I have just finished reading the recently published Cuckooland: Where the Rich Own the Truth, by Tom Burgis that was <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-crony-communism-exposed">recently reviewed in this paper</a>, and examines the phenomenon of corruption across several continents, and the career of powerbroker Mohamed Amersi. 
In the Nepal section, the focus is on Amersi’s links with prominent Nepali ‘businessman’ <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=776#google_vignette">Ajeya Sumargi</a>, the activities of the Nordic telecommunications giant TeliaSonera and its Nepali network Ncell, and Amersi’s relationship first with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/food-of-the-royals">the royal family</a> and after 2006, with certain prominent politicians, including the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/all-is-fair-in-war-and-peace">Maoist </a>leader formerly known as ‘Prachanda’.
It is well recognised in Nepal that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-s-corruption-carousel">corruption</a> in high places is one of the major features of Nepal’s political economy. In February, while I was visiting Kathmandu for the first time in five years, there was an editorial in The Kathmandu Post headed ‘Rotting from the Head’ which suggested that ‘frustration with corruption, mismanagement and bad governance is reaching a boiling point’.
The latest Transparency International report showed that the corruption perception index (CPI) for Nepal was 34 out of 100, marginally lower than the previous year. In the review period, <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15139">Prachanda</a> (the CPN Maoist Centre chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal) was prime minister until mid-July 2024 when he was replaced in the merry-go-round of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-politics">Nepali politics</a>, by UML chief K P Oli, the current prime minister.
Several decisions of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/left-led-coalition-upturns-nepal-politics">Oli-led government</a>, including one to build his party’s central office with funds from <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5082">Min Bahadur Gurung of Bhatbhateni</a> and the Giribandhu Tea Estate scam related to the illegal <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/This/peaceful-land-movement,658">use of land</a> exceeding the prescribed ceiling, were just the latest <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/ciaa-traps-small-fish-lets-big-ones-go">corruption cases </a>linked to the prime minister.
Pushpa Kamal Dahal claimed that the two other major parties, the Nepali Congress (NC) and the UML had plotted his removal because of his ‘campaign against corruption’, but he himself was compromised by colleagues like <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/the-rise-and-fall-of-comrade-mahara">Krishna Bahadur Mahara</a>, who was implicated in a gold smuggling case and, arguably, by his own dealings with Ajeya Sumargi and TeliaSonera, that are discussed by Tom Burgis in Cuckooland.
The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/rsp-quits-nepal-coalition">Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) </a>emerged dramatically as the fourth largest party in the House of Representatives in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepals-local-polls-a-rehearsal-for-federal-elections">2022</a> on a platform of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=5944">corruption control </a>and <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Comment/compassion-better-governance-Nepal-development,299">good governance</a>. But its president, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-rise-and-fall-of-rabi-lamichhane">Rabi Lamichhane</a>, had been suspended as a lawmaker and faces charges of embezzlement of the deposits of cooperatives in five districts.
Other politicians also, including former NC home minister Balkrishna Khand, who was only released on bail after detention on the charge of sending Nepalis as <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/scapegoating-a-champion-of-democracy">fake refugees from Bhutan</a> to the United States, and former prime ministers Baburam Bhattarai and Madhav Kumar Nepal (now leaders of their own small parties) were considered not to be ‘above question’ with regard to illegal sales of government land at Lalita Niwas.
On 20 March 2025, the East Asia Forum published a piece by Anil Sigdel, founder of Nepal Matters in Washington DC, lecturer at the University of Vienna and author of India in the Era of China’s Belt and Road Initiative: How Modi Responds to Xi. He looked back on the previous year and suggested that corruption and crisis defined Nepal’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/south-asia-2040-qxr16oup">2024</a>.
In addition to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/poor-cash-rich-nepal">dire state of the economy</a>, stagnant <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-economy-shifts-away-from-farming">agricultural production</a>, the virtual absence of industry, massive<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-water-and-electricity"> trade deficit especially with India</a> and crippling <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-new-equaliser">reliance on remittances</a> from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-on-my-mind">Nepalis living and working abroad</a>, Sigdel highlights the sclerosis, the pervasive corruption and the rent-seeking of the political elite, and the phenomenon of what might be termed ‘the abuse of public trust for private gain’ -- a definition of corruption provided by Tom Burgis.
Now, Nepal has introduced a fresh provision in its newly-amended <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/anti-corruption-vaccine-for-nepal">anti-corruption</a> law that will penalise public officials not only for the abuse of power but also for their inaction or indecision. The amended Anti-Corruption Act 2002, which took five years to pass through the federal parliament, has now come into effect following presidential approval. Offenders could face up to six months detention or a fine of up to Rs50,000, or both. 
The Act also imposes up to a year’s imprisonment or a fine of Rs500,000, or both, for officials found guilty of abusing their official position or duties. But this amendment is directed essentially at <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/nepals-uncivil-servants">civil servants</a>, and does little to deal with those in high places, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-business-of-politics-in-nepal">politicians and businesses</a>, who continue all too often to abuse public trust for private gain.
Is it too much to hope that continued pressure from the public and scrutiny by the media will not only bring to light corruption where it exists but gradually reduce its incidence? 
David Seddon is Director of Critical Faculty, author and co-author of many publications on Nepal, including Nepal in Crisis (with John Cameron and P M Blaikie) first published in 1980.

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Opinion

Higher corruption in high places

Philanthropy will never replace<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/uk-aid-for-nepal-s-covid-affected-mp4ab6lw"> public aid</a>, but it can be a powerhouse if we use it right. With global development funding under strain, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/e75-million-eu-aid-to-nepal-for-covid-19-ckmyfbkq">European aid</a> budgets being redirected toward defence and rearmament, and the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal">United States rethinking foreign assistance</a> altogether, the aid community has been left scrambling.
The reactions so far have been of two kinds: calls for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/philanthropy-in-the-time-of-pandemic">philanthropy</a> to fill the gap, and moralising statements shaming governments for stepping back. Unfortunately, the first is unrealistic, and the second is ineffective.&nbsp;
Private donors cannot solve systemic <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/12-full-opinion/our-uncommon-future">global challenges</a> alone, and telling politicians that they are morally bankrupt generally does not bring them around to your side. Instead, we need to meet policymakers where they are, sharpen our arguments, and focus on what actually works. The hard truth is that most <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/foreign-aid-policy-to-balance-infrastructure-investment-with-social-sector-investment">government aid</a> is not even designed for effectiveness, because it prioritises processes over results. Nor has philanthropy been immune to this impulse.
In early years at the Eleanor Crook Foundation, we funded holistic, multisectoral programs that tried to tackle all causes of malnutrition simultaneously. But the results were underwhelming. The approach looked good on paper, but produced no measurable improvements in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-epidemic-of-hunger">malnutrition</a>. So, we learned from that failure and changed course. Now, we direct our funding where the evidence is strongest and the results most immediate.&nbsp;
At the recent Nutrition for Growth (N4G) Summit in Paris, we announced a $50 million commitment, alongside $200 million from other donors, to scale up one of the most cost-effective interventions in global health: prenatal vitamins – known as multiple micronutrient supplements (MMS). This funding will go toward a $1 billion roadmap to ensure access to MMS for pregnant women no matter where they live.
The science on this issue is unequivocal. MMS replaces outdated iron and folic acid (IFA) tablets still given to many pregnant women in low-income countries. With MMS, women receive 15 nutrients, instead of just two, leading to a dramatic reduction in maternal anemia, stillbirth, and low birth weight. The estimated economic returns are $37 for every $1 invested while infant mortality is reduced by nearly one-third.
The global inequities in maternal health are profound. In London, a pregnant woman routinely has access to comprehensive prenatal vitamins. In Lagos, she might receive IFA, or nothing at all. The difference reflects a gap in will, not knowledge. Ending such disparities does not require a scientific breakthrough, just greater investment in already proven solutions.
More than two decades of research, three Lancet studies, and multiple World Bank investment cases have identified roughly ten nutrition interventions that are consistently underfunded despite their proven efficacy. These are not flashy, multisector, utopian initiatives. They are targeted, evidence-based programs that can be implemented immediately to deliver measurable results.
Solutions like breastfeeding support, Vitamin A supplementation, prenatal vitamins, and ready-to-use foods for severely malnourished children belong to a package of interventions that could save at least two million lives over five years if scaled up in nine high-burden countries. Such life-changing results would cost just $887 million per year.
Malnutrition is now the leading driver of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16505">child mortality</a> globally, contributing to some three million deaths in 2023 alone. These are not mysterious tragedies. They are predictable and in many cases cost little to prevent. In a world that routinely sends tourists to space, we obviously can afford to ensure that all <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/saving-one-nepali-mother-at-a-time">pregnant women</a> have access to a $2 bottle of vitamins.
This year’s N4G Summit may be the last of its kind. It was part of a summit series linked to the Olympics, which will next be hosted by the US. With the current <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">US administration </a>already signaling that it will not continue the tradition, recent commitments made in Paris have gained new urgency. Vague pledges and political posturing will no longer do.
We are not asking governments to spend like they used to. Rather, we are urging them to look at the evidence and use their remaining budgets for official <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/small-is-bountiful?fbclid=IwAR0wRoEdhgYO9qATGiukFQvK2fE6N8rCDZ4CBJBdkTC6_Es-6_mdVHldlic">development assistance</a> to scale up proven, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/small-is-still-possible">cost-effective solutions</a>. A modest investment in MMS – representing less than the cost of one week of G7 countries’ defense spending – could save 600,000 lives.
Even with constrained budgets, we have a chance to save millions of lives. But only if we stop trying to do everything, and focus instead on what is the right thing to do.
William Moore is the CEO of the Eleanor Crook Foundation and Chair of Stronger Foundations for Nutrition.

