (NDRRMA) now say a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/living-below-nepal-s-melting-mountains">Glacial Lake Outburst Flood (GLOF)</a> is likely.&nbsp; NDRRMA spokesperson Suresh Sunar said it was too early to tell which one, but the flood was most likely the result of one of the glacial lakes in Tibet. Bhote Kosi begins on the north slope of the Ganesh Himal near the Nepal-China border, and its tributary Lende drains the catchment area north of Langtang. The slurry flood on Tuesday was on the Lende (map).&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250709110720_bbc99c5f3e3d61a3d340892e0273fee3605a8d334a2beb354126137bcf0c8d27.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250709110720_bbc99c5f3e3d61a3d340892e0273fee3605a8d334a2beb354126137bcf0c8d27" data-rendition-name="original" width="629" height="759" loading="lazy" alt="Bhote Kosi flood map"> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250709110720_39e2f574ff8c12cecda2e5a999d2ba8a0310f599f6b2261dcad7dd43f94df2a1.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250709110720_39e2f574ff8c12cecda2e5a999d2ba8a0310f599f6b2261dcad7dd43f94df2a1" data-rendition-name="original" width="997" height="613" loading="lazy" alt="Bhote Kosi flood map"> </figure>  “Preliminary study suggest that the disaster was not caused by rain in Tibet, but by a glacial lake burst, or another accident,” said Kamal Ram Joshi of the DHM. The level of water at a self-monitoring station in Timure in Rasuwa increased by 3.5m at 3:10AM on Tuesday morning while 13km downstream in Syabrubesi, the level rose by 3.65m at 3:30AM. The same station recorded 5.37m ten minutes later, after which it stopped giving a reading, possibly because the station was also washed away. The flood reached <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/neither-side-lost-both-sides-won">Betrawati</a> by 5AM, and some of the debris flow reached Mugling during Tuesday. DHM’s Flood Forecasting Division noted that there was no major precipitation in the Bhote Kosi watershed in Nepal and China in the 24 hours preceding the flood.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250708100724_313a684b65fc5317064779e47409a40f2bbce2c0c84db995e7f8fc6e1c142105.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250708100724_313a684b65fc5317064779e47409a40f2bbce2c0c84db995e7f8fc6e1c142105" data-rendition-name="original" width="3600" height="1662" loading="lazy" alt="Bhotekosi flood"> <figcaption>The Miteri bridge before it was swept away by the flood in Bhotekosi on the Nepal-China border. Photo: SUBASH DHUNGANA / RSS</figcaption> </figure>   <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250708100732_ec43f13bae979f7b61bc0db939db4157dc93d3f0767ed527f564bd5c3d12be27.jpg" data-media-id="editor_7" data-image-id="20250708100732_ec43f13bae979f7b61bc0db939db4157dc93d3f0767ed527f564bd5c3d12be27" data-rendition-name="original" width="720" height="432" loading="lazy" alt="Bhotekosi flood NT 2"> <figcaption>The bridge after the flood.</figcaption> </figure>  On Wednesday, several remote-sensing experts using Copernicus &nbsp;satellite images pinpointed the cause of the flood to Purepu Cangbu where supraglacial ponds had merged in June to form a large lake which did not burst, but overflowed &nbsp;and found a channel through englacial conduits to the headwaters of the Lende. The river meets the Bhote Kosi at the Nepal-China checkpoint in Rasuwa.&nbsp; “Analysis of weather forecasts and satellite data shows the Tibet region did not receive enough rain to cause this scale of flooding,” explained Binod Pokharel, associate professor of hydrology and meteorology at Tribhuvan University. “The flood could have been caused by a GLOF."&nbsp; Two weeks ago, Chinese officials had reportedly warned the Rasuwa District Administration in Nepal to be on high alert for floods on rivers that originate in Tibet. It could be that Chinese scientists had observed the alarming<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-climate-crisis-is-a-water-crisis-in-the-himalaya"> expansion of glacial lakes</a> in the Lende and Bhote Kosi catchments. If that was the case, it is an example of the kind of trans-boundary forewarning that would be critical to save lives in future.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250708100736_1710142917b30d4f85b343ed52743554d723db918c708f0bade8a0491ba999b2.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250708100736_1710142917b30d4f85b343ed52743554d723db918c708f0bade8a0491ba999b2" data-rendition-name="original" width="1001" height="500" loading="lazy" alt="Bhotekosi flood"> </figure>  However, Rasuwa’s Assistant Chief District Officer Dhruv Prasad Adhikari seems to have knowledge of any warning from the Chinese side, either formally or informally. &nbsp; “The Chinese Embassy has said the cause of the flood is unknown that it will coordinate with Nepal to find the cause," Adhikari told us. Chinese Ambassador Chen Song and Prime Minister Oli visited the border on Tuesday (pictured). &nbsp; The sharing of real-time trans-boundary rainfall and river flow data would be crucial in early warning about the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/mapping-kangchenjunga-glacial-flood-risk">risk and consequences of GLOFs</a> to reduce human and material loss. But Nepali officials say China has been reluctant to share weather-related information and data not just in this disaster, but in the past as well. “There is no mechanism or system in place for us to obtain hydrological and meteorological data of the Tibetan region,” said DHM Director General Joshi.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250710050732_eb09f183925e9f8131d9561659b2941f15147320f3cc3f6f01b7a61d54cd5103.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250710050732_eb09f183925e9f8131d9561659b2941f15147320f3cc3f6f01b7a61d54cd5103" data-rendition-name="original" width="3600" height="2399" loading="lazy" alt="PM Oli inspecting Bhote Kosi flood damages"> <figcaption>Chinese Ambassador Chen Song and Prime Minister K P Oli visited the Nepal-China border on Tuesday to inspect damages caused by the flood. Photo: RSS</figcaption> </figure>  The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/for-destruction-ice-is-also-great-and-will-suffice">Himalaya is melting twice as fast as the rest of the world</a> due to a phenomenon called ‘elevation dependent warming’, and receding glaciers have led to an increasing number of transboundary GLOFs.&nbsp; According to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/danger-nepal-s-glacial-lakes-are-filling-up">a 2018 ICIMOD study</a>, of the 47 of the most dangerous lakes that threaten Nepal, 25 are on glaciers in China, 21 in Nepal and one in India. Many of these glaciers are expanding rapidly due to global warming. One of the authors of the report, glacial lake expert Samjwal Bajracharya, says that the report was prepared based on data from 2015. But climate change has accelerated since then. Moreover, seismic activity has further destabilises the landscape, adding to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-glacial-lakes-in-danger-of-bursting">GLOF risk</a>.&nbsp; “Considering the rapid rate of snowmelt and consequent increase in size of Himalayan glaciers, studies should be conducted every year, and a monitoring system should be set up on the glaciers,” says Bajracharya. “However, no studies have been conducted in the Himalaya in a decade, which has been our biggest weakness.” &nbsp;

Rasuwa flood likely a GLOF

Recent outrage in Sikkim over an Indian Army expedition climbing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-kangchenjunga">Kangchenjunga</a>, the world’s third-highest peak, has spiked attention to the need to balance mountaineering jobs with indigenous reverence for sacred landmarks. Kangchenjunga (8,586m) is not a peak as much as it is a mountain range with 16 peaks above 7,000m on the border between India and Nepal -- the word itself means ‘five treasures of the snows’ in Tibetan. Some of the highest prominences like Kangchenjunga West and Kangbachen are in Nepal, while the Main, Central and South Peaks are on the border. Climbing the peak from the Indian side has been banned since 2001 because the indigenous Lepcha community there regard the mountain as the abode of Dzoe-nga, the patron deity of Sikkim, which was an independent Himalayan Kingdom until it was annexed by India in 1975.