Guest Editorial

Philanthropy in an era of declining development aid

Transport is one of the biggest and fastest-growing sources of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-doubles-its-carbon-footprint">carbon emissions </a>in Nepal where private cars and motorcycles make up 87% of the registered vehicles and 37% of the total emissions.&nbsp; Meanwhile, freight and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/public-transport-back-on-kathmandu-roads">public transport </a>make up a small share of registered vehicles, but contribute 36% and 27% respectively to Nepal’s emissions. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/green-sticker-green-light-to-pollute">Transport emissions </a>have risen six-fold in the last two decades after the end of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/14-years-after-conflict-no-closure-in-nepal">the Maoist conflict</a>.<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/from-a-fossil-past-to-an-electric-future"> Petroleum and vehicle imports </a>have widened the country’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/balance-of-power">trade deficit with India</a>. Ambient<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/air-pollution-is-more-dangerous-than-smoking"> air pollution</a> is a major <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-tb-cases-grossly-underestimated">public health risk</a> directly causing the deaths of 12,700 Nepalis in 2021, according to the State of Global Air. Nepal is preparing the next round of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDC 3.0) as required by the Paris Agreement, and must set ambitious and robust targets to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/decarbonisation-needs-to-begin-today">decarbonise</a> transportation.&nbsp; This is not so much to save the planet, given the country’s negligible carbon footprint, but to reduce our dependence on imported petroleum, increase consumption of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/right-climate-for-nepal-s-energy-transition">clean hydropower</a>, and improve <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/why-is-the-air-in-bhaktapur-so-bad">air quality</a>. The government needs to phase out vehicles with internal combustion engines (ICE), starting with a ban on their import and sale by 2030. Heavy commercial vehicles can be exempted for now. The federal budget of 2021/22 did include a policy to phase out fossil fuel vehicles by 2031, and by 2028 from the urban centres of Bagmati Province. The government banned the registration of new ICE taxis in the capital, showing that regulatory measures can be cost-effective, sustainable, and transformative. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/blueprint-for-a-net-zero-nepal">Blueprint for a net-zero Nepal</a> Norway has an even more ambitious target to ban ICE vehicle sales by end-2025. The EU adopted legislation to reduce 100% of carbon emissions from 2035 for new cars and vans. Over 20 vehicle manufacturers, representing over 90% of car sales in 2023, have set targets for EV production, with many setting a goal to achieve 50–100% of electric vehicle production or sales by 2030–2035. EV sales in Nepal will likely increase even without government effort. Already, battery powered vehicles make up 75% of all new car sales in Nepal. But our focus should now shift to the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/rev-your-car-and-charge-it-too"> electrification of public transport</a>. Transforming the transport system requires it to be inclusive and equitable. Electric public transport such as buses provide the greatest emission reduction potential and wider social and economic benefits from equitable access to mobility to meet Nepal’s energy security. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-public-in-public-transport">The public in public transport</a>, Sonia Awale  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250327100316_de83a26005595b4d20f9a32bb4243ed53097ae413de0aa2788e287c195e51fbb.jpg" data-media-id="editor_14" data-image-id="20250327100316_de83a26005595b4d20f9a32bb4243ed53097ae413de0aa2788e287c195e51fbb" data-rendition-name="original" width="877" height="613" loading="lazy" alt="Transforming transport in Nepal NT"> </figure>  This means <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/why-invest-in-nepal">investment </a>and financial incentives from the government, and not just tax rebates, to be extended to other electric or <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/net-zero-is-not-zero">zero-emission </a>public service vehicles, such as taxis and cargo trucks. Enabling more people to walk and cycle safely is also a quick, affordable, and reliable way to help reduce transport emissions by as much as 50%. Public transport is a public service, and the onus lies squarely with the government. It cannot be left entirely to the private sector as is the case at the moment. To be sure, Nepal has some policies on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/business/green-bond-option-for-climate-finance">sustainable</a> transportation on paper but government agencies are working at cross purposes.&nbsp; For example: no federal budget has been allocated for a public bus system and pedestrian and cycling infrastructures this year.&nbsp; Almost the entire transport budget goes into <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-building-a-highway-to-everest">building roads </a>and widening <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepal-needs-wildlife-friendly-highways">highways</a>. There is little hope of transformation unless the Ministry of Physical Infrastructure and Transport sets new priorities.&nbsp; The Department of Roads has not moved beyond its focus on roads and highway construction, while continuously failing on <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/traffic-accidents-continue-to-increase-worryingly-in-Nepal,2799">road safety</a>. The Department of Transport Management on the other hand acts solely as a vehicle registration and licensing agency. These departments need to be overhauled with a mandate for sustainable public transportation. The jurisdiction over all roads, other than <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/roadkill">national highways</a>, should be devolved to local governments. The federal government can then ensure that the biggest slice of the transport budget flows to sustainable public transport projects. Decarbonising and transforming transport require a whole-of-government approach with a strong commitment to reforming the sector, and not just paying lip service to it.&nbsp; But while one arm of the government plans to increase <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/right-climate-for-nepal-s-energy-transition">clean energy generation </a>and achieve<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/charging-nepal"> net-zero</a>, the other is drilling for oil and building petroleum pipelines. &nbsp; Prashanta Khanal is an independent climate and transport policy researcher.&nbsp;

Transforming transport in Nepal

US President <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">Donald Trump</a>’s decision to<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal"> dissolve USAID and effectively cut American assistance</a> to countries across the world, including Nepal, has forced many aid-supported programmes and projects to shut down, directly impacting Nepalis across the country who benefit from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/aid-rarely-aids-agriculture-in-nepal">aid-funded services</a>.
USAID-funded projects have provided direct budgetary support to projects in key sectors including health, education, agriculture, infrastructure, economic growth, humanitarian aid and women and children empowerment.&nbsp;
The aid cuts have meant that people directly or indirectly employed in USAID-funded projects have found themselves without jobs, while its impact has reverberated across those that have indirectly benefitted from spillovers of American aid, such as the hospitality business operators,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/kathmandu-s-unreal-real-estate-prices"> real estate</a> owners, transport providers, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-airlines-privatisation-still-stuck">airlines</a>.&nbsp;
The abrupt shutdown of the largest bilateral aid agency in the world has significant impact and far-reaching consequences.
Historically,<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Connecting-dots/aid-back-basics,929"> foreign aid </a>has been the focus of intensive public debate both globally and in Nepal. Critics in donor countries—particularly those from the political right—view it as antithetical to their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/national-interest-or-nationalism">national interests</a> and a waste of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-taxman-looteth">taxpayer resources</a>.&nbsp;
Meanwhile, those in the ideological left in recipient countries view it as help that comes with strings attached, a tool of neo-colonialism. Many are of the opinion that such assistance enriches people associated with the aid system rather than intended beneficiaries. So much so that Nepalis cynically refer to the aid-NGO complex as ‘डलरको खेती’ ( dollar farming).
Nepal’s leadership across the political spectrum have not pulled any punches in their criticism of aid institutions— <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/14-years-after-conflict-no-closure-in-nepal">the Maoists</a> have called them ‘agencies of imperialism’, while nationalist discourses from the political right draw connections between foreign aid and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-britain-mark-centenary-of-1923-treaty">Nepal’s sovereignty</a>.&nbsp;
Aid is, of course, essentially political—not just in terms of how it has been instrumentalised by donors, but also how it has been appropriated and used by the beneficiaries— governments, employees, consultants, NGOs, the private sector, and communities. However, viewing aid solely from its imputed political intentions is as naïve as it is counterproductive.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/missing-links-in-nepal-s-mcc-debate">Missing links in Nepal’s MCC debate</a>
While there is no denying that foreign aid is an instrument of soft power that comes with conditions, it has facilitated access to public services, generated direct and indirect<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/foreign-employment-revival"> employment </a>and livelihood opportunities and empowered <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-marginalised-on-the-margins">marginalised communities</a> that have fallen through the cracks of the establishment.
Indeed, foreign aid has contributed significantly to the Nepal’s rapid socio-economic change over the last seven decades, such that the country has arguably become accustomed to and dependent on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/e75-million-eu-aid-to-nepal-for-covid-19-ckmyfbkq">international funding</a>. USAID was by no means the only source of grants and loans that provided Nepal with resources for numerous government and non-government programmes, projects and personnel.
But while the volume of aid has varied historically, Nepal had so far been immune to such ‘aid-shocks’ that compelled the government and people to imagine and work in a context with little or no international assistance. &nbsp;
And it is not just the US that is pulling up stakes, other donor countries are similarly reconsidering their positions on bilateral aid. British Prime Minister Keir Starmer has announced a reduction in foreign aid from 0.5% of its GDP to 0.3%—primarily to accommodate an increase in the country’s defence spending.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-great-game-2nd-half">The Great Game, 2nd Half</a>, Sonia Awale
More donor countries will follow suit as their taxpayers—particularly those on the populist right—demand their government increasing spending on their own domestic public services, the military, and the private sector. The shrinking pot will directly impact multilateral agencies that rely heavily on funding provided by western donors to support their programmes across the world.
Some see the western world’s retreat from foreign assistance as an opportunity for emerging powers like China to fill the vacuum and expand their sphere of influence regionally and beyond. Nepal has been receiving aid and development assistance from <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/stemming-asia-s-democratic-decay">Asian regional and global powers</a> like India, China and Japan over the past decades.&nbsp;
However, the nature, priorities, and the modality of aid from Asian powers has been notably different to that of western donors. It is therefore unlikely that China or India will offer aid to Nepal using western liberal frameworks, or be able to displace Western donors completely.
If nations in the region are successful in completely replacing western donors in Nepal, this will denigrate possibilities for the country to either bargain better and ‘forum-shop’ for aid that aligns with its national interests, or diversify sources of aid.&nbsp;
As such, it might be time for Nepal to reevaluate its reliance on foreign aid, not just from the US, but from global and regional powers. So, the ‘end of aid’— if it comes to that— need not be end of development in Nepal.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump shock wave hits Nepal</a>, Sudiksha Tuladhar
Data from the government of Nepal shows that foreign aid’s relative share in the national budget has been declining over the decades. In comparison, Nepal earns overs $30 million in remittances a day. Much of Nepal’s development is directly supported by <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/the-new-equaliser">migrant remittances</a>, which remains under-acknowledged.&nbsp;
Decreasing its reliance on foreign aid could mean that Nepal’s leadership is obligated to rethink its development priorities. &nbsp;The government could increase its fiscal capacity to fund development programmes that are critical to its development objectives, demonstrably cost-effective and meet the real needs of communities.&nbsp;
Additionally, there could be increased efforts to raise revenue from wealth and income taxes, attract foreign direct investment, and cut back on ‘white elephant’ projects—symbolic gestures designed to feed the egos of political leadership but serving little purpose or public good.&nbsp;
All of this would ultimately be to the benefit of the Nepali people, reducing waste and corruption, encouraging a more responsible approach to government expenditure, and promoting a more careful husbandry of the country's own resources.&nbsp;
To be sure, this change will not happen immediately. &nbsp;It will be a slow and deliberative process, one that is likely to reset the development contract between Nepali state and citizens.&nbsp;
Some have likened the flow of aid to the rush of heroin— something that provides a high and a momentary sense of extraordinary well-being but it is addictive and damaging. And like any debilitating dependency— being made to quit its reliance on foreign funding cold turkey will be challenging for Nepal.&nbsp;
As things stand, it remains to be seen if as a result of President Trump’s cost-cutting rampage, Nepal might emerge as a leaner but fitter state after recovering from a painful period of withdrawal from its reliance on foreign aid.&nbsp;
Jeevan R Sharma is a Professor of South Asia and International Development at the University of Edinburgh, and has authored publications on migration, development and social change in Nepal. David Seddon is Director of Critical Faculty, and is author and co-author of various publications on Nepal.&nbsp;

The end of aid

The Korea Employment Permit Scheme (<a href="https://documents1.worldbank.org/curated/en/684731537420880821/pdf/130020-P156586-Korea-report-F-singles-web.pdf">EPS</a>) is one of the most sought-after bilateral labour mobility programs for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/a-long-way-to-europe">Nepali workers</a>.&nbsp;
Many prospective workers prepare hard for the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/business/ielts-on-screen">language tests </a>like their “life depended on it” or “like studying for the civil service exam”. EPS is not just <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/On-the-way-up/Still-silently-crying,1060">survival migration</a>, but one that is financially rewarding.
One worker said migrants <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/speaking-the-language-of-overseas-work">referred</a> to the Korean Dream as दुई गुणा अन्ठाउन्न — referring to the Rs200,000 monthly salary over a 58-month period, a transformative amount.&nbsp;
“Anyhow, कोरिया जौँ,” was a popular slogan while cramming for the language exams (Read Diaspora Diaries, across). South Korea has also benefited from foreign workers, and the rapidly aging nation will continue to rely on expanding its foreign worker intake to offset its <a href="https://www.piie.com/publications/working-papers/2024/migration-or-stagnation-aging-and-economic-growth-korea-today">demographic drag</a>.
A recent entrepreneurship <a href="https://www.facebook.com/share/p/15VemgEV6W/">initiative</a> targeting current and former <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/in-the-minds-of-nepal-s-migrant-workers">Nepali migrants </a>in Korea funded by <a href="https://www.koica.go.kr/sites/nepal_en/index.do">KOICA</a> and implemented by the group <a href="https://en.thebridgeint.com/en/">Bridge International</a>, demonstrates how the Returnee Innovator for Nepal (RIN) program can be made even more rewarding by maximising not just financial, but also <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/not-just-financial-but-social-remittances">social remittances</a>.
The program is unique because the support begins not once workers arrive in Nepal, but in Korea itself. Selected candidates attend classes on basic <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/nepali-entrepreneur-turns-trash-into-cash">entrepreneurship</a> while in Korea and to work on their<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/hurdles-come-with-the-terrain-in-nepal-s-fashion-industry"> business ideas </a>which they can further 'localise' once back in Nepal.
They also get linked to mentors from Korea-based companies from their area of interest to brainstorm, refine ideas, and get practical real-world guidance. In some cases, these can grow into business ties.
Santosh Timalsina runs a successful coffee machine repair business Jumli Cafe in Pokhara, and was connected by Bridge International with a Korea-based coffee entrepreneur who trained him. Even though his EPS jobs entailed making golf balls or car parts, he took advantage of whatever free time he had to prepare for return by taking up coffee machine repair.&nbsp;
“Even now I rely on my Korean trainer for guidance and to access spare parts that are not available in Nepal,” says Timalsina.
CEO of Bridge International Jinsol Hwang says the next cohorts will also be provided the option of using business plans that Korean entrepreneurs may have for those workers who are unsure about what to invest in once they are back.
The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-plans-to-reintegrate-returning-workers">returnee program</a> is in its early phases, and has just called for the second cohort, but demonstrates that labour mobility programs can be made more impactful. The return stage also merits as much attention, including from host country agencies like KOICA, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-moves-from-aid-to-enterprise">social enterprises </a>and even employers.&nbsp;
Jinsol says migration was part of Korea’s growth story in the 1970s with workers headed to West Germany as miners and nurses and to the Middle East as construction workers. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/nepal-s-remittance-villages">remittances </a>and skills acquired abroad were critical in Korea's transformation.
The role of returnees as entrepreneurs in creating jobs and contributing to the economy was a way to level the playing field. It provided access to capital, networks and skills they may not have otherwise had.
The second winning team at the recent Returnee Innovators Showcase of the RIN program was Hankook Meat Mart. It is a profitable effort by three Korea returnees to provide high quality meat products that they source from another Korean returnee who runs a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/pigs-fly-and-fish-climb-trees">pig farm</a>.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bringing-korea-s-prosperity-to-nepal">Bringing Korea’s prosperity to Nepal</a>
The approach is to build a supply chain using high quality <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/meat-money-and-the-middle-class">meat production</a>, and diversifying to small complementary businesses such as a tiny but profitable Korean restaurant, and small factories making Kimchi and rice-cakes.&nbsp;
Dil Bahadur Tamang from Hankook successfully pitched his business, saying programs like RIN are useful to learn formal business management practices, for networking and exposure. The financial award it won was helpful for business expansion as it launches a second branch.&nbsp;
“Those of us who go to work in Korea are not from a business background, so the switch from an employee to becoming self-employed is difficult especially in a country like ours,” Tamang says. “Start-up failure rates are high globally, if we don’t understand the market and launch businesses without proper preparation, the chances of failure will be high and we lose our hard-earned money.”
There are returnees who rush to businesses and subsequently fail. In the <a href="https://drive.google.com/file/d/1uR6pzwfR91KAezRODgDIz2FWI6m2xjPL/view">Diaspora Diaries series</a> in this newspaper, one consistent advice, based on their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/diaspora-diaries/finding-a-niche-in-nepal">own failures</a> in some cases, has always been to take time just to understand Nepal's market before rushing into a business even if it is a sector they have years of overseas experience in.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/overseas-job-seeker-now-creates-jobs-in-nepal">Overseas job-seeker now creates jobs in Nepal</a>, Mahesh Sah
The decision ‘to return to Nepal or remain overseas’ for current migrants is perhaps tougher than the decision youth face to ‘migrate or stay in Nepal’. Migrants with the intention to return, whether by choice as they have stayed overseas enough, or because their contracts are ending, need more support with developing their plans back home.&nbsp;
This includes workers from the Middle East and Malaysia who inevitably return, not just EPS workers from Korea. In the Philippines, the Technical Education and Skills Development (<a href="https://www.tesda.gov.ph/">TESDA</a>), offers an <a href="https://e-tesda.gov.ph/course/index.php?categoryid=467">online</a> self-based business entrepreneurship program targeting current overseas Filipinos.&nbsp;
Such resources would also be useful for<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/50-diaspora-diaries-in-nepali-times"> Nepali migrants</a> who are trying to decide whether to return and what to do after returning. &nbsp;
Upasana Khadka heads <a href="https://www.migration-lab.com/">Migration Lab</a>, a social enterprise aimed at making migration outcomes better for workers and their families. Labour Mobility is a regular column in Nepali Times.