&nbsp; Buddhists in Sikkim say their saint, Padmasambhava, recognised the mountain as a protective spirit. The state has declared the base of the mountain Kangchenjunga National Park, which covers an area one-third of Sikkim. ‘The act of scaling this sacred peak is not only a matter of serious concern but also a violation of both the prevailing legal provisions and the deeply held religious beliefs of the people of Sikkim,’ read a letter from Chief Minister Prem Singh Tamang (Golay) to Amit Shah, India’s Minister of Home Affairs and Cooperation.&nbsp; Tamang continued: ‘We further request Your Honour to take up the issue with the Government of Nepal to ensure that no future expeditions are permitted on the sacred mountain, in deference to the deeply held beliefs and cultural values of the people of Sikkim.’ Kangchenjunga was climbed for the first time exactly 70 years ago by a British team who told King Tashi Namgyal, the Choegyal of Sikkim, that they would not set foot on the summit. Since then, there have been about 532 successful climbs of the peaks and 52 have died while trying.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628060616_5c268e08cf49f36b79ef9b31933fc2d9bf9a6f65414e7ca06dd028bf04e7ccc1.png" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250628060616_5c268e08cf49f36b79ef9b31933fc2d9bf9a6f65414e7ca06dd028bf04e7ccc1" data-rendition-name="original" width="1782" height="1178" loading="lazy" alt="Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb NT"> <figcaption>Indigenous communities in Sikkim held purification ceremonies following the Indian expedition to Kangchenjunga. Photo: THE VOICE OF SIKKIM / FACEBOOK</figcaption> </figure>  <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/peak-climbing-season-2025-s4abrxny">This spring climbing season</a> alone, there were 70 climbing permits for foreigners issued for Kangchenjunga by the Nepal government, and made it to the top while one French climber died.&nbsp; One of the expeditions this year was an Indian Army team led by Col Ranveer Jamwal, who has summited the highest peaks on all seven continents, and Mt Everest thrice. Jamwal’s team was on the final leg of a ‘<a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/nimas-summits-mt-kangchenjunga-concludes-historic-har-shikhar-tiranga-mission-successfully/articleshow/121341315.cms?from=mdr">Har Shikhar Tiranga</a>’ (The Tricolour on Every Peak) mission to plant the Indian flag at the highest points of each of India’s 28 states. Kanchenjunga was the last peak they had left, and the hardest, but the expedition put five climbers on the summit. What seems to have incensed the Sikkimese is that while it has banned climbing the mountain from its side, it was an Indian military expedition that went to Nepal to climb the mountain. After news broke of the climb in May, the Sikkim Indigenous Lepcha Tribal Association asked people to observe purification ceremonies in temples across the state. Mayalmit Lepcha of the association acknowledged that the Sikkim government was also partly at fault: “I don’t think such an expedition could have gone forward without the state government being informed, so it could have done something to intervene. It shows weakness. What’s done is done, all we can do is carry out these sanctification ceremonies.”&nbsp; In 2000, one year before Sikkim’s ban, the state allowed an Austrian team to attempt Kanchenjunga’s northeast face for a fee of $20,000, on agreement that they would stop 10m before the summit. Despite this, there was outrage over the expedition on the grounds that it violated Indian laws regarding the defiling of religious sites and Sikkim’s rights to maintain its culture after merging with India. The Indian Army expedition was also seen to have circumvented Sikkim’s law and violated religious sensibilities by going through Nepal. While the team may have thought they were respecting Sikkim’s beliefs by finding a way to complete the mission, the people of Sikkim saw it as defilement.&nbsp; The somber mood of the Sikkim people at the ritual contrasts sharply with Jamwal’s sense of accomplishment. “Without a doubt, the most difficult summit of my life,” he told reporters after the climb. “It tested every ounce of our will.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250628060616_ccfe079c78dab788d19fe2080ee8a5d5dcb11de4157316f6d94e5964da097157.