Upasana Khadka

Social remittance

Last month, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced that the first official <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/reaction-to-wang-yi-s-nepal-visit-in-chinese-media">foreign visit </a>of the commission in her second term would be to India. On the same day, Marco Rubio held his first bilateral meeting as US Secretary of State with India’s minister of external affairs, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s two-day visit to Washington last month confirmed his country’s rising international profile. The visit ended with the promise of what Modi called a US-India “mega partnership.” He has committed to double trade with the US by 2030, increase <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/half-full/A-carbon-neutral-Nepal-is-possible-clean-Nepal,1064">oil and gas imports</a>, and expand US military sales to India.
India is now the fastest-growing major <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/how-nepal-can-avert-an-economic-crunch">economy</a>, with the IMF forecasting a 6.5% increase in GDP this year. India is expected to overtake Japan and Germany to become the world’s third-largest economy by 2030.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/india-s-election-and-its-economic-future">India’s election and its economic future</a>, Raghuram G Rajan
Despite its <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/missing-out-on-nepal-s-tourism-potential">vast potential</a>, India has long been overlooked by the West, both <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/ukraine-crisis-hits-nepal-economy-hard">economically</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-politics">geopolitically</a>. But a fundamental global realignment is now underway. America’s ‘unipolar moment’ has given way to an era of great-power competition that, unlike during the Cold War, features demands by emerging and developing economies for a more <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/making-nepal-accessible-to-all">inclusive </a>and representative multilateral system.&nbsp;
In this multipolar age, both the US and Europe see India, a neutral <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/no-binary-foreign-policy?fb_comment_id=3583384368393672_3586424038089705">foreign-policy </a>actor and dynamic<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=18861"> emerging economy</a>, as vital to the future of their strategic priorities.&nbsp;
A founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, India has plenty of experience navigating precarious moments in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=4896">world affairs</a>. During the Cold War, it skillfully balanced its policies toward <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/america-nepal-and-the-royal-coup-qedzifz9">the US and the Soviet Union</a>.&nbsp;
When it engaged with <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/so-far-so-good/the-vagaries-of-fate">the Soviet Union</a>, from which it received considerable <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/civil-military-synergy-in-disaster-management">military assistance</a>, it calibrated its approach to offset US support of Pakistan, without taking sides in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-rich-get-richer-and-more-powerful">great-power competition</a>.&nbsp;
India has since maintained this pragmatic balancing act, adapting its foreign policy to a shifting geopolitical landscape. Today, that means recognising its potential to shape global affairs, including by playing a leading role in building an efficient, realistic, and inclusive multilateralism.&nbsp;
This is reflected in Modi’s pursuit of a more assertive, internationalist foreign policy. Beyond building new partnerships and strengthening old ones, Modi has sought to increase <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-s-hindutva-politics-influencing-nepal">India’s influence </a>in traditional and emerging multilateral fora. In 2023 alone, India held the presidency of both the G20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (a Chinese creation, comprising nine Middle Eastern and Asian countries).&nbsp;
India plays a leading role in the BRICS, and is characteristically nuanced: whereas Russia and, to a significant extent, China see themselves as disruptors of the existing order, India views itself as a reformer. This enables it to maintain strategic flexibility as it advances its interests.&nbsp;
<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-china-rail-race">India’s relationship with China</a> is complicated by other factors. While the countries work together in some fora, they are also locked in protracted<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/india-bangladesh-border-talks-have-lessons-for-nepal"> territorial disputes</a> and a <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-race-for-shital-nibas">competition for leadership</a> in the so-called Global South.&nbsp;
India’s growing global clout, including its appeal to Western powers, stems in large part from its ability to act as a counterweight to China. It is indispensable to the Quad alliance with Australia, Japan, and the US, a grouping that is officially focused on <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-quad-maritime-security-and-climate-change">maritime security</a> and economic cooperation, though its members clearly seek to provide a buffer against China in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/between-two-oceans">Indo-Pacific region</a>. It is thanks to India that the Quad is not viewed as just another Western vehicle.&nbsp;
Modi has sought to bolster India’s Southern credentials, including by highlighting its status as the “mother of democracy”. By framing <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal">democracy</a> as intrinsic to Indian civilisation, rather than a colonial legacy, he aligned India with ‘middle powers’ seeking to redefine global governance on their own terms.&nbsp;
To be sure, Modi has moved India away from the secular and pluralistic values that had flourished after <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-goal-is-empowerment-and-independence-of-women">independence</a>, in favour of assertive <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/unconventional-convention">Hindu nationalism</a>. So many international indices have downgraded India’s democratic status that he is now seeking to create his own.&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/demodification-of-india">Demodification of India</a>, Chandrakishore&nbsp;
Modi is the second leader of independent India (after Jawaharlal Nehru) to be elected to three consecutive terms, and remains a dominant force in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-s-faith-in-politics">Indian politics</a>.&nbsp;
And at a time of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-water-and-electricity">rapid geopolitical change</a>, he is committed to leveraging his position, and India’s profound strengths, to turn it into a global player. India has long had the potential to be an active shaper of international affairs. It has now arrived. &nbsp;&nbsp;© Project Syndicate
Ana Palacio, a former minister of foreign affairs of Spain and former senior vice president and general counsel of the World Bank Group, is a visiting lecturer at Georgetown University.

India has arrived

Rameshwor Bhaiya was a mailman and a chowkidar rolled into one. He was stationed at Loreto College, Southfield in Darjeeling for many many years, until he retired.
I learned the other day from a WhatsApp group that he recently passed away at a hospital in Siliguri after battling throat <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-other-pandemic-cancer">cancer</a> for a long time. I had forgotten all about him until I saw the message.&nbsp;
Rameshwor Bhaiya was a petite, agile man, always taking mails to the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/is-nepal-entering-the-post-post-office-era">post office </a>and fetching them back. He was always busy, walking with brisk, soft steps, sometimes stopping in the lunchroom for a glass of water, the last one sitting down to eat because the mail had to be done in the first hour.&nbsp;
For his physical stature, I cannot recall how he managed his guard work as a chowkidar, but he must have been good at that too, because he kept some 500 girls safe everyday.
Rameshwor Bhaiya always wore his hair oiled and combed back with a side parting, neatly. His postal bag slung over his shoulder, the strap falling across his chest was bulky on some days and some days it would be shriveled up and swinging in the air with the lack of weight.&nbsp;
He wore gray or khaki sweaters mostly and a jacket the same tint. His trousers were in the same shades too, and once in a while, he would spot a colourful shirt -- there was a maroon one with a fading collar. The V of one of his V-neck sweaters had come undone and looked like a Y with a short tail instead and I don’t remember that he ever fixed it.
I do not even remember his full name. But we all understood from a way of understanding caste and religion in South Asia that he was a Hindu, North Indian man who had moved to<a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Connecting-dots/Darjeeling-and-the-idea-of-Nepal,944"> Darjeeling</a> for work. We never understood where his family was because he lived on campus.
The Southfield building was known to have once been the summer palace of a Maharaja of Burdwan, and by then had become Rameshwor Bhaiya’s home. He lived in a small room on the ground floor of the building, close to the lift. Sometimes, he would point at the lift and explain how the pulley worked. It had to be pulled by men to move the lift users up and down the two-storey durbar. But as chowkidar, Rameshwor Bhaiya was the sole nighttime occupant of that house.
In the morning, he woke up to the nuisance of monkeys from the Mahakal temple right above Southfield. And the morning would get noisier as the cleaners came in and then the girls and the teacher would start to trickle in, first slowly and then in quick steps and in full numbers as the bell for the first class went off.
My roommate Meenu and I were sincere letter writers. We wrote to parents, to friends, to admirers sometimes. Sometimes, to boys we crushed on. (I mean, I did.) Meenu was always more careful about how she put her feelings out there. But she was the one always doing couriers home. Her mother would send her parathas and achar and ladoo by courier, all the way from Phuentsholing, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/small-bhutan-dreams-big">Bhutan</a>, our midnight snack. So, Meenu maintained a cordial relationship with Rameshwor Bhaiya.
Our hostel was at the Convent in Springfield and we were only allowed outings on weekends, which meant mails had to often wait a whole week until Saturday. On Sundays we couldn’t mail. That was when Rameshwor Bhaiya would come to our rescue. If we needed to send a mail to the post office or courier something on weekdays, we would give it to him and he would make sure it was done. For us, the Indian postal service’s efficiency thrived on Rameshwor Bhaiya’s existence.
When we returned to hostel life from our holidays, some of us would bring little gifts to the staff. I used to bring pustakari from Nepal for Rameshwor Bhaiya. He said once that it hurt his mouth to suck on them but he still enjoyed it. He was more of a connoisseur of paan, but he appreciated the gesture.
The campus was always bustling with staff, but when I think of Rameshwor Bhaiya letters instantly come to mind. There was the post office and the smell of mail and the feeling of rippling open an envelope and thrusting the fingers into it to reveal its content to the self.&nbsp;
Once or twice, I had surprise letters from a secret admirer and I was worried they would be discovered. No, having a boyfriend was not encouraged. In fact, we were often pre-emtively reminded of the student who went on a walk to the mall road with her boyfriend and was gang-raped by strangers, an incident Late Peter J Karthak records in one of his novels.
So, we led sheltered lives. Mama’s girls and Daddy’s girls, all huddled together in classrooms, heads buried in textbooks, but our minds wondering who to borrow the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/14-books-to-read-gift-love-this-valentine-s">next romance novel</a> from. Cloistered, free of the world’s strings, we bubbled with hope for all kinds of things. Mostly, for what our <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/scoring-a-better-future-for-nepals-soccer-girls">future as women</a> in the real world would be like.
And in his own little way, Rameshwor Bhaiya made lives possible for us because he brought us letters, documents, exam results, notices from the University of West Bengal.
“Is there a letter for me, Rameshwor Bahiya?” Sometimes he would joke and say no even if there was one. Usually there was no mail for me at Southfield. But there was always Rameshwor Bhaiya with his postal bag -- the bag of hope.
Suburban Tales is a monthly column in Nepali Times based on real people (with some names changed) in Pratibha’s life.

Pratibha Tuladhar

Suburban Tales

The man who came bearing letters

The fact that the festival of Holi is celebrated on two different days in Nepal this week is itself an indication of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepalis-moving-from-mountains-to-plains">how the mountains and plains of Nepal</a> are culturally united. The full moon day of Fagu Purnima is marked with much merriment in the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/knowing-our-mountains-43v4iyvo">mountains</a> on Thursday, while the festival of colours is celebrated on Friday in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-tarai-s-shrinking-forests">the Tarai</a>. And it would be fair to say that the passion with which <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/holi-in-birganj">Holi in the plains </a>is several times more intense. In fact, along the Nepal Tarai, holi is celebrated on both days. In many places in Birganj, Janakpur and Rajbiraj, young Hindu or Muslim, Madhesi or Pahadi, celebrate each other’s <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/festivals-of-sisterhood">festivals</a> together. The 2021 census shows that more than half the country’s population now lives <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-tarai-learns-from-past-floods">in the Tarai</a>, and this coexistence has made the Holi mosaic in the Tarai even more colourful.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250312040356_6026f407093ac0acaf39542e71a72279fc67226e50e0f3b2a3e10dc436f58d40.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250312040356_6026f407093ac0acaf39542e71a72279fc67226e50e0f3b2a3e10dc436f58d40" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Holi story 2"> </figure>  The festival proves that as long as the rulers on either side of these borderlands do not mix <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/volatile-mix-of-politics-and-religion">politics with religion</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/decoding-diversity">Nepalis of all faiths and ethnicities</a> can get along as they have for centuries. And example of this are the tradition of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepali-folk-songs-move-beyond-love-and-loss">folk songs</a> in the Bhojpuri language sung during the Holi festival by people in India and Nepal.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=15948">Many tongues, one voice</a>, Amar Kanta Jha One such song actually prays for the prosperity of Nepal: ‘Blessed be Nepal,<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/a-thousand-sadhus-and-a-hanuman"> the land of Pashupati </a>which I will decorate with gold and sprinkle Nepal with silver.’ The lyrics of this song are contained in a 1948 Hindi book, Bhojpuri Folk Songs shows that reverence for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/the-healer-of-pashupati">Pashupati </a>and its role as Nepal’s patron deity is part of the culture on both sides of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/india-s-border-trains-that-connected-nepal">Nepal-India border</a>.&nbsp; The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/languages-are-both-software-and-hardware">language</a> is a bond that ties the people of these borderlands together, but it is also the festival of Holi that cements the people-to-people relations. The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/margins/songs-from-chomolungma">folk songs</a> sung during the festival have been passed down for generations, highlighting the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/barbwire-borders">age-old ties</a>. Holi is celebrated all week this week in Nepal as well as in India with communities gathering in the evenings to sing the ‘Hori’ folk songs. With <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-road-out-of-nepal">outmigration</a>, it is mostly older people who take part in these rituals and there are fewer and fewer people every year who can sing the songs. “The cultural erosion had been happening, but it is accelerating in recent years,” says Harinder Himkar, a historian from the neighbouring Indian state of Bihar. “Because of this, mutual closeness of people <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/borderlines/nepal-india-trans-boundary-bonds">in the border regions of India and Nepal</a> have also diminished.”&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/2025031205030_a0fecd32df939e0a3f642585d9f3133683e7cf332511d20c34b78534a6fdd4bf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_19" data-image-id="2025031205030_a0fecd32df939e0a3f642585d9f3133683e7cf332511d20c34b78534a6fdd4bf" data-rendition-name="original" width="1920" height="1280" loading="lazy" alt="Holi 3"> </figure>  Holi is a festival of love, intimacy and celebration of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/kathmandus-silent-spring">spring</a>. It is flirtatious, and represents the changing of the seasons and new beginnings. Which is why the songs sung are happy and optimistic despite the daily grind that the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/multimedia/strength-in-numbers-for-female-farmers">farming communities</a> here are engaged in. It is believed that<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-deities-in-transit"> the deities </a>Krishna, Shiva, Ram and Sita all splashed colours on each other, and humans are just emulating their merrymaking. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/review/eastern-melodies-in-kathmandu">Folk songs</a> are by definition old. They are moulded by centuries of experience and knowledge that makes them relevant to this day. No one knows who wrote these songs, or who gave them music, and yet they are immortal. This particular Bhojpuri folk song sung at Holi, reminds us that Nepal is an ancient country, and it is Pashupati that is the holy bond. Says cultural historian Ramsharan Agrawal from Sitamarhi, just across the border in Bihar state: “The folk song proves that the ties that bind our civilisations together are ancient, and the fact that there are references to Pashupati and wishing prosperity on the people of Nepal shows just how interconnected we were, and are.” Holi may be celebrated differently on different dates in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/to-save-the-tarai-save-the-siwalik">the Tarai</a> and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/conserving-mountains-for-people-and-nature">the mountains</a>, but it is a festival of solidarity between <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-is-turning-into-a-nation-of-hybrid-identities">different ethnicities </a>and geographies of Nepal. ‘Holi Friendship Ceremonies’ are held in just about every town along the border. Just like the song itself says: “May you be happy all year round, like today.” "आरे धन्य नगर नयपाल हो लाला, धन्य नगर नयपाल हो । आरे जाहवां विराजे पशुपति बाबा, धन्य नगर नयपाल हो। आहो कथिये छवइबो में बाबा के मन्दिलवा, आहो लाला,कथिये छवइबो नयपाल हो सोनवे छविइबो में बाबा के मन्दिलवा रूपवे छवइबो नयपाल हो।" Chandrakishore is a Birganj-based commentator who writes this monthly column Borderlines for Nepali Times. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/un-holi-colours">Un-Holi Colours</a>, Ashish Dhakal

Chandra Kishore

Borderlines

Holi days along the border

Of all the geopolitical stunts <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">Donald Trump</a> has pulled since returning to the White House, the United States’ votes at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) on 4 March stand out as the most revealing. The US opposed a seemingly innocuous resolution establishing an International Day of Peaceful Coexistence and reaffirming the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/how-will-nepal-develop-in-the-next-decade"> UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development</a>. Despite its symbolic nature, the US voted against the resolution, with representative Edward Heartney <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/usun.usmission.gov/remarks-at-the-un-meeting-entitled-58th-plenary-meeting-of-the-general-assembly/" target="_blank">explaining</a> that the US ‘rejects and denounces the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals, and it will no longer reaffirm them as a matter of course’.&nbsp; Despite US opposition, the resolution ultimately passed with 162 countries voting in favour, two abstaining, and only three, the US, Israel and Argentina, voting against. Then the US was the sole vote against a resolution reaffirming ‘the right of everyone to education … including equal opportunities for young women' likely because it conflicted with a pillar of the Trump administration’s domestic agenda: dismantling diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250311100316_36e63634a5e29d69a64b4245e40401c4f731ee12a6918545f64e04023762bf09.jpg" data-media-id="editor_3" data-image-id="20250311100316_36e63634a5e29d69a64b4245e40401c4f731ee12a6918545f64e04023762bf09" data-rendition-name="original" width="800" height="533" loading="lazy" alt="UNGA 1"> <figcaption>The General Assembly also voted on a draft resolution titled Education for democracy with only the United States voting against it.</figcaption> </figure>  These moves may well foreshadow America’s withdrawal from the UN, something Elon Musk and other Trump supporters have <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/nypost.com/2025/03/02/us-news/elon-musk-appears-to-back-us-withdrawing-from-nato-the-un/" target="_blank">urged</a>. Trump has <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/theconversation.com/trump-pulls-out-of-who-and-paris-how-did-international-bodies-get-through-deglobalisation-last-time-around-247919" target="_blank">already pulled</a> the US out of the WHO, and abandoned the Paris climate agreement.&nbsp; His administration has also <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/02/withdrawing-the-united-states-from-and-ending-funding-to-certain-united-nations-organizations-and-reviewing-united-states-support-to-all-international-organizations/" target="_blank">withdrawn</a> the US from several UN bodies, including the Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and the Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), and is now reassessing its involvement in the UN Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).&nbsp; This week, the non-profit group Civicusannounced the inclusion of the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/mar/09/watchlist-decline-civic-freedoms-civicus">US on its 2026 Watchlist</a>, alongside the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Italy, Pakistan and Serbia. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-first-month">The Trump administration </a>is not merely unhappy with certain international institutions, it is fundamentally opposed to any multilateral framework that even suggests equality among countries. Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump shock wave hits Nepal</a>, Sudiksha Tuladhar Some analysts <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/theglobalobservatory.org/2024/11/what-might-be-in-store-for-the-united-nations-under-a-second-trump-presidency/" target="_blank">argue</a> that a complete US withdrawal from the UN is unlikely, given the disproportionate influence America wields through its Security Council veto. But given Trump’s law-of-the-jungle approach to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-politics">geopolitics </a>even that advantage may no longer seem essential. Should the US leave the UN, the financial consequences could be immediate and severe. As the UN’s largest financial backer, the US <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/financingun.report/un-financing/un-funding/funding-entity" target="_blank">contributed a record $18.1 billion</a> in 2022, accounting for roughly 20% of the organization’s total funding. Notably, more than <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/financingun.report/un-financing/un-funding/funding-entity" target="_blank">70%</a> of US contributions went to just four UN entities: 40% to the World Food Programme (WFP), 12% to the High Commissioner for Refugees, 10% to UNICEF, and another 10% to the Department of Peace Operations. And since much of this funding was <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/oig.usaid.gov/sites/default/files/2023-05/UN%20Orgs%20Graphic%20051823.pdf" target="_blank">channeled through USAID</a> which Trump has shut down, it may have already vanished. Given the current geopolitical climate, it would take nothing short of a miracle for other governments to step in immediately to fill the gap. As a result, many critical and life-saving UN programs are now at risk.&nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-great-game-2nd-half">The Great Game, 2nd Half</a>, Sonia Awale The paradigm shift in US foreign policy does not necessarily signal the impending decline or outright collapse of multilateralism and the UN system despite the Trump administration bullying individual countries rather than work through international institutions.&nbsp; As the world’s leading superpower turns its back on global cooperation, the system of multilateral governance that the US helped establish nearly eight decades ago could begin to unravel. Paradoxically, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-diminishing-power-and-rising-rage">Trump’s actions</a> could also serve as a catalyst for greater <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal">international cooperation</a>, impelling other countries to work together more closely. The reason is simple: no matter how vehemently the White House denies it, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/living-with-climate-anxiety">humanity’s most pressing challenges</a> are global in nature. They will not go away simply because Trump refuses to acknowledge them. <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-needs-to-get-its-climate-act-together">Climate change</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/environmental-destruction-is-a-medical-emergency">environmental degradation</a>, extreme <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/institutionalised-inequality">inequality</a>, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/is-free-health-care-possible-in-nepal">emerging health threats</a>, the rise of disruptive <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/tech-and-transition-in-nepal">new technologies</a>, and the erosion of stable employment all transcend national borders.&nbsp; Global solidarity is thus not just a moral imperative but an existential one. Many political leaders seem to understand this and <a href="https://archive.ph/o/8f1Hp/https:/geopolitique.eu/en/2025/03/06/lula-ramaphosa-sanchez-joining-forces-to-overcome-global-challenges/" target="_blank">remain committed to multilateralism</a>. International negotiations on taxation, climate action, and development financing are moving forward, even without US participation. In fact, the absence of the US, which has all too often acted as a spoiler anyway even under previous administrations, could pave the way for more ambitious and effective global agreements. In this sense, the current climate of uncertainty and upheaval could represent a unique opportunity to build a truly international movement for progressive change.©Project Syndicate&nbsp; Jayati Ghosh, Professor of Economics at the University of Massachusetts Amherst, is a member of the Club of Rome’s Transformational Economics Commission.