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250628060616_ccfe079c78dab788d19fe2080ee8a5d5dcb11de4157316f6d94e5964da097157" data-rendition-name="original" width="787" height="377" loading="lazy" alt="Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb NT"> <figcaption>Prayer flags along the Sikkim-Kangchenjunga trekking route. Photo: TREKKINGININDIA.COM</figcaption> </figure>  The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-nims-purja">controversial Nepali-British mountaineer Nirmal Purja</a> was also on Kangchenjunga this spring the mountain, on a mission to summit all 14 8,000m peaks for a third time. He echoed Jamwal about the tough conditions: “The conditions above camp were extremely tough, with deep snow and challenging terrain—more crevasses than usual.” Nepal’s government has not said anything publicly, but it is unlikely that it will ban climbing on Kangchenjunga, since it is becoming popular with expeditions because of its technical challenges, and overcrowding on Mt Everest. Nepal does have bans in place for some of its mountains out of respect for local beliefs. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/to-open-machapuchre-for-mountaineering-or-not">Mt Machapuchre</a> (6,990m) the imposing pyramid that looms over Pokhara, for example, is seen as an icon of purity by the Gurung people and a symbol of Vishnu by the Hindu communities who live at its base. A strict climbing ban has been in place since 1957, when a British expedition led by Col Jimmy Roberts stopped 45m short of the summit – either because the last bit was too difficult or out of deference to local sentiments.&nbsp; Khumbila that stands above Namche Bazar is only 5,761m high, but like Kanchenjunga is considered the protector deity of the Sherpa people. Gauri Shankar on the Nepal-China border, called Chomo Tseringma by the local community, was off-limits between 1965 and 1979 due to its association with Lord Shiva and Gauri, his consort. Although expeditions are now allowed, there are not too many takers. In Tibet, climbing Mount Kailash is prohibited by the Chinese government because it revered by the Hindus, Buddhists and followers of the Bon faith. Even Mt Everest is regarded as sacred, and its Sherpa name is Chomolungma, Goddess Mother of the Earth.&nbsp; Economically, climbs on Kanchenjunga bring in decent revenue. This climbing season, the 41 permits, at $1,800 each, brought in $73,800. This is somewhat comparable to Makalu, Lhotse, and Annapurna I, but these numbers are dwarfed by the $4 million in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-everest-industry">Everest permits</a>. Revenue from Kanchenjunga climbing permits is something Nepal could potentially forgo if necessary, but the expeditions also provide jobs to hundreds of high altitude guides, porters, base camp support staff and other logistical costs.&nbsp; As the third highest mountain in the world and the tallest in India, there will always be significant motivation to climb it from the Nepal side, especially as climbers are drawn by the technical climbing at high altitude.

Kangchenjunga: too sacred to climb?

The debate about who is less accountable to the public: politicians or bureaucrats is as old as Nepal’s democracy itself.
Some blame politicians for being beholden to the businessmen who finance their electoral campaigns, and are forced to return the favour with contracts and kickbacks when in power.&nbsp;
Others say it is civil servants who are neither civil nor servants, and know the inner workings of the system to exploit loopholes – they then teach ministers, MPs, mayors, or ward chairs which juicy projects can be squeezed. And everyone gets their share.
In reality, it is probably not a case of either, or. Both have their hands deep in the honey pot. Corruption is now such a given that yet another exposé in the mainstream press, like the latest visit-visa scam, does not raise eyebrows anymore.
We may have to edit Lord Acton’s famous quote to say that in Nepal we do not even need absolute power to corrupt absolutely. The ruling cartel has divvied up the spoils, so that no one ever faces charges. The three parties all know about the skeletons rattling in each other’s closets, and they cancel each other out.
Politicians and bureaucrats get all the blame for taking bribes, but what of the givers of bribes? In this crony capitalism, businesses invariably need political patrons in an elaborate <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption" target="_blank">national network of give-and-take</a>.