The UN vs Trump 2.0

In the first 30 days of his <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/trump-s-second-coming">second presidential term</a>, Donald Trump and his associates have been engaged in what some have described as a slow-moving political coup. &nbsp;
The incoming president has undertaken what amounts to a full-scale attack on institutional checks and balances and on civil and political rights. He has launched sharp policy reversals in critical areas of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/poor-health">public health</a>, social services, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/don-t-fix-what-ain-t-broke">environmental protection</a>. And in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/at-home-and-abroad">foreign policy</a>, he has upended decades-old political and military alignments intended to defend against potential aggression by autocratic rivals such as Russia and China. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Elsewhere in the world, similar actions have led to the emergence of what political scientists have called “<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/people-power-removes-bangladesh-leader">competitive authoritarian regimes</a>,” ones in which democratic institutions become facades that disguise the reality of autocratic control.&nbsp;
Although it is far too soon to say how Trump’s onslaught will end, it is very important to highlight the major differences between his current threats to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/is-democracy-too-expensive-for-nepal">democracy</a> and those posed <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-climate-stakes-of-the-us-election">during his first term</a>. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Trump 1.0 attacked deeply held norms of political discourse and practice, intensifying the social polarisation that had carried him to victory. But U.S. political and constitutional institutions remained more or less intact. Challenges to the democratic system—including on January 6—were contained by congressional opposition, by the courts, by the press, and by civil society. Even—or perhaps especially—resistance from within the Republican party itself also provided an important check on Trump’s abuses of power.
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trumpet-call">Trumpet Call</a>, Shristi Karki&nbsp;
The threat that Trump currently poses to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/un-united-states-of-america">U.S. democracy</a> is far more profound, because it targets legal and constitutional institutions as well as norms. The Congress—currently under the control of now fully loyal Republican majorities—has failed to push back against attacks on independent agencies, the dismissal of Inspectors General, and efforts to weaken or eliminate congressionally mandated government agencies through mass firings and the freezing of funds, beginning with the virtual <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/how-usaid-cut-affects-nepal">dismantling of USAID</a>.&nbsp;
A supine Senate has acquiesced to the high-level political appointments of people once considered far outside the mainstream, and it is sitting quietly by while Elon Musk wields extraordinary power to “reform” the state bureaucracy. &nbsp;
Lower courts have moved to block some of these initiatives, but it remains to be seen whether their rulings will be backed by the highly conservative Supreme Court, or even whether Trump will abide by them if they are. Meanwhile, the press, popular movements, and big business—all important checks during the first Trump term—appear dazed, confused, and intimidated this time around. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
So far, the speed and volume of Trump’s actions has kept both supporters and opponents off-balance. Although some of his initiatives are transparently illegal, he has also exploited many gray areas of the law; and, as in other backsliding democracies, this makes it difficult for opponents to coalesce against such challenges.&nbsp;
Worse still, the damage done by some of Trump’s (and Musk’s) early initiatives—particularly to government agencies responsible for health, environment, education, <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/missing-links-in-nepal-s-mcc-debate">foreign assistance</a>, and other critical functions—may already be irreversible. The toll can be measured in lost expertise, interruption of crucial research, suspension of vital services, and increasing threats to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/food-security-is-national-security">national security</a>. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
To understand the magnitude of the threats we currently face in the United States, it is useful to place them in a comparative perspective. In a previous analysis of 16 cases of “<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/stemming-asia-s-democratic-decay">democratic backsliding</a>,” Stephan Haggard and I distinguished between countries where would-be autocrats succeeded in consolidating authoritarian control over the system (“competitive authoritarian regimes”), and those in which they did not.&nbsp;
In both Brazil under Jair Bolsonaro and the United States under Trump 1.0, opposition groups retained critical institutional leverage in the courts, the legislature, and the states, and they were able to successfully contain autocratic initiatives. &nbsp;&nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/trump-shock-wave-hits-nepal">Trump shock wave hits Nepal</a>, Sudiksha Tuladhar
Conversely, in countries such as Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela, elected autocrats headed political movements that gained control of these constitutional institutions, and this control, in turn, provided a cover of legitimacy which allowed them to disempower the opposition and undermine their democratic systems. &nbsp;
Much more than Trump 1.0, the current incarnation of the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/trump-s-diminishing-power-and-rising-rage">Trump presidency </a>bears a substantial resemblance to the democracies that devolved into competitive authoritarianism. Like other backsliders we have analysed, our Congress has enabled, rather than constrained, Trump’s attempts to expand his authority. The independence of the Supreme Court remains in doubt. And much of the opposition is divided and demoralised. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
We have not yet crossed the autocratic threshold, however. Trump’s bid to consolidate power continues to face important challenges that can become increasingly consequential over time. First, while constitutional institutions have been weakened, they remain alive. As noted above, lower courts have so far continued to provide important avenues for efforts to block or at least slow <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-world-should-prepare-for-trump">Trump’s destructive initiatives</a>.&nbsp;
Moreover, it is far from impossible for the opposition party to regain its footing. At the national level, to be sure, the Democrats have very little leverage, but their continued control of many state and city governments offers platforms for significant opposition.&nbsp;
Civil society organisations are also likely to find their voices as the initial shock of the Trump presidency diminishes. And despite the pressure that it is under, the media remains a far more robust forum of opposition and criticism than its counterparts in countries that have yielded to authoritarian takeovers.
As I have written elsewhere, there are also internal fissures within the Trump coalition that are likely to widen as the initial honeymoon fades. The corporate sector—especially the technology giants—have rushed to curry favour with the new administration, in the hope of benefitting from lower taxes and deregulation.But big business is also severely threatened by the disruption of supply chains, high tariffs on imports, attacks on the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/the-truth-about-migration">immigrant labour force</a>, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-geopolitics-of-nepal-s-politics">geopolitical instability</a>. For example, the automotive sector, which is a major employer in the upper Midwest and in a number of red states, faces major challenges from tariffs on steel and restrictions on the imports of parts and materials. &nbsp;
Finally, Trump will face defections from his own voters as his trade and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/two-decades-of-debate-on-female-migration">immigration policies</a> begin to undermine their aspirations for stable prices and secure employment. And discontent will grow if the administration fails to fend off new public health crises or if it proves unable to manage international conflicts in Ukraine, the Middle East, and Asia. &nbsp;&nbsp;
To be sure, despite these problems, the MAGA base (about 30%of the electorate) is very likely to remain loyal; and in the current media environment, many other Trump voters might be confused about who is accountable for the difficulties they are experiencing. &nbsp;&nbsp;
But in contrast to elected autocrats such as Orban or Erdogan, Trump’s electoral support has been weak to begin with—less than 50% in the 2024 elections—and approval rates are already beginning to fall. In our polarised society, we cannot expect Trump’s electoral support to collapse entirely, but the defection of at least some of his voters is likely to provide some wind at the back of the Democratic opposition and to weaken the loyalty of some Republican political leaders. &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
The launch of Trump 2.0 has been extremely frightening, and as noted, some of the damage it has already inflicted on the state’s capacity to provide public services and international security will be extremely difficult—or even impossible—to repair. &nbsp;
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-great-game-2nd-half">The Great Game, 2nd Half</a>, Sonia Awale
Even if Trump’s initiatives are eventually blocked, moreover, the long-term health of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-s-illiberal-democracy">our democratic system</a> will remain precarious in the absence of new and innovative approaches to our long-standing social and political problems.&nbsp;
But whether or not such approaches succeed, preventing a descent into authoritarianism would be no small achievement. At the very least, it would leave the road open for the construction of a fairer and more robust democratic system after Trump leaves the scene. &nbsp;
Robert R. Kaufman is an Emeritus Professor of Political Science, Rutgers University. &nbsp;He is co-author of Backsliding: Democratic Regress in the Contemporary World, Cambridge University Press, 2021.
This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and is being republished from <a href="https://toda.org/global-outlook/2025/trumps-first-month-flooding-the-zone.html">the original</a> with their permission.

Trump’s First Month

Besides multiple <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/republicans-and-royalists-on-nepal-s-streets">street demonstrations </a>that gridlocked Kathmandu’s traffic for the past weeks, public discourse in Nepal has also been dominated by dangerously <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/air-pollution-is-more-dangerous-than-smoking">high air pollution levels</a>. Caused mostly by hundreds of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/wildfire-season-starts-early-in-nepal">forest fires </a>raging across the country, the smoke contains suspended soot particles that harms <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/playing-with-poison">human health</a>. Thursday’s rain have cleared the air somewhat, and many people will soon forget how bad the air quality was. But the time to address the roots of next summer’s fire season is now.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250411060440_d1a119716a9031aadfdd611d299348d436842d376a03e664b8d773957a237524.jpg" data-media-id="editor_4" data-image-id="20250411060440_d1a119716a9031aadfdd611d299348d436842d376a03e664b8d773957a237524" data-rendition-name="original" width="502" height="540" loading="lazy" alt="Wildfires"> <figcaption>EXTINGUISHED: Forest fires raging all over Nepal in the week after 3 March (above) reduced air quality, creating a public health hazard in Kathmandu and across the country. Each red dot is a fire detected by infrared sensors on the NASA Fire Information for Resource Management System (FIRMS) satellite. But the rain on Thursday doused most of the fires (below) with more rain forecast over the weekend.</figcaption> </figure>  The reason everyone was talking about air pollution was because the<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/nepal-is-going-up-in-smoke"> smoke from wildfires</a> was visible. But much more toxic are the invisible and odourless <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-doubles-its-carbon-footprint">gases from vehicular and industrial emissions </a>which have always been there. The theme of World Health Day on 7 April this week was ‘Healthy Beginnings, Hopeful Futures’ dedicated to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/opinion/comment/saving-more-mothers-and-babies">preventing maternal and newborn deaths</a>. It is estimated that in Nepal, 30% of neonatal mortality can be blamed on air pollution. But that is only part of the story. Harmful as fine particulate matter is to human health, carbon monoxide, nitrogen dioxide, ground-level ozone and other gases in vehicular emissions are more hazardous to health. While the concentration of suspended particulate matter tinier than 1.5 microns (PM2.5) is closely monitored, these toxic gases are invisible, not measured much, and the public is not aware about the dangers they pose. Surface ozone is produced by the interaction of various gases found when <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/fossil-fuels-poison-air">burning fossil fuels</a>. Besides being poisonous, ground level ozone contributes up to 0.23°C to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-mountains-are-melting">global warming</a> because it is also a greenhouse gas. A new policy brief by the Clean Air Fund titled The Case for Action on Tropospheric Ozone blames surface ozone for a half a million premature deaths every year, 54.8% of which are in South Asia. Ozone also stunts plant growth and reduces crop yields by 26% globally, and 11% loss in <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/economic-benefits-of-saving-the-ecology">forest productivity</a>, the report adds.&nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250411060456_aa02a923f8b27544ae54d0220162678f5bbb5eeb8fc3c466173c22c49b3e9a85.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250411060456_aa02a923f8b27544ae54d0220162678f5bbb5eeb8fc3c466173c22c49b3e9a85" data-rendition-name="original" width="998" height="724" loading="lazy" alt="Gas Chambers"> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/bad-air-and-polluted-politics">Bad air and polluted politics</a>, Sonia Awale Ground-level ozone is not emitted directly into the air like other gases, but is formed when oxides of nitrogen (NOx), carbon monoxide (CO) and volatile organic compounds (VOCs) released from automobile tailpipes or industry smokestacks react chemically with each other in the presence of sunlight. The main source of carbon monoxide in Kathmandu Valley are its 1.2 million two-wheelers. “Usually the concentration of carbon monoxide is 200-500 parts per billion (ppb), this has increased up to 3,000 in Kathmandu. Meanwhile, ground-level ozone has gone from 70-80 ppb to 150 ppb,” says Ravi Sahu, regional air quality specialist with the Kathmandu-based International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD).&nbsp; Sahu says <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/no-smoke-without-fire-p7vb9dcj">rampant forest fires of the past weeks</a> have also added to carbon monoxide and ozone in the air, not just the fine particles that make up the visible smoke. He adds, “There isn’t much awareness about <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/poisoning-the-air-we-breathe">ground-level ozone and carbon monoxide</a>, we need to urgently look into it.” A distinction must be made between good and bad ozone. Stratospheric ozone protects living beings from harmful ultraviolet (UV) radiation from the sun.&nbsp; Tropospheric ozone can again be separated into two types: ozone in the free atmosphere which is a greenhouse gas much more potent than carbon dioxide, and ground-level ozone which has adverse impacts on health and agriculture. ‘Cutting tropospheric ozone presents a unique challenge as it requires smart and fast action across multiple greenhouse gases and air pollutants, as well as multiple economic sectors,’ notes the Clean Air Fund's policy briefing. ‘It is a growing and neglected problem that needs an integrated approach on both a local and global level to tackle climate change and air pollution together.’ Dying young There was a time when Nepal made it to international news bulletins only if there were fatalities on Mt Everest. Now, Kathmandu’s bad air frequently makes headlines all over the world. This past week, the concentration of PM2.5 that harms human health was up to 40 times the WHO recommended guideline — adding to the poisonous gases already present from vehicle emissions. The Department of Environment says 40% of the pollution in the past weeks was from wildfires sparked by nearly 6 months without substantial rain over central Nepal. Most of the rest is from vehicular and industrial emissions from Kathmandu itself and across the southern border. NASA’s Fire Information and Resource Management System (FIRMS) which issues daily maps of fires, showed hundreds of blazes raging across Nepal on Wednesday, mainly in Chitwan, Parsa and along the East-West Highway.&nbsp; “If we look at the figures for the last few years, it is clear that wildfires have become the biggest source of air pollution, they are seasonal but have overtaken vehicular emissions,” says urban planner and environmentalist Bhushan Tuladhar. “Forest fires, stubble burning, and open burning of garbage are the bigger problems now. Nepal, India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan are at risk every year, we shouldn’t further delay in finding solutions,” warned air quality expert Bhupendra Das during an event on air pollution organised on 7 March by the Nepal Forum of Environmental Journalists (NEFEJ).&nbsp; Indeed, studies have shown that in winter 60% of the air pollution over Kathmandu is transboundary from the south, and in November it is compounded by smoke from crop residue burning by farmers in India and Pakistan blown in by prevailing winds. Forest fires are a regular pre-monsoon occurrence in Nepal, often intentionally set by farmers and herders to stimulate new grass growth for livestock. Winter rains have failed for eight of the past ten years, and this means the fires often spread out of control. The other reason for the increase in wildfires is the doubling of forest fires to 46% of the country’s area in the past 25 years. But this has happened simultaneously with outmigration, with some mountain districts losing 30% of their population between 2011-2021. With less pressure on forests for fodder and firewood, the undergrowth of community forests is loaded with dry fuel just waiting for a spark. The bowl-shaped topography of Kathmandu, Pokhara and other valleys further concentrates pollutants as they are trapped by surrounding mountains. But a year with a high number of wildfires is usually followed by a year or two with fewer incidents. For example: there were 6,537 fires in 2021 but the following year the number was down to 1,528. There were 5,216 fires last year, this year the number has already reached 1,800, and the trend is likely to be broken. Heavy rains forecast for the coming days are expected to douse some of the fires and clean up the air. But the damage has been done: Kathmandu residents of all age groups this week crowded clinics and hospitals with burning eyes, itchy throats, difficulty breathing, headaches, and dizziness. But in the longer term, soot particles that are tiny enough to jump the blood-air divide in lung capillaries do not just cause Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD), asthma, but also cancers, heart attacks, strokes, birth defects and other chronic diseases. The latest Air Quality Life Index (AQLI) report by the University of Chicago shows that the annual concentration of PM2.5 in Kathmandu’s air rose from 17.87µg/m3 in 1998 to 31.33µg/m3 in 2022. Air pollution has got worse by 75% in Kathmandu in 25 years. During this time, air pollution has reduced the average life expectancy of Kathmandu’s residents by 3.5 years. According to the Health Effects Institute in Boston, dirty air is among the biggest public health concerns in Nepal killing over 42,100 a year. The adverse impact of high levels of air pollution is not limited to public health, it is seriously affecting tourism. Operators in Pokhara this week said that there were many negative online posts by visitors unable to see the famous panorama of Machapuchre and the Annapurnas even from Sarangkot. Aviation is also affected, as planes have to circle sometimes for hours burning a lot of fuel because of runway visibility being below minima at Kathmandu airport. The higher fuel cost is just passed down to customers, making air tickets in and out of Kathmandu some of the highest in the world. Kathmandu, with a population of four million, has not implemented a concrete policy to curb toxic air despite having formulated various action plans and repeated commitments by the government to protect the environment and control air pollution. The Department of Environment’s 2017 Air Quality Management Action Plan for Kathmandu put forward a policy to reduce air pollution caused by vehicles which was approved by the Cabinet, but has yet to be put to practice. The action included the immediate implementation of the Euro 5 emission standard to reduce pollution emitted by vehicles. However, Nepal has not even been able to implement Euro 4 standards so far. India, meanwhile, has already moved forward with the implementation of the Euro 6 standards. Says Ravi Sahu: “Air pollution in Nepal is not just about air pollution, it has ties to tourism, aviation, the economy so we must be prepared for annual conditions like forest fires, and this requires urgent interdisciplinary collaboration.” &nbsp;  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250411050452_821d09e283d8a590f1369bfb71b9b7fc6d950726e0651ea86c6488d04deb1742.jpg" data-media-id="editor_15" data-image-id="20250411050452_821d09e283d8a590f1369bfb71b9b7fc6d950726e0651ea86c6488d04deb1742" data-rendition-name="original" width="839" height="784" loading="lazy" alt="Silent Killers"> </figure>  &nbsp;