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepals-only-growth-industry-private-sector-corruption" target="_blank">Politicians and businesses work hand-in-glove</a> so that conflict of interest in contracts, insider trading, cartelling, and non-performing assets of banks become the norm. Our survey after the 2017 local election showed that out of the 753 newly-elected local government chairs, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/elected-contractors" target="_blank">nearly 300 were contractors</a> involved in sand-mining, quarrying, or transportation syndicates.
Nepal’s tycoons have discovered that instead of donating to election war chests of politicians, it is a much surer return on investment to spend the money to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-business-of-politics-in-nepal" target="_blank">become legislators and politicians themselves</a>.
In democracies, there are checks and balances to control corruption when it becomes endemic. The Nepal Police and Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) are supposed to do the detective work without political interference. The courts are required to be independent in dispensing justice and punishing crooks.
But the less said about the judiciary the better. A writ petition in the Supreme Court last week accused our sister magazine <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/" target="_blank">HimalKhabar</a> of contempt of court for two stories: one about how high courts have been overturning a majority of verdicts of district courts in cases of rape, and another about the Biratnagar High Court clearing a self-proclaimed holy man, Krishna Bahadur Giri, of rape despite police presenting physical evidence.
The doctrine of the separation of powers stipulates that it is when the other three pillars in a democracy are compromised that the role of the free press becomes even more vital. The world over, as soon as populist autocrats are elected to the executive, their first order of business is to co-opt the legislature and the judiciary. Then they buy off, intimidate, or neutralise the media with Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPP).
Nepal’s officialdom seems to be taking midnight Zoom lessons from other despots on how to gag the media. Last month, popular talk show host Dil Bhushan Pathak was served an arrest warrant by the Kathmandu District Court for <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-CntsnTrtG8" target="_blank">a YouTube explainer</a> about the alleged involvement of the son of Foreign Minister Arzu Deuba Rana in a reported purchase of Kathmandu’s Hilton Hotel.
The Lalitpur District Court ruled that Pathak could not be arrested without fair trial, but this week the Kathmandu District Court filed another case against the journalist based on a complaint by the Cyber Bureau, and put him on a fugitive list.&nbsp;
Without going into the veracity of Pathak’s explainer, it is deeply problematic that the Electronic Transaction Act has been invoked – proof that politicians are getting the courts and investigating agencies to make an example of a high profile journalist.&nbsp;
The intention is to silence media investigations into the fake refugee scandal in which the main partner in the ruling coalition is implicated, and in which one of its former home ministers was jailed last year.
The Kathmandu High Court has been mysteriously active in targeting journalists these days. <a href="https://bizmandu.com/" target="_blank">Bizmandu</a> and <a href="https://nepalkhabar.com/" target="_blank">Nepalkhabar</a> were served a notice last month <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-freedom-after-expression-y4inku06" target="_blank">to withdraw a story they did</a> on the Chair of the <a href="https://www.sebon.gov.np/" target="_blank">Security and Exchange Board of Nepal (SEBON</a>) Santosh Narayan Shrestha allegedly demanding kickbacks from hydropower investors.&nbsp;
Incredibly, the court even asked the two portals not to report on the subject anymore – a ruling so absurd that the Patan High Court overturned it a week later.&nbsp;
The allegations against Shrestha were made in a public meeting of the <a href="https://www.ippan.org.np/members/3060/bungal-hydro-ltd" target="_blank">Independent Power Producers Association of Nepal (IPPAN)</a>, and MPs demanded a <a href="https://myrepublica.nagariknetwork.com/news/parliament-demands-probe-into-sebon-chairman-over-alleged-commission-demand-40-32.html" target="_blank">Parliament inquiry</a> into the regulator. <a href="https://www.himalkhabar.com/144523/santosh-narayan-shrestha" target="_blank">HimalKhabar</a> reported this week that while Shrestha was reportedly demanding commissions from private investors for IPOs, he cleared primary share sales in Bajhang’s 10.75MW <a href="https://www.ippan.org.np/members/3060/bungal-hydro-ltd" target="_blank">Bungal Hydro</a> in which his family members have investments, company records show.
And then just on Monday, bureaucrats hoodwinked MPs by deleting references in a bill requiring a two-year ‘cooling off’ period under which retiring civil servants could be barred from holding constitutional positions for two years.
The contest for who is more corrupt: bureauacrats, politicians, or the private sector is on.
Kunda Dixit

SLAPPing Democracy

In 2023, northern India suffered record-breaking heat. In 2024, it broke its own record. In 2025, the Indo-Gangetic plains and the Nepal Tarai suffered a prolonged pre-monsoon heat wave and humidity, forcing closure of schools and workplaces. This week, <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/europe-heat-wave-intensifies-as-fresh-warnings-issued/live-73108302">southern Europe is suffering the worst heat wave</a> since temperature records began. Football matches, tennis tournaments have been affected, and tourist sites have been closed off. Qatar has ordered a midday work curfew for Nepali and other migrant workers are the maximum temperature this week touched 45°C.&nbsp; Kathmandu Valley experienced its highest temperature in 25 years in May 2024 at 35.3°C. This year, the maximum temperature exceeded 30°C on many days — heat that till a decade ago would be considered unusual. Rains in early June also meant that towns in the mountains sweltered under high heat plus humidity.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250703090748_6975cfc2ad573f3a09ca301a299a9e92a420da7f1c5c90b8e4d061a2053dcd3e.jpg" data-media-id="editor_1" data-image-id="20250703090748_6975cfc2ad573f3a09ca301a299a9e92a420da7f1c5c90b8e4d061a2053dcd3e" data-rendition-name="original" width="1935" height="801" loading="lazy" alt="maximum average temperature in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>Source: DHM</figcaption> </figure>  Measuring just temperature does not give a true picture of how hot it is. When humidity is factored in, the heat index this summer has been much higher in northern India and Nepal. Also, the hotter the air temperature the higher the concentration of water vapour in it. “We feel it is getting hotter, and our statistics back that up,” says Shanti Kandel at the Department of Hydrology and Meteorology, which issued two heat wave warnings this year, compared to 11 last year. “We need more research to analyse how humidity is make this situation worse.” <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/india-faces-alarming-30-rise-in-moist-heat-stress-over-40-years-affecting-wide-swath-of-country-imd-study/articleshow/109376863.cms?from=mdr">A recent analysis</a> by the Indian Meteorological Department has found that heat stress in that country has increased by nearly 30% over the past 40 years. Similarly, India’s Council on Energy, Environment and Water (CEEW) noted that cities like Delhi, Chandigarh, Jaipur, and Lucknow have experienced a 6-9% rise in relative humidity in the last decade.&nbsp; It also states that <a href="https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/climate-energy/majority-indian-districts-face-high-heatwave-risk-study-shows-2025-05-20/#:~:text=%22About%2057%20per%20cent%20of,usual%20number%20of%20heatwave%20days.">60% of Indian districts</a>, home to three-quarters of the country’s 1.3 billion people face a high to very high risk from extreme heat, with rising night-time temperatures and humidity. The heat index is also called ‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/north-indian-heat-wave-hits-nepal">wet-bulb temperature</a>’ and is a measure of how hot the human body feels when humidity levels are also high — usually much hotter than the recorded temperature. For example, a wet-bulb temperature of 35°C is considered the maximum limit of heat and humidity that humans can handle, beyond which the body cannot cool by perspiration, leading to death. One indicator of increasing humidity is a rise in average minimum temperature, and Nepal recorded the highest figure since 1981 last year, with a peak of 15.8°C. Higher minimum temperature denotes warmer nights, which in turn is an indication of heat stress caused by increasing humidity, which in turn is a result of global warming. Aside from higher average temperatures worldwide this year, what makes heat and humidity more unbearable is that cities are always hotter than their surroundings. This is due to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/preparing-for-kathmandu-s-heat-waves">urban heat island (UHI) effect</a> – for example the temperature inside Kathmandu’s Ring Road can be hotter by <a