What is invisible is more dangerous

On Tuesday, leader of the monarchist RPP once again gathered on Kathmandu’s streets to deliver fiery speeches, but this time there was no arson and looting and no need for riot police to fire live rounds or tear gas.
RPP leaders demanded the release of their members including vice-president Rabindra Mishra and MP Dhawal Shamsher Rana were arrested during the violent <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/republicans-and-royalists-on-nepal-s-streets">28 March protests at Tinkune </a>which left two dead. 
They denounced the current leadership of the main parties, demanding the <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/nepal-party-reincarnating-hindu-monarchy">restitution of Nepal as a Hindu kingdom</a>. They also said the government was responsible for the fatalities on 28 March because it provoked its rally with a tear gas attack even before it started.
It has now been revealed that the police fired at least 100 live rounds from high powered assault rifles at the crowd. Twenty-one of the 120 injured received bullet wounds, and most of them were bystanders and people trying to reach home. 
Tuesday protest on the Ring Road in Balkhu was much more subdued, and comparatively fewer RPP supporters showed up. The arson and vandalism in the previous protest appears to have cost some support for <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/the-ghost-of-monarchy-returns-to-haunt-nepal">former king Gyanendra </a>especially for the anointment of medical tycoon and bank defaulter <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/street-politics">Durga Prasai </a>as ‘commander’ of the Tinkune rally.
Some monarchists acknowledge Gyanendra’s mistakes when was king 2001-2008, but say he has had a lot of time to reflect on his shortcomings and seems more disciplined and committed. His supporters have tried to build on nostalgia among some Nepalis for<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/why-invest-in-nepal"> domestic stability </a>and international respect that <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/if-birendra-was-alive-nepal-could-still-be-a-monarchy">the monarchy</a> commanded. 
“Nepalis were promised better service delivery, opportunities for the underserved, as well as better, more honest use of state resources, but the <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=16992">people in leadership </a>have not been able to deliver on their commitments,” says RPP leader Prakash Chandra Lohani. “The gap between their rhetoric and reality has widened, the people feel betrayed, and the respect Nepali people had previously had for them has changed to revulsion.” 
Indeed, many commentators have warned the three main parties and their <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/editorial/politics-as-usual">serial prime ministers</a> who have ruled Nepal for much of the past 30 years should address rising public anger with them, and see the writing on the wall.
‘<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-government-changes-again">The UML, NC and Maoists</a> must introspect about their conduct,” warns Gunaraj Luitel, editor of Nagarik, in an op-ed this week. ‘These leaders for life may save themselves from simmering public anger, but they will not be able to save the system. The monarchist wave can only be dispelled when citizens are assured of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-local-election-gives-power-back-to-people">better governance</a> through <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/latest/real-world-training-for-youth-leaders">younger leaders</a>, and reforms.’ 
Rifts between radical royals who are gunning for a return to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/mob-movement-and-mayhem">Panchayat-style absolutism </a>and moderate monarchists who favour a constitutional king have also weakened the movement somewhat. The split between the RPP and RPP-Nepal cost the royalists numbers in Parliament in 2022, and both parties denounced the violence last month, albeit shifting the blame on the government.
The irony is that the same royalists who want to scrap the republican Constitution had formed electoral alliances with the UML during the 2022 elections. RPP-Nepal chair Kamal Thapa contested the 2022 election with the UML. Thapa has not taken part in the last two rallies, saying he will only be a part of a movement under a national flag, and not a RPP party banner.
For his part, the RPP’s Rajendra Lingden is said to be hesitant to censure some of his party’s more radical royalists for fear of fissure within his ranks, despite his aversion to Durga Prasai’s role. 
Analysts have questioned why <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/old-is-still-gold-in-nepali-politics">supporters of the monarchy </a>have decided to reestablish an institution that would not ultimately have executive decision-making power. There are doubts about whether authoritarian-minded Gyanendra will be satisfied being a <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=13957">ceremonial king</a>. 
Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nepal-s-deja-vu-on-black-friday">Nepal’s déjà vu on Black Friday</a>, Sonia Awale
"The Nepali people will not accept <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/forgotten-woman-who-sheltered-communist-activists">an absolute monarchy </a>at this point of time, and both the public as well as <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=8371">king Gyanendra</a> are fully aware that there is no other possibility beyond a constitutional monarchy," asserts the RPP’s Lohani. “The traditional monarchy’s institutional capacity might have been enough to meet the needs of feudal Nepal, but an absolute monarchy is impossible both in concept and practice in the context of <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/Economic-Class/waiting-for-an-industrial-revolution,784">modern day Nepal</a>.”

New year revolutions

Every earthquake, even a minor one, shakes <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/clash-of-cultures-in-bhaktapur">Bhaktapur</a> more severely than other parts of <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/time-capsule-of-kathmandu">Kathmandu Valley</a>, and <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/nepal-s-traditional-seismic-resistant-designs">seismologists</a> attribute this to its soil structure. It was no different<a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/lessons-not-learned-from-2015-o2etq6zu"> in 2015 when a 7.8M earthquake rocked central Nepal</a>. Brown dust from collapsed buildings blanketed the town like a sand storm. Even 10 years later, the scars of that disaster are all around, even though most of the monuments have been rebuilt.&nbsp; At the entrance to <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/banner/clash-of-cultures-in-bhaktapur">Bhaktapur Darbar Square</a> is the Rameswar temple, where workers are lifting bricks to repair the damage. The Vatsala Durga temple inside the palace complex collapsed, but the all-stone structure has been masterfully restored.&nbsp; The Yaksheswar Mahadev temple is encased in a bamboo scaffold. Piles of bricks and tiles &nbsp;are stacked below it. Some workers are on top of the temple, while others work on the ground mixing mortar. To the north of the Darbar Square is the Fasi Dega temple which has been rebuilt. The 55-window palace and the art museum which were damaged have also been repaired.&nbsp; The <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/news/nyatapola-alight">five-storey Nyatapola</a>, which survived both the 1934 and 2015 earthquakes, just underwent a $6.3 million renovation. In Taumadhi Square below, the Biska Jatra chariot is under construction for upcoming festivities. Some tourists are on it, posing for pictures.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250407090432_8da447f3cf32a67ba22eedda74af74a6636cd001b544a303eb8e5f8adf3115e3.jpg" data-media-id="editor_6" data-image-id="20250407090432_8da447f3cf32a67ba22eedda74af74a6636cd001b544a303eb8e5f8adf3115e3" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1284" loading="lazy" alt="Bhaktabur rebuilt 10 years after Nepal earthquake NT 1"> <figcaption>All photos: AJAY HAKAJU</figcaption> </figure>  Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/article/nation/Monumental-loss,2215">Monumental loss</a> At Pottery Square, three workers sit atop an under-construction structure whittling away with chisels. Nearby houses are still supported by wooden beams. Dattatreya Square was also damaged during the earthquake, but has been renovated.&nbsp; <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/born-again-after-the-earthquake">After the earthquake</a>, the international community rushed in with offers of help. Kathmandu’s Hanuman Dhoka was restored by the Chinese, Gaddi Baithak by the Americans and various countries ‘adopted’ other monuments. But Bhaktapur declined assistance. UNESCO wanted to be involved since Bhaktapur had been a World Heritage Site since 1979. Germany wanted to help with a €10 million grant, since it had spearheaded the Bhaktapur Development Project 40 years ago.&nbsp; “We believed that we should be able to reconstruct our monuments ourselves,” says Ram Govinda Shrestha, an architect with the municipality. Indeed, Kathmandu Valley has historically rebuilt after every major earthquake with its own resources. Architect and conservationist Rabindra Puri says, “It is shameful to let someone else come in and do the reconstruction for us, especially since the manpower and material would be ours anyway. Why use money from elsewhere?”  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250407090436_7f19bc8a185c9f71404db44fba086438d6c29a3acb63a63d027cbdd4053e1b4f.jpg" data-media-id="editor_9" data-image-id="20250407090436_7f19bc8a185c9f71404db44fba086438d6c29a3acb63a63d027cbdd4053e1b4f" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1123" loading="lazy" alt="Bhaktabur rebuilt 10 years after Nepal earthquake NT 1"> </figure>  The budget for reconstruction came from the government, town entry fees, taxes, and donations. That was the easy part. But this was followed by multiple discussions between the municipality, the National Reconstruction Authority (NRA), the Department of Archaeology, and multiple stages of proposals, designs, estimations, and building. New committees had to be formed at every step. “Part of the reason why there were so many steps is because we have to let the government know that we were working as frugally as possible,” recalls Shrestha. It cost more than $200 million to rebuild the 116 heritage structures that were destroyed and damaged.&nbsp; Nevertheless, Bhaktapur stands as a model of locally sourced reconstruction in every way. Community people themselves got their hands dirty along with domestic workers and learned various aspects of reconstruction. “We showed what is possible when locals feel a strong sense of responsibility,” adds Shrestha. Read also: <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/page/tourists-trickle-back-to-Bhaktapur">Bhaktapur is waiting for you</a>, Peregrine Frissell But while the monuments were rebuilt, it was not the same with residential buildings. Many of them still have cracks running down their brick façades, and some neighbourhoods are still in ruins with small trees and bushes growing from the rubble.&nbsp; More than 300 people were killed and over 2,000 wounded in house collapses in Bhaktapur. There were some dramatic rescues, including of a baby Sonish Awal who was rescued by an APF team 24 hours after being buried under the rubble.&nbsp; Sonish is now 10 years old, and his house has been rebuilt. The government vowed to ‘Build Back Better’ as fast as possible, by removing bureaucratic hurdles and grant Rs300,000 in three instalments, as well as access to loans at low interest. But things did not go smoothly.  <figure> <img src="https://publisher-publish.s3.eu-central-1.amazonaws.com/pb-nepalitimes/swp/asv65r/media/20250407090436_d503e5c966f33978abf99a0fa8307369d81bcc6a6e5d768cf88b7dee273cb6cf.jpg" data-media-id="editor_11" data-image-id="20250407090436_d503e5c966f33978abf99a0fa8307369d81bcc6a6e5d768cf88b7dee273cb6cf" data-rendition-name="original" width="2000" height="1123" loading="lazy" alt="Bhaktabur rebuilt 10 years after Nepal earthquake NT 1"> </figure>  “Bhaktapur is very dense, so there was a lot of confusion about where property lines ended, and where walls were,” says Biswanath Sujakhu, a municipality engineer. There were also disputes in families with multiple sons who had stakes in the house, as the act treated them as a single household.&nbsp; Many of the disputes have not been resolved yet, which is why there are so many ruins. &nbsp;Homeowners who chose to remake their houses to look traditional were promised further subsidies of up to Rs300,000, but even that was not enough to pay for the Rs5 million or so needed to build a multi-storey cement structure.&nbsp; Banks weren’t giving loans easily, and multiple changes to the NRA chief meant the grants were not easy to access. Many residents took high-interest loans from local cooperatives. Or they were forced to undersell their land plots. “Bhaktapur also had restrictions about the styles and height of buildings, but many houses didn’t comply as people could only work with the money they had at the time,” adds Sujakhu. Nepal Vocational Academy, established by Rabindra Puri two years before the earthquake in 2013, played a crucial role. The academy produced enough masons, woodcarvers, and stone carvers so that there wasn’t a shortage. The students were also involved in <a href="https://archive.nepalitimes.com/regular-columns/guest-editorial/guest-editorial-better-late-than-never,891">reconstruction efforts</a> across the country. Puri has just one gripe: “A lot of old houses that were perfectly fine were torn down for no reason. Those houses are 200-300 years old and could have been restored instead of being reconstructed.” &nbsp; Read also: <a href="https://nepalitimes.com/here-now/in-with-the-old-in-nepal">In with the old in Nepal</a>, Shriluna Shrestha