href="https://www.epa.gov/heatislands/what-are-heat-islands">up to 4°C during the daytime and by 1 to 3°C in the evening</a> compared to the outskirts. “Climate change is one reason for rising temperature, but there are other factors like increased heat in urban spaces due to concrete buildings and infrastructure, emissions from vehicles, industries, and home appliances,” explains urban planner Bhushan Tuladhar. He adds: “Much of this comes down to how we have developed our cities, not just our roads and buildings but also our water system, waste management, culture and customs as well as economy.” There is a feedback loop at work: as it gets hotter, more energy is used for fans, coolers, and air-conditioners which in turn add to the urban heat bubble. The way to reduce the UHI effect is to have more parks, tree-lined streets and water bodies to cool cities down.&nbsp; <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S2212095525002093">A recent study published in the journal Urban Climate</a> by Nepali researchers at the University of Massachusetts, Tribhuvan University, University of Groningen, etc showed that even within Kathmandu, urban forests cooled neighbourhoods by as much as 1.2°C while ponds reduced the temperature by up to 0.85°C compared to nearby houses.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250703090748_e4de75dbdfb5fcfdeb0935eda364dc16b5dca8857ba335ab0f4586ebdc5093a9.jpg" data-media-id="editor_8" data-image-id="20250703090748_e4de75dbdfb5fcfdeb0935eda364dc16b5dca8857ba335ab0f4586ebdc5093a9" data-rendition-name="original" width="2580" height="1038" loading="lazy" alt="urban heat island in Kathmandu"> <figcaption>Source: URBAN CLIMATE et al.</figcaption> </figure>  ‘Our results demonstrate that blue-green spaces provide significant cooling benefits across the Kathmandu Valley, with distinct patterns by type, size, design, and urban context,’ concluded the paper, whose lead author is Saurav Bhattarai at Jackson State University in the United States. The old towns in Kathmandu Valley with traditional brick and tile architecture, ponds and trees managed hot summers better. Compact houses around a courtyard gave people just the right amount of sunlight, and use of clay mortar and bricks insulated houses in winter while cooling them in summer. There were open spaces, fertile land along the floodplains for farming, and brick pavements that allowed for seepage. “Our cities were planned taking nature into account,” says Sangeeta Singh, a professor of urban planning at the Institute of Engineering. “Kathmandu Valley is now built up, but we can still reintegrate blue-blue spaces into town planning with vertical gardening, urban forestry, using local material and harvesting rainwater.”&nbsp; Kathmandu’s municipalities have by-laws controlling building design and structure, but strict enforcement of land use and zoning are missing. Extreme heat disproportionately affects the urban poor who may not have access to fans or air-conditioners, exacerbating poverty.&nbsp; Cities in the plains have it even worse. As heat and humidity rise simultaneously, it could <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/garmi-se-behal-chalo-nepal">reverse the current mass migration</a> of people from the mountains to the Tarai, where 53% of Nepal’s population lives. <a href="https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/92fbbbc6180238e18e7b239fad83e38a-0280032024/original/12-DHNT-Temperature-poverty-inequality-September-2024.pdf">A World Bank study</a> put the cost of a 1°C rise in temperature at 17.1% increase in poverty globally. Estimates put the total number of urban poor in developing countries exposed to the worst heat extremes at 26 million presently, this number is bound to grow to 215 million by mid-century, an over eight-fold increase. Meanwhile, 489,000 health-related deaths occur each year, 45% of them in Asia alone. “Heat has to be seen from a class perspective,” says Singh. “Those with money can afford gadgets and appliances to keep their homes and offices cool, but not day labourers or poor families living in cramped housing with poor ventilation.” Climate breakdown is going to widen the class divide in cities, as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/unthinkable-in-the-current-climate">summers become unliveable</a>. Says Singh: “We need policy intervention to address this class injustice. Our building by-laws and new town development must urgently integrate climate and energy efficiency elements